His
Speculum
prin-
cipis (G.
cipis (G.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v03
Within three
years
after its first appearance, it was translated into Latin by Brant's
friend Locher, and then into almost every European language.
Barclay, probably, first became acquainted with it through the
Latin version, which was soon as popular in England as everywhere
else. His translation, published in 1509, was almost the last in verse
to appear, and was followed in the same year by a prose trans-
lation by Henry Watson from the French version of Jehan Droyn.
In the preface, Barclay states that he used Locher's translation as
well as the French and German versions. In the original edition,
Locher's text is printed in front of the English translation, and
Cawood's edition of 1570 even puts on the title “translated out
of Latin into Englishe. Careful comparison has shown that
Barclay follows chiefly the Latin version, but that he made use of
the French version by Pierre Rivière (Paris, 1497), which was
founded on Locher also, and that he used at the same time,
though in a much less degree, the German original. For one of
the last chapters of his book he seems to be indebted to Jodocus
Badius, whereas the ballad in honour of the Virgin Mary at the
end is probably his own?
According to his prologue, he desired 'to redres the errours
and vyces of this our royalme of Englande, as the foresayde
composer and translatours hath done in theyr contrees. ' There-
fore, he followed his author 'in sentence' rather than word,
and it is very interesting to see how he added here and abridged
there, to suit his English public and his personal taste. On the
whole, he was inclined to a certain diffuseness and wordiness. He
tells us that Pynson, his publisher, who, apparently, knew him
well, was afraid from the very beginning that the book might
become rather bulky, and entreated him not to pack too many
fools into his ship. As it is, Barclay's translation is two and a
half times as long as his Latin original, namely fourteen thousand
and thirty-four lines? This is partly due to the metre, the
-.
heroic seven-lined stanza, which forms a curious contrast to the
6
1 Cf. Fraustadt, über das Verhältnis von Barclay's 'Ship oj Fools' zur lat. , franz. u.
deutschen Quelle.
? Brænt has 7034, Locher 5672 lines.
## p. 60 (#82) ##############################################
60
Alexander Barclay
a
unpretending matter and is handled sometimes a little stifly. The
language is very plain and simple, as Barclay meant to write
not for learned men but for the common people. A few
Scots words betray the author's nationality. Whereas the learned
Locher had obliterated the popular spirit of Brant's work, Barclay
sought to intensify it by cutting out many classical references,
exchanging unknown instances for such as were more familiar,
introducing new comparisons and so on. He often makes remarks
on the woodcuts, and tries still further to give character to the
various kinds of fools. If Locher had endeavoured to work out the
allegory of the ship a little better than Brant, Barclay, following
English literary taste, went further in the same direction and tried to
make the whole more coherent. He was very fond of philosophical
and religious reflections and admonitions, which he added freely,
particularly in the envoys to each chapter. Locher had left out
many of Brant's proverbs ;-Barclay introduces a great many that
are new.
There are a few personal touches in The Ship of Fools.
Barclay, like Brant, twice describes himself as the steersman of
his ship, which is bound for some English harbour, though it
seems doubtful if she will ever arrive; once, he introduces himself
as a humble passenger. Whereas he assigns a place in the ship
to some people he apparently disliked, as stout Mansell of Ottery
or twelve ‘secondaries' of his college, he refuses to take in some
of his friends as being too good. Once, he expresses his con-
tempt of lighter poetry and speaks of his rival, John Skelton,
in terms unusually strong? Several times he alludes to the
sinfulness of London or to the vices of English society, or he
mentions English games and the bad influence of French fashions.
Sometimes, Barclay's additions are of a more general character,
as when he speaks of vices that are not confined to any age or
country in particular. The details which, in such instances, he
introduces exhibit him at his best; he is then rather more lively
than is usual with him, and often shows touches of real humour,
as, for instance, in his satirical remarks on women.
Great stress is laid on the presumption and wrong-doings of
officials, clerical and secular. On this head, Barclay, generally, has
much more to say than Brant; and that he always had in his mind
the conditions of his own country is proved, not only by his
referring to English institutions and offices, but, also, by his
express statement that some abuses are not so common in
1 Sharper still is the attack on Skelton in the fourth Eclogue ; cf. Dyce, p. xxxvi.
## p. 61 (#83) ##############################################
Barclay and Brant
61
England as on the continent? . He complains of the bribery in
vogue at Westminster Hall and he admonishes the 'yonge stu-
dentes of the Chancery' to rehabilitate justice. He always takes
the part of the poor people against their oppressors. Bad secular
officials are attacked as unsparingly as are haughty and greedy
ecclesiastics. He is exceedingly severe on bad members of his own
profession, blames artful friars and worldly priests and complains
repeatedly of the promotion of ignorant and lazy people to offices for
which they are not fit. He asserts quite frankly that unscrupulous
prelates and bad priests are the main cause of the general muddle,
and of the decay of the catholic faith, which he speaks of 'with
wete chekes by teres thycke as hayle' (11, 193). But, like Brant,
he does not advocate any thoroughgoing reforms and is extremely
hard on heretics as well as on Turks and heathen.
As Brant admired the emperor Maximilian, so Barclay
enthusiastically praises Henry VIII; and, when he expects him to
start a crusade against the infