No More Learning

27)
where the collocation from Spenser to Flecknoe' appears as an equivalent to ‘from the
top to the bottom of all poetry. ' Some curious early lines by Marvell entitled Fleckno,
an English Priest at Rome, describe him as reciting his verses in a lodging, “three
stair-cases high' (Grosart's Fuller Worthies edition of The Complete Works of Andrew
Marvell, vol. 1, pp. 229 ff. ). They first appeared in 1681, and may, possibly, have
suggested Dryden's choice. ' Though he reprinted the poem with corrections in 1684,
he does not appear to have acknowledged it as his before 1692.


## p. 41 (#63) ##############################################

Mac Flecknoe
41
'aged prince' is represented as abdicating his rule over the
realms of Nonsense' in favour of Shadwell. This humorous fancy
forms the slight action of the piece, which terminates with a mock
catastrophe suggested by one of Shadwell's own comedies. Thus,
with his usual insight, Dryden does not make any attempt to lengthen
out what is in itself one of the most successful examples of the species
-the mock heroic-which it introduced into English literature.
Pope, as is well known, derived the idea of his Dunciad from Mac
Flecknoe; but, while the later poem assumed the proportions of an
elaborate satire against a whole tribe of dunces as well as against
one egregious dunce, Dryden's is a jeu d'esprit, though one brilliant
-enough to constitute an unanswerable retort upon unwarrantable
provocation. " Slight as it is, Mac Flecknoe holds a place of its
1
own among Dryden's masterpieces in English satirical poetry.
This cycle of Dryden's writings is completed by his share in the
Second Part of Absalom and Achitophel, published in November
1682, a few weeks after Mac Flecknoe, and in the same month as
Religio Laici. Dryden could therefore hardly have had time for ex-
tensive collaboration with Nahum Tate, a painstaking and talented
writer who, with enduring success, adapted King Lear and took part
in a version of the Psalms with Nicholas Brady', and who, in his
turn, was poet laureate (from 1692 to 1715). Tate, who had the
gift of being able to accommodate himself to diverse styles, not un-
skilfully copied Dryden's—here and there taking over lines bodily
from part 1; but it is clear that, apart from the characters of Doeg
and Og (Settle and Shadwell) and the powerful lines preceding
them, which include the denunciation of Judas (Robert Ferguson
'the Plotter'), the masterhand added not a few touches, from the
opening couplet onwards. Elkanah Settle, whose reputation was
greater in his own day than it has been with posterity, had invited
the lash by a long reply to Absalom and Achitophel entitled Ab-
salom Senior, or Achitophel Transpros'd, in which others are said
to have assisted him. The characters of the two lampooners remain
the non plus ultra of haughty satirical contempt. Instead oí
the wary assailant of political and social leaders like Achitophel
and Zimri, we are now confronted by the writer of genius spurning,
1 The scornful reference in part II, v. 403 to Sternbold and Hopkins's version is by
Dryden.
* Cf. ante, p. 26. It is in this that occurs the curious charge, which, however,
Dryden declared false, that, at one time, he
would have been his own loath'd thing, call'd priest.
A second reply attributed to Settle seems not to have been his. See Malone, u. s.
pp. 160—3.


## p. 42 (#64) ##############################################

42
Dryden
with ruthless scorn, the brotherhood in letters of a Doeg or an Og;
what is best and strongest in the satirist seems now up in arms.
Religio Laici, which, for reasons easily guessed, was not
reprinted by Dryden in his lifetime after the third edition (1683),
is classed (by Scott) among his political and historical poems; but
its primary interest is personal, as must have been his primary
motive in composing it. He wished to know where, in the matter
of religion, he stood. Now, for Dryden, there was but one way of
realising any position which he held or any line of conduct on
which he had determined. This was to place it before himself with
the aid of his pen, at whose bidding, if the expression may be
allowed, his thoughts at once fell into lucid order, ready for argu-
mentative battle. Though Johnson's wish may, in some degree,
be father to the thought, when he declares Religio Laici to be
almost the only poem by Dryden which may be regarded as a
voluntary effusion, Saintsbury has rightly insisted on the spon-
taneous character of the poem. This spontaneity is, indeed, all
but essential to the conception of the work; nor was there any
possible motive or reason for simulating it.
The title, of course, was anything but original. Lord Herbert
of Cherbury's treatise De Religione Laici had been published in
1633, Sir Thomas Browne's Religio Medici ten years later. With
Dryden, though not with Browne, the emphasis rests on the second
noun of the title. Amidst the disputations and controversies of
learned theologians, a plain word seems not uncalled for from one
who can contribute nothing but commonsense and goodwill, un-
alloyed by self-opinionatedness. Thus, the layman's religion is
expounded with the requisite brevity, and with notable directness
and force, lighted up by a few of the satirical flashes which had
become second nature to the writer, but not by any outburst of
uncontrollable fervour. : He takes his stand on revelation, but is
careful to summarise the natural proofs of the truth of Christianity.
The old objection to supernatural religion, that it has not been
revealed to all men, he is content to answer by a pious hope,
expressed in words both forcible and beautiful. He puts aside
the difficulty of the damnatory clauses of the Athanasian creed by
conjecturing a very human explanation of their origin, and, after
citing a liberal French priest? in support of the contention that
the authority of the Bible is weakened by mistakes of transcribers
j
1 Father (Richard) Simon (author of Histoire critique du Vieux Testament (1678)
and other works), for the benefit of whose young English translator, Henry Dickinson,
the poem had originally been composed.


## p. 43 (#65) ##############################################

Religio Laici
43
and commentators, approaches the crucial question: what authority,
then, is to decide ? An infallible authority it must be, and the
only church which makes such a claim fails to satisfy the tests of
infallibility or omniscience. Better, therefore, accept authority
where it is ancient, universal and unsuspected, and leave aside
matters which cannot be thus settled-
For points obscure are of small use to learn,
But common quiet is the world's concern.
Religio Laici, it is needless to demonstrate at length, represents
merely a halfway house on the road which Dryden was following.
Reverence for authority was an instinct implanted in his nature;
his observation of the conflicts of public life had disgusted him
with the contrary principle of resistance, and, at the same time,
had impressed upon him the necessity of waiving minor difficulties
for the sake of the things that really mattered. If the layman's
simple creed should fail, in the long run, to satisfy the layman
himself, it could easily be relinquished; for, as the designedly
pedestrian conclusion of the poem avers, it was meant merely for
what it was—a plain personal utterance.
And, thus, the reader of Dryden's writings in their sequence is
not startled on reaching the passage in his biography which has
given rise to much angry comment and anxious apology, without, in
truth, calling for anything of either. In February 1685, Charles II
died. Dryden's literary services had materially contributed to
carry safely through some of the most dangerous stages of the
conflict the cause of the legitimate succession, on wbich Charles
had gone near to staking the stability of his throne. The poet's
efforts against the party which he had again and again denounced
as revolutionary had estranged from him old literary associates-
some of them more pliable than himself—and had left him,
more than ever, a reserved and, probably at least, a lonely man.
But, whatever the king's personal interest in Dryden's literary
activity, the royal bounty flowed but very intermittently, and
neither the three hundred a year due to the poet laureate nor an
additional pension of one hundred (granted some time before 1679)
was paid with any approach to regularity. Not until 1684, after
he had addressed a letter of complaint? to Rochester (Laurence
Hyde) at the treasury, was a portion of the arrears paid, while he
1 This is the letter containing the celebrated passage : • 'Tis enough for one age to
have neglected Mr Cowley, and starved Mr Butler. ' In The Hind and the Panther,
part mi, vv. 247 ff. , the abandonment of Butler is absurdly laid at the door of the
church of England.
6


## p. 44 (#66) ##############################################

44
Dryden
was appointed to a collectorship of the customs, with a minute
salary but (probably) a more substantial amount of fees. In these
circumstances, Dryden, whose play-writing had usually been a
labour of necessity, and for whom, as a political satirist, there was
no opening in the period of reaction following the esclandre of the
Rye House plot, had to do such taskwork as came to his hand-
prefaces, like that to a new translation of Plutarch; prose trans-
lations of his own, like that of Maimbourg's History already
mentioned; and verse translation, from Ovid, Vergil, Horace and
Theocritus, inserted in the first volume of Miscellany Poems
printed in 1684 and 1685 (the latter under the title Sylvae? ). The
hope long cherished by Dryden of writing an epic poem for which
he had already been in search of subjects, receded more and more
into the background"; and, of the muses whom he was constrained
to serve, we may well believe that,
little was their Hire, and light their Gain 3.
When, early in 1685, Charles II died, Dryden honoured his
memory with a Pindaric ode, Threnodia Augustalis, to which
the poet gave a semi-official character by describing himself as
servant to his late Majesty and to the present King. ' The ode,
which has some fine turns, without altogether escaping bathos,
treats a not very promising subject (which baffled Otway“) with
Dryden's usual skill in the selection of qualities warranting
praise; the inequalities of the metre, on which Scott wittily dwells,
are less violent than those to be found in the far more celebrated
Alexander's Feast. Dryden's other effort as poet laureate,
7- Britannia Rediviva: a Poem on the Prince born on the 10th of
June, 1688, is written in the couplet of which he was master; but
the occasion-for surely never was the news of a royal birth
received as was that of the prince to be known in later years as
the Old Pretender-could not be met without artificiality of tone.
Before the publication of this poem, in which are to be found
1 Collective publications of this kind had gone out of fashion since the early days
of Elizabeth, and the practice was thus revived at a time when translation ran original
composition hard in the race for popularity. Altogether, four volumes of this
Miscellany were published in Dryden's lifetime; but they were carried on by the
publisher Tonson, by whose name they were sometimes known, till 1708. The fashion,
which contributed materially to keep alive a taste for poetry, continued into the
middle of the eighteenth century, and reached its height with Dodsley's celebrated
collection (1748).
2 See A Discourse of Satire (Essays, ed. Ker, vol. II, p. 38).
3 Threnodia Augustalis, v. 377.
4 See his Windsor Castle, and The Beginning of a Pastoral on the Death of his late
Majesty.


## p. 45 (#67) ##############################################

Dryden's Conversion
45
a
>
many allusions to the doctrines of the church of Rome together
with a reference to the ‘still impending Test,' Dryden had himself
become a Roman Catholic. As already hinted, the supposition
that this step was, or might have been expected by him to be, to
the advantage of his worldly interests is not worth discussing.
The intellectual process which led to it, and to the ultimate
completion of which Religio Laici points, was neither unprece-
dented nor unparalleled; moreover, whatever they may have
expected (which nobody can tell) neither Dryden nor his wife or
eldest son (if, as is supposed but not proved, they had become
Roman Catholics before him) gained anything by their conversion’.
That he should have chosen a time for joining the church of Rome
when the prospects of her adherents in England seemed bright
was in keeping with his disposition; for he had, as an acute critica
says, 'a sovereign intellect but a subject will. But there is no
single known fact in his life to support the conclusion that he
changed his faith for the sake of gain. Nor can his consistent
adherence to the church which had now received him be explained
away by the insinuation that another change would not have been
of any use to him. It is sometimes forgotten that his political
was consistent with his religious loyalty, and that, under the new
régime, he declined to take the oaths which might have secured
to him the continuance of at least a measure of royal favour.
The effect of Dryden's conversion upon his spiritual life lies
beyond the range of literary criticism. It is, however, certain
that, to the aspiration 'good life be now my task,' there corresponds,
at a time very near that of his change of faith, a confession which,
in depth of feeling, and in severity of self-judgment, stands almost
alone in his published writings. The spring and force of by far
the most beautiful among his longer lyrics, the ode To the Pious
Memory of the Accomplisht Young Lady, Mrs Anne Killigrew
(printed in 1686, the year after that of her death), are characteristic
of Dryden's genius; but, in the spirit of the poem, especially of
the well known fourth stanza“, we recognise that it was composed
at a time when his whole nature was moved by unwonted impulses.
A fainter recurrence of these may, perhaps, be traceable in some
>
1 Even the recognition by the new king of the additional pension granted by
Charles II to Dryden preceded his conversion, whether or not he bad, before that date,
at ,
2 Skelton, John, John Dryden. In Defence (1865), p. 22.
8 The Hind and the Panther, part 1, v. 76.
O Gracious God! how far have we
Prophan'd thy Heaven’ly Gift of Poesy, eto.


## p. 46 (#68) ##############################################

46
Dryden
passages of his later writings; on the other hand, it cannot be
averred that, in these writings, as a whole, there is any indication,
as there is certainly no pretence, of a change which purifies what
is intentionally impure, or refines what is intentionally gross
The new king was not in a position to disdain the aid of any
fresh ally; and the services of Dryden's pen were speedily claimed
by the side which he had joined. But the desired version of the
Histoire de l' Hérésie (1374 to 1569) by Antoine Varillas, never
saw the light-hardly, as Burnet contended, because of his
criticisms of the French historian and publicist? Dryden's assist-
ance was also engaged in defence of a paper written by Anne
Hyde, duchess of York, giving reasons for her conversion to the
church of Rome, which James II had published with two state-
ments found among his deceased royal brother's papers, acknow-
ledging the authority of that church. Stillingfleet had commented
on the publication as a whole, and now replied in a Vindication on
which, in his turn, Dryden, denounced by Stillingfleet as a 'grim
logician,' commented in an apologia of an altogether novel de-
scription.
The Hind and the Panther was published in 1687, and is said
to have been written at Rushton in Northamptonshire, a sylvan
neighbourhood. If Dryden’s conversion does not present any
psychological difficulties, it also seems natural that he should
have speedily proceeded to explain to the world a position not
new to it, but strange and, therefore, in a sense, new, to himself.
That The Hind and the Panther cannot be harmonised with
Religio Laici is, of course, part of the situation, although the two
poems are not inconsistent with each other as stages of a mental
evolution. To suggest that the later work was written to ensure
the favour of James II (from whom it does not appear what Dryden
had to expect beyond punctuality), is to ignore a very plain historical
consideration. In April 1687—a fortnight before the publication
of the poem-James II put forth the declaration for liberty of
conscience, which extended to nonconformists in general, and
was, in fact, the catholic king's bid for the support of the
protestant dissenters in his struggle with the establishment. On
the other hand, the convert Dryden's personal confession of faith
was, at the same time, an eirenicon to the church of England from
1 See, on this head, Beljame, A. , Le Public et les Hommes de Lettres en Angleterre
au 18me siècle (Paris, 1883), p. 219.
• As to Varillas's work, see the chapter on Historical Writers in vol. ix (post)
(Burnet).


## p. 47 (#69) ##############################################

The Hind and the Panther
47
the catholic side, and a summons to her to join hands with the
church of Rome against the protestant nonconformists. Inasmuch
as a similar royal declaration had been issued in Scotland two
months earlier, and the dispensing power had received a solemn
judicial affirmation in the previous year, Dryden could not have
been taken by surprise by the king's recent action. He could,
therefore, hardly have put forth a 'libel of policy’ less likely to
commend itself to the king and those who advised him in accordance
with his wishes, or have given a more palpable proof either of ob-
tuseness—a quality not characteristic of him-or of candour.
The poem is far the longest of Dryden's original productions
in verse; but it is carried on with unmistakable vigour to its
somewhat abrupt close, and, in its concluding, as well as in its
opening, part, displays the reverse of a falling off in power of
either invention or expression. Criticism has chiefly directed
itself against the plan of the work, which Johnson, for instance,
terms injudicious and incommodious, rather than to the conduct
1
of the arguments, which cannot be described as inadequate or
uneven1
The Hind and the Panther (as would be obvious, even were
it not made additionally clear by the first lines of part 1) does
- not pretend to be more than a fable, a product of an artificial
stage of poetry, which confines its attention to human nature and
introduces animals merely in a parabolical way: so animals would
have spoken or acted, had they been men. All references, how-
ever interesting, to the beast-epos, an independent literary cycle,
into which satirical meanings and types were not introduced till
a comparatively late date, are, therefore, more or less out of place
in this connection. Still less can there be any question here of the
transfer of a whole world of human sentiment and character into
the outward conditions of animal life as in Edmond Rostand's
Chantecler—not for purposes of analogy, but in order to read a
poetical significance into the whole system of animated nature.
| How a theological argument may be carried on in verse without the skill and
effectiveness to be found in The Hind and the Panther, is exemplified by A Poem on
the Real Presence and the Rule of Faith, printed as an appendix to Henry Turbervil's
Manual of Controversies clearly Demonstrating the Truth of the Catholic Religion, with
several Sentences out of the Pathers (4th edition, 1686). The sentences are stated to be
collected by J. D. , the Author's Friend. ' It does not follow that the poem is by
*J. D. '; and I cannot, in any case, think that the latter, though it is chiefly directed
against Stillingfleet, shows signs of Dryden's handiwork. The composition is extremely
anoven; and, while it is just possible that Dryden may have turned Turbervil's
anadorned prose into verse, leaving the file to do its work later, the probability is the
other way, for the numbers' did not come to Dryden in this halting fashion.


## p. 48 (#70) ##############################################

48
Dryden
6
The Hind and the Panther is allegorical only in its mise-en-scène
and distribution of characters; as a fable, its fault is that it falls
short of the moderate amount of imaginary verisimilitude required
by this literary species. On the face of it, therefore, Prior and
Charles Montague, the authors of The Hind and the Panther
Transvers'd to the Story of the Country Mouse and the City Mouse
(1687) were justified in ridiculing in the preface to their squib the
incongruity of animals indulging in theological controversy and
Biblical criticism, as was Johnson in repeating the same cavil in
different words? But Dryden had often, in regard both to the
drama and to other branches of literature, defended the cause of
English freedom'; and, in his free use of the machinery of the
fable for satirical and didactic purposes, he was following the
examples of Chaucer and Spenser. Still, poetry and theological
controversy are illmatched associates, and Dryden was at little
pains to mitigate the harshness of the union, dropping the fabulous
vestment which he had cast round his disputants so soon as he
chose, in order to resume it at his convenience.
Of the two justly celebrated “fables' proper included in part II
of this poem, the earlier--that of the swallows—attests the inde-
pendence of Dryden's attitude towards the court, where the censure
of father Petre (the Martin), though supposed to be delivered by
an adversary, cannot have been welcome. In the story of 'the
Pigeon's and the Buzzard's love,' the character of Burnet (the
Buzzard), ranks with the most powerful of the poet's satirical
efforts. Unlike Stillingfleet, who is dealt with earlier in the same
part of the poem, Burnet, though he is called 'invulnerable in his
impudence,' lay broadly open to attack, and, according to his wont,
had voluntarily descended into the arena with bis Reasons against
Repealing the Test? .
The Hind and the Panther, for reasons which have been made
apparent, could not bring the poet into favour with any party;
and critics like Martin Clifford and ‘Tom’ Brown could fall upon
him as they pleased. When, in contravention of the hopes uttered
· Much of the ridionle in this burlesque, which revived the methods of The
Rehearsal on a much less appropriate occasion, is trivial, and some of it is so vulgarly
personal, that Dryden, if the story be true, may very well have taken offence at it. The
preface was said to have been by Montague.
* Burnet, who seems originally to have had a friendly feeling towards Dryden,
revenged himself when mentioning the proposal, in 1669, of a tax on playhouses,
by describing the great master of dramatic poesy' as 'a monster of immodesty and
impurity of all sorts' (History oj his own Time, edition 1833, vol. I, p. 495). Burnet
did not cultivate precision of style; but it seems clear, even without the note in the
edition of 1754, that he referred to Dryden as a play-writer only.
>


## p. 49 (#71) ##############################################

Miscellaneous Later Work
49
in Britannia Rediviva, the change of régime ensued, and William
and Mary held sway in her father's stead, Dryden's places and
pensions were taken from him, and Shadwell wore the laurel. It
seems to have been about this time that Dryden became indebted
to Dorset for substantial support; but he manifestly continued to
add to his income by literary labours. That the vitality and fresh-
ness of his powers still remained undiminished is shown by the
variety of his productions in these years. Not long before the end
of James II's reign, he had written the playful Letter to Sir George
Etherege, which alone among his complimentary epistles and ad-
dresses (extending over many years of his life) is in Hudibrastic
metre. In 1690, as has been seen, he successfully resumed work
for the stage. There does not seem to have been any indisposition
on the part of the new court to show goodwill to him as a play-
wright; but, in commanding The Spanish Fryar to be performed
on one of her first appearances in public, queen Mary chose more
fortunately for him than for herself. Meanwhile, the connection
between the publisher Jacob Tonson and Dryden was productive of
much literary work, though, when there was a pecuniary pressure
upon Dryden, the relations between them frequently tried his
patience and, at times, roused him to wrath? Besides the trans-
lations from classical poets already mentioned as included in the
earliest volumes of the Miscellany, Dryden, with the assistance of
his two elder sons, brought out, in 1693, a complete translation
of Juvenal and Persius, prefaced by one of the most delightful of
his essays. In its earlier portions, A Discourse concerning the
Original and Progress of Satire may, after the manner of such
prolegomena, have been put together so as to suit the amount of
information to the appetite of the reader; but the comparison
between the three Roman satirists contains some admirable
criticism, and the easy and graceful style is enjoyable from be-
ginning to end. The essay prefixed to Dryden's translation (1695)
of Du Fresnoy's Parallel of Poetry and Painting (the French
prose version printed by the author with his original Latin poem
De Arte Graphica) is, perhaps, more obviously written to order.
It contains an elaboration of the theory that the true imitation of
nature consists of the pursuit of the ideal in art-a view on which
Dryden had insisted in his early disquisitions on dramatic poetry? ,
but which, though it might have commended itself to Goethe, has
until recently been regarded as out of date.
1 Witness the triplet ander Jacob's portrait, perhaps the ugliest of all Dryden's
. word-pictures. '
? This is clearly put by Ker, introduction to Essays, vol. 1, pp. lxviii-ix.
E. L. VIII. CH. I.
4
2


## p. 50 (#72) ##############################################

50
Dryden
In the third and fourth Miscellanies (1693 and 1694) appeared
Dryden's version of book I, and of certain other portions, of the
Metamorphoses, with the parting of Hector and Andromache out of
the Iliad as well as a translation of the third Georgic? . In 1694,
the idea of a translation of the whole of Vergil seems to have
suggested itself to Dryden ; and the completed work was brought
out by subscription in 16972. The enterprise and its success made
much talk in the world of letters, and, from still remote Hanover,
Leibniz commented on the prize of £1000-Pope was told that it
was £1200-which had fallen to the fortunate 'Mr Dryden's' lot.
But, though Dryden, without pushing his interests unduly, was not
forgetful of them, he did himself honour by steadily refusing to
dedicate his magnum opus to the king, to whom he had declined
to swear allegiances. The actual dedication of the Aeneis to
Normanby (Mulgrave) is one of Dryden's longest, but not one of
his most interesting, efforts of the sort'.
The longlived favour shown by the English reading public to
translations from the classics was largely due to the fact that the
intellectual education of boys belonging to the higher classes was
still largely carried on by exercising them in translation from the
classics into English prose or verse; Dryden himself, it will be
remembered, had been trained in this way at Westminster. This
practice must have encouraged freedom of rendering as well as
elegance of composition in translation; and Dryden, possessed of
a genius singularly open to suggestion and facile in execution, was
of all translators most certain to excel in the art thus conceived.
From the point of view of exact scholarship, nothing can be said in
favour of a method which does not show any reverence for the
text, and very little for the style, of the original author. But
Dryden's contemporaries were perfectly willing that the glorious
rush of his poetic style should dominate the Vergil of the Georgics
and the Vergil of the Aeneid alike, as it had the Roman satirists
before them; and the breadth and boldness of some of the finest
Vergilian passages lent themselves readily to reproduction by the
* In the Miscellany of 1694 also appeared the epistle To Sir Godfrey Kneller,
a painter to whom Dryden must have been attracted by his success in seizing the
distinctive features of a quite extraordinary number of sitters. The reference to the
*Chandos' portrait of Shakespeare, of which Kneller had sent Dryden & copy, is
commonplace in thought.
See Appendix to second impression.
8 He had been pressed to dedicate the work to the king by his publisher, who
caused the engraved representation of pius Aeneas to be provided for the purpose with
a hooked nose, still visible in certain of the extant copies.
* It contains, however, some valuable observations on metrical form; and it is in
this essay that Dryden speaks of having ‘long had by me the materials of an English
Prosodia' (Essays, ed. Ker, vol. II, p. 217).


## p. 51 (#73) ##############################################

Fables Ancient and Modern
51
English poet, although others remained, whose majesty and depth
of sentiment he could not infuse into his couplets -.
The freedom which Dryden had assumed as a translator of the
Roman poets he carried a step further in the reproductions of
Chaucer and of Chaucer's frequent source, Boccaccio, which were
not published till two months (or rather less) before his death.
They were accompanied by versions of the first book of the Iliad
and of certain parts of the Metamorphoses, and some original
poems; and the whole volume, with a preface dated 1699, has the
curious title Fables, Ancient and Modern. Dryden earned the
gratitude of all lovers of English literature, when, near the close of
his brilliant career, and after recurring to the classical exemplars
of his youth, he turned to our old English poet,' Chaucer. He de-
scribes himself in the preface as having been moved by the thought
that there was much in Chaucer (it was certainly not the noblest or
the raciest elements in his genius) in which he resembled Ovida.
But he also observes that, of the great English poets who had found
no immediate successor in their insight into the poetic genius of our
language, the catena Milton-Spenser-Chaucer was closely linked,
and that, in going back to Chaucer, he went back to one whom he
accounted the first great writer in English poetical literature. For
the sake of the spirit of this tribute, worthy alike of him who paid
and of him who received it, Dryden may readily be forgiven some
of the blemishes (if they be justly deemed such) in the execution of
his task. In a few instances (far fewer than are to be found in
the earlier translations), effects are heightened which there was
no reason for heightening, and turns of phrase are introduced
incompatible not so much with the dignity as with the natural
simplicity of thought (naïvete) characteristic of all that Chaucer
wrote. (Curiously enough, this criticism, if just, is not appli-
cable to the tales from Boccaccio, who was anything but naïf. )
It has been cleverly said that Dryden 'scrubbed up' Chaucer-
a process which suits fine old plate, but not the total effect of a
beautiful old house. The amplifications which Dryden openly
1 The attack upon Dryden of Luke Milbourne (1698) was, probably, the result
of jealousy, as he had issued a version of book 1 of the Aeneid, said to be now lost.
His Notes, for which he paid dear, contain some other specimens of his translations
from Vergil.
Essays, ed. Ker, vol. 11, p. 247 ; see, however, pp. 254 ff.
• Of this, Dryden was perfectly aware ; nor could the case against his own method
be better stated than it is by him (preface to Fables in Essays, ed. Ker, vol. 11, p. 266)
on behalf of the earl of Leicester, 'who valued Chaucer as much as Mr Cowley despised
him. ' (So, in his turn, Mr Pope enquired “Who now reads Cowley,' though con-
descending to own a tendre for the language of his heart. ")
2
4-2


## p. 52 (#74) ##############################################

52
Dryden
permitted himself it would be begging the question to condemn as
such; on the other hand, they are not necessarily to be regarded
as additional beauties. The most extraordinary, as it is the most
extensive, addition is the tag to the version of the exquisite
'Character of a Good Parson,' which seems to have been made
with the twofold purpose of proving him a nonjuror, and of pointing
out that he was the reverse of a type of parsons and priests in
general'. The prose Preface to the Fables is one of the most
delightful and one of the most unconstrained of all Dryden's prose
pieces; nor can it be doubted to whose example the fascination
which this essay has exercised upon many generations of readers
must, in part, be ascribed. "The nature of a preface'-he might
have said, the nature of half the prose writing that commends
itself to that large proportion of the public that are not students,
and, at times, to some who are—is rambling; never wholly out of
the way, nor in it. This I have learnt from the practice of honest
Montaigne,' whose influence, indeed, is progressively perceptible
in Dryden's later prose writings, though it was nowhere emphasised
by too close an imitation? For, in truth, there are features in
Montaigne-his quaintness, for example, and his playfulness-
which are foreign alike to Dryden's directness of manner and to
his reserved disposition. In referring, as he does in different parts
of this Preface, to the accusation of 'loose writing' brought against
him by Blackmores and Collier, he cannot be said to plead with
much success, unless it be in mitigation of the offence charged
against him; but he makes amends, not only by the modesty of
his defence, but, also, by the practice into which he puts his regrets.
The selection of 'Fables' from Chaucer, and, still more so, from
Boccaccio, would have been of a different kind had Dryden desired
'more to please than to instruct'-in other words, had the last
fruit from an old tree been designed, like some of its earlier
produce, to tickle palates pleased only by over-seasoned cates.
The last period of Dryden's literary labours had also witnessed
his final endeavours in lyrical verse-a species of poetry in which
1
In deference to his virtues I forbear
To shew you what the rest in orders were.
* See, on this subject, post, chap. XVII.
3 Dryden's quarrel with Sir Richard Blackmore seems to have arisen, not (as
Johnson thought) out of the City Knight or Knight Physician's' virtuous preface
to his King Arthur (1695), but, rather, from the reflection, in his Satyr on Wit (1699),
on Dryden for the "lewd alloy' in his writings. The retorts on Blackmore and
Collier in the prologue and epilogue to The Pilgrim have been already noticed.
(ante, p. 82).


## p. 53 (#75) ##############################################

Odes, Songs and Hymns 53
he achieved a more varied excellence than is always placed to his
credit. The Song for St Cecilia's Day, designed for performance
on that festival in 1687 by a recently founded musical society in
London, must have been written within a year after the beautiful ode
To the Pious Memory of Mrs Anne Killigrew already mentioned.
Though, of course, devoid of any personal note, and so short as to
be of the nature of a chorale rather than a cantata, it solves its
technical problem with notable skill, and the commanding power
of the opening, upon which the close solemnly returns, is irre-
sistible'. Yet neither in this ode nor in its more famous successor,
Alexander's Feast; or, The Power of Musique, written for the
same festival in 1697, has Dryden escaped the danger inseparable
from arbitrary variety of length of line and choice of rhythm.
In a lyric on a solemn, and, to all intents, religious, theme for
music was drawn down from heaven by the inspired saint-any
approach to an ignoble or lilting movement jars upon ear and
sentiment; and this is not wholly avoided in Alexander's Feast,
while, in the earlier ode, it occurs, so to speak, at the height of the
argument. The example which both these odes attempted to set,
of making sound an echo to the sense,' was not one to be easily
followed; nor can they be themselves regarded as more than
brilliant efforts to satisfy the illdefined conditions of an artificial
form of lyrical verse.
Dryden's lyrical endowment shows itself without ostentation in
the songs scattered through his plays. These products of an age
distinguished by a very strong and carefully cultivated sense of
music often possess considerable charm, even when divorced from
their natural complement, and seem, as it were, to demand to be
sung? But, for the most part, they are wanton in thought, and,
at times, gross in expression, and there were probably few of his
productions for which their author would have been more ready
to cry peccavi.
His contributions to a directly opposite class of lyrics—
hymnody—were long supposed to have been extremely few; and
the question whether their number admits of being very much
enlarged may be said to be still awaiting final judgment. The
only hymn known to have been published by Dryden himself or in
his lifetime is the well known 'paraphrase,' as it calls itself, of the
6
· Granville (Lord Lansdowne) directly imitated it in The British Enchanters,
act 1, so. 1 (1706).
2 Of this sort are the songs in An Evening's Love, The Indian Emperor, The
Conquest of Granada (Part I), Cleomenes, etc.


## p. 54 (#76) ##############################################

54
Dryden
Veni Creator Spiritus, and is a composition of simple, and even
severe, dignity. Together with this hymn, Scott, on evidence
which, so far as it is known, cannot be held conclusive, admitted
into his edition of Dryden two others—one, a translation of
Te Deum, the other (erroneously called by Scott St John's Eve)
a translation, in an unusual metre, of the hymn at evensong on
St John's day, which forms part of a sequence. It has now been
discovered that these three pieces are included in a collection of
120 hymns printed in a book of Catholic devotions dated 1706;
and internal evidence of metre and diction, coupled with the (late)
tradition that Dryden wrote a number of hymns by way of
absolving a penance imposed on him, has been held to warrant
the conclusion that he was the author of all. Saintsbury can
hardly be mistaken in the view that, if St John's Eve be Dryden's,
other hymns with which this is connected are, likewise, by his
hand; and a number of these hymns reprinted by Orby Shipley
certainly exhibit, together with many Drydenisms of manner and
diction, the freedom which Dryden always exercised as a trans-
lator, together with an abundance of movement, though relatively
little soaring. If they be Dryden's, they offer a further proof of
the versatility of his lyric gifts; but they do not suffice to give him
a place among great English writers of hymns? .
Thus, in labours manifold and not without a disquietude of
spirit from which the decline of life is rarely exempt, Dryden's
days and his literary career drew nearer and nearer to their close.
Advancing years, and, perhaps, other influences which it is difficult
or impossible to estimate, had rendered him less consistently ob-
servant of the general habit of his youth and manhood to allow his
censors and adversaries to abuse and revile him as they chose,
without returning libel for libel, or lampoon for lampoon. If he
could afford to contemn Milbourne, he turned upon Blackmore with
almost savage energy, and attempted a tu quoque of very doubtful
force against Jeremy Collier, in words which were not to be spoken
in public till after he had himself passed away? It is more pleasing
to remember that, in his declining years, he had not abandoned
1 The discovery that the three hymns accepted by Scott are included in The Primer
or Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary was made independently by Orby Shipley and
W. T. Burke. Twenty-three of the hymns in this Primer were reprinted by the former
in Annus Sanctus (London and New York, 1884). See, for a review of the whole case,
Dryden as a Hymnodist by the same writer (reprinted from the Dublin Review, 1884),
and, for several of the hymns, and critical summary, appendix B. 1 in Saintsbury's
edition of Scott's Dryden, vol. IVII; and cf. Julian, J. , A Dictionary of Hymnology
(1892), art. Dryden.
· Prologue and epilogue to Fletcher's Pilgrim


## p. 55 (#77) ##############################################

His Death. His Great Literary Qualities 55
his generous usage of encouraging the efforts of other writers-
especially of younger men such as Southern? and Congreve and
GranvilleIndeed, to each of the latter pair, at different dates,
obeying a generous impulse that could not help repeating itself, he
bequeathed the laurels of which the world of letters knew him to
be the rightful wearer. He died, after a short illness, on 1 May
1700, and, with due solemnity (though contemporary scandal
sought to distort the facts) was, less than a fortnight afterwards,
buried in Westminster abbey, in the grave of Chaucer. Twenty
years later, by the tardy munificence of the duke of Buckingham-
shire (who did not live to see it erected) a plain monument with
an equally simple inscription was raised over his remains.
Dryden's great literary achievements and his great literary
qualities were not, and could not be, ignored by his own age,
nor have the generations which succeeded been willing or able
to belittle them. More than any of his contemporaries, he is
entitled to be called the father of modern English prose; while,
as to English verse, the next generation might refine and, in some
respects, improve upon its model, but this model could be no other
than "Timotheus' himself. Congreve, to whom, in his latter years,
Dryden confidently looked to continue his literary influence, said
of him that he was equally excellent in verse and in prose, and it
would be difficult to dispute the truth of the saying. His verse
exhibits his chosen metrical instrument, the heroic couplet, in the
fulness of its strength; but, when he returned to blank verse, as a
dramatist, he used it with notable effect; and it has been seen how
varied was his command over lyric measures, from that of the
'Pindaric' ode to those suited to the subtle madrigal or simple
hymn. The metrical qualities of his verse will be discussed
elsewhere* ; but its one pre-eminent quality, the infinitely varied
and always rightly judged distribution of movement in the line or
couplet or stanza, can hardly be termed a metrical quality only. It
depends largely on sureness of tact, rapidity of insight and absolute
self-confidence in the rejection of all means not leading directly
to their end. Whether extreme passion or profound emotion-
whether love, hatred, anger, contempt, exultant joy or poignant
grief-calls for expression within the limits of the line or couplet,
immediate room, precise place, exact emphasis is found for each
1 To Mr Southern, on his Comedy called 'The Wives' Excuse' (1692).
? To my dear Friend Mr Congreve, on his Comedy called “The Double Dealer'
(1693).
3 To Mr Granville, on his excellent Tragedy, called 'Heroick Love' (1698).
* See post, chap. IX.
6


## p. 56 (#78) ##############################################

56
Dryden
6
word or clause. And the economy is not less striking than the
abundance in this feast of words. There was, in the days of
Cowley, 'plenty enough, but the dishes were ill-sorted"? ; Dryden
knew how to forego, instead of sweeping in. The poetic instrument
remains wholly in the service of the player's hand; and, on each
occasion, it seems to give forth in perfection the music which that
occasion demands.
Dryden's prose combines with an unprecedented ease of flow,
and a forcible directness common to all he wrote, a lucidity of
arrangement and a delicacy of nuance alike largely due to French
example—nor can we err in regarding Corneille as having largely
influenced the style of his earlier, and Montaigne that of his later,
prose writings. The debt of later English prose to Dryden is
inestimable; we have it on Malone's personal testimony that the
style of Burke was 'originally in some measure founded on that
of Dryden,' on which he had 'often heard Burke expatiate with
great admiration' and whom, as Malone thought, Burke resembled
more nearly than he did any other great English writer?
Of Dryden's contributions to a large variety of literary species,
all of which he, in one way or another advanced in their development,
it is unnecessary here to say more. His plays, taken as a whole,
form the most notable chapter in English dramatic literature after
the doors of the theatres had been once more flung open at the
restoration. In his non-dramatic verse, he left scarcely any kind
of poetry unattempted except the epic proper-in which, had his
heart's wish been fulfilled, he would have challenged comparison
with the great poet who had survived into a 'later age,' and to
whom no political or religious differences ever prevented Dryden
from paying an unstinted tribute of admiration. But he essayed,
with marked success, a less adventurous flight in narrative poetry,
and, in didactic, he created what may be termed a new form of its
satirical division-political satire (with a literary subsection) in
verse, in which, by means of his incomparable gallery of characters,
he excelled all that sought to rival him on his own ground. His
didactic poems proper are among the most successful attempts
ever made to carry on the arguments of the schools in polished
metrical form; but it is to their satirical element as much as to
their lucidity that they owe their general freedom from tedious-
His shorter didactic and satirical pieces-largely taking the
shape of prologues and epilogues—often partake, after their kind,
1 Preface to the Fables (Essays, ed. Ker, vol. II, p. 258).
? Malone, u. 8. vol. I, part 1, advt. p. vii.
ness.


## p. 57 (#79) ##############################################

Character of his Greatness 57
of the vis vivida of his longer satires. His lyrics, in their varied
excellence, complete the roll of his poetic achievements.
And yet, although the epithet 'glorious,' which for a long time
has been attached to Dryden's name, seems appropriate to the
powers and the products of his genius, and though time cannot
change the estimate which that epithet implies, there can be little
doubt what restriction should be placed upon the tribute due to him
as a great writer and a great poet. His originality was essentially
originality of treatment. Partly, perhaps, because his temperament
was slow and reserved, and because his mind seems never to have
been thoroughly at work till he had his pen in his hand, his genius
was that which he describes. as 'the genius of our countrymen. . .
rather to improve an invention than to invent themselves. ' And his
poetry-unless in isolated places where the feelings of the individual
man burst the bonds: the feeling of shame in the ode To Anne
Killigrew; the feeling of melancholy, mingled with a generous
altruism, in the lines to Congreve; the feeling of noble scorn for
what is base and mean in some of his satire; the feeling of the
sweetness of life and youth in a few of his lyrics—touches few
sympathetic chords in the heart. Nor does it carry the reader
out of himself and beyond himself into the regions where soul
speaks to soul. How could it have done so ? This was not his
conception of his art, or of the practice of it.
The same parts and application which have made me a poet might have
raised me to any honours of the gown, which are often given to men of as
little learning and less honesty than myself? .
Yet, even so, it were unjust as well as ungrateful to think of
Dryden as a craftsman who, by dint of taking infinite pains, learnt
the secret of simulating that which in the chosen few is inborn
What he was not, he at no time made any pretence of being.
What he did, he did with the whole strength of one of the most
vigorous intellects given to any poet ancient or modern, with
constant generosity of effort, and, at the same time, with masculine
directness and clear simplicity of purpose. And, though the work
of his life is not marble without a flaw, yet the whole structure
overtops the expanse of contemporary English literature like the
temple shining from the Sunian height over the sea.
1 Preface to the Fables (Essays, ed. Ker, vol. II, p. 255).
* Examen Poeticum (1698) (Essays, ed. Ker, vol 11, p. 2).


## p. 58 (#80) ##############################################

CHAPTER II
SAMUEL BUTLER
SATIRE, the humorous or caustic criticism of men's faults and
foibles in all their manifestations, the hotch-pot or farrago, as
Juvenal calls it, of the vagaries of human conduct, is justly claimed
by Quintilian as an entirely Latin or Italian product. So early as
Ennius (b. 239 B. C. ), the lanx satura or olla podrida of scraps of
heterogeneous and discursive observations had been compounded;
but it was not till Lucilius had seasoned it with ‘Italian vinegar'
that the production could be looked upon as 'satire' in the modern
sense of the word. This ingredient, however, Horace declares, was,
to a great extent, derived by Lucilius from the poets of the old
Greek comedy. The parabases of Aristophanes certainly contain
this element, though the concentration of their aim and object
preclude the title of the discursive satura. Lucilius, the inventor of
this kind of composition—the founder of the mocking style_was
also its chief exponent, and it is interesting to note that, to
Lucilius, each of his three successors-Horace, Juvenal and Persius
-attributes in turn his own style: Horace, his inconsequent chatter
full of moral maxims and worldly wisdom; Juvenal, his fiery
declamations against vice; and Persius, his homilies in praise of
virtue and against hypocrisy. When Horace asserts that Lucilius
had recourse to his 'faithful books' to record every mood of his
impressions on all subjects, he reminds more modern readers of
the practice of Montaigne, who charms us by his talk about himself
and by his carefully recorded experiences on that subject.
All these tirades were conveyed in Latin hexameters, which,
in Lucilius, were often of a hybrid, 'linsey-woolsey' composition, i. e.
interlarded with Greek words. This slipshod verse became the
conventional metre for satire in Latin down the ages, whether in
1 Plin. Nat. Hist. praef. § 8: Lucilius primus condidit stili nasumo


## p. 59 (#81) ##############################################

Butler's Satirical Material
59
the Anti-Claudianus of Alain de l'Isle or in the macaronic Baldus
of Merlin Cocai (Teofilo Folengo). In the same way,"splayfoot'
octosyllabic rimes became the medium of English satire, derived,
probably, through the French, from Le Roman de la Rose.
Satirical writing found a congenial soil in France, where the
interminable chansons de geste required a relief. Thus were
produced Le Roman de Renart and the fables bestiaires, often
attributed to Ysopet, the French counterpart of Aesop. But Le
Roman de la Rose stands out as the most important production of
the kind and as exercising a widereaching influence on the
literature of Europe.
From this source flowed numberless compositions, on two sub-
jects especially, one being the querelle des femmes, which was taken
up vigorously on both sides. Christine de Pisan leads the attack
against Le Roman de la Rose, followed by Jean Gerson, chancellor
of the university of Paris, Alain Chartier and Martin de France,
author of Le Champion des Dames (1440—2). On the other side
may be mentioned Les XV joyes de mariage, Les arrêts d'amour,
the Silva nuptialis of Johannes Nevizanus and Rabelais in the
third book of his Pantagruel : but the catalogue is a very long
one. The other subject is an attack on the religious orders,
especially the mendicants, the Dominicans and the Franciscans,
who had been recognised by the popes in the beginning of the
thirteenth century, and, from the very first, bad shown extra-
ordinary activity and influence, proving very obnoxious to the
regular clergy. These two subjects can be traced in Hudibras,
but in another and curious form : the nonconforming sects taking
the place of the mendicants as butts for satire, and Hudibras and
the widow respectively leading the attack and defence in the
querelle des femmes.
Butler had also probably read Barclay's Ship of Fools, trans-
lated from Sebastian Brant's Narrenschif. Moriae Encomium
might well supply him with a model for his satire, while the Adagia
of Erasmus undoubtedly furnished him with a stock of learning and
literary illustration. Rabelais was thoroughly versed in all these
writings, and employed them in his Gargantua and Pantagruel.
Butler was a good French scholar and did not need Urquhart's
translation, but read the French at firsthand Zachary Grey
points out in his notes several passages in Hudibras derived from
the French satirist; but many more correspondences can be
detected by a closer comparison.
1 As to this, see vol. yo, chap. z
>


## p. 60 (#82) ##############################################

60
Samuel Butler
f
Only scanty materials for an account of Samuel Butler's life
\survive. The son of a farmer, he was born at Strensham in Wor-
cestershire, 8 February 1612, and died in London in the year 1680.
He was educated at the cathedral school at Worcester, and, judging
by his proficiency in classical literature, must have been exceedingly
well grounded. Afterwards, he lived in or near Cambridge, but
does not seem to have entered at any one of the colleges or to have
been a member of the university. Later, he was engaged as an
attendant or secretary to Elizabeth, countess of Kent, at Wrest in
Bedfordshire. This was an important period of his life, for John
Selden, the accomplished lawyer, passed at least three long vacations
(1626—8) under the same roof, and interested himself in Butler.
It may, perhaps, be fanciful to find in the lawyer's fondness for
illustration and analogy in his Table Talk the suggestion of the
similar treatment of his subjects in the droll similes and com-
parisons that meet us often in Butler's writings.
Some years of his early life were spent in the capacity of clerk
to a succession of county magistrates; but the most important
of these employments was that under Sir Samuel Luke, of Cople
Hoo near Bedford, who was a fanatical puritan, one of Cromwell's
colonels in the civil war, and scoutmaster for Bedfordshire and
several midland counties. In this gentleman's house were frequent
meetings of members of various religious and political sects, and
Butler had an opportunity of noting the peculiarities and pretentions
of a motley crew, which he afterwards mercilessly ridiculed in his
comic epic. Here, no doubt, he composed many of his Characters
and notes, which sometimes appear in his Hudibras, though some
of the Characters were obviously written, partly, at least, after the
restoration. One hundred and twenty of these Characters had
appeared (but not till 1759) in The Genuine Remains in Verse and
Prose of Mr Samuel Butler, edited by Robert Thyer, and, recently,
sixty-eight more, together with a number of miscellaneous Obser-
vations and Reflexions, have been published? In 1660, Butler
.
became secretary to Richard, earl of Carbery, lord president of
Wales, who appointed him steward of Ludlow castle, where
many Characters and other compositions were written out fair
for the press, as they came afterwards into the hands of his
friend William Longueville.
After the restoration, Butler published the first part of his
Hudibras in 1663, the second part in 1664, but the third part did
not see the light till 1678. It was at once received with great
Ed. Waller, A. R. (Cambridge English Classics), 1908.
2


## p. 61 (#83) ##############################################

His Later Days. His Learning
61
enthusiasm, especially by Charles II, to whom it became a kind
of vade-mecum, and who rewarded the poet with a gratuity
of £3001.
It is recorded that Butler contracted a marriage with a wealthy
widow, but that they lost their property by unfortunate speculations.
Another story attributes this loss to the rascality of lawyers and
accounts thus for the exceeding bitterness with which the poet
assails them. But this is an obscure point; even the lady's name
is not known for certain. If the question could be satisfactorily
determined, light would possibly be thrown on the relations of
Hudibras and the widow in the third part of the poem. It seems, ,
however, tolerably certain that Butler passed the rest of his days
in needy circumstances and died in abject penury. This is attested
by an epigram full of bitterness on the subject of a monument
erected to his memory in Westminster abbey in 1720 :
While Butler, needy Wretch, was yet alive
No Generous Patron would a Dinner give.
See him when starv'd to death and turn'd to Dust
Presented with a monumental Bust.
The Poet's Fate is here in Emblem show'n;
He asked for Bread and he receiv'd a Stone.
We have seen that he was well taught in Latin and Greek; but
we learn from one of his contradictions that he gave up his Greek
studies after he had left school as 'unnecessary except to Dunces
and Schoolmasters,' and, in his Thoughts on Learning and Know-
ledge, he repeats that Greek is of little use in our times unless to
serve Pedants and mountebanks to smatter withal'; there is, how-
ever, considerable evidence that he kept up his Latin, especially in the
satirists Horace, Juvenal and Persius, from whom he derives many
thoughts and similes ; Lucan, also, he parodies in a notable passage.
In his prose writings (Reflections, etc. ) he shows that he had read
Lucretius carefully; he employs that poet's language in illustrating
remarks aimed at the newly formed Royal Society or, as they were
styled, the 'Virtuosi of Gresham College. ' He freely showers
ridicule on Sir Paul Neale, probably the original of the astrologer
Sidrophel (perhaps a parody of 'Astrophil') and on Lord Brounker,
president of the Society, who, in the poem entitled The Elephant
in the Moon, is dubbed 'Virtuoso in chief. '
1 Thus, especially if the difference in the value of money be remembered, the
observation of Dennis (Reflections on Pope's Essay on Criticism, p. 539), 'that Butler
was starved at the same time that the king had his book in his pocket' is bardly fair
to Charles II.
: p. 280 (ed.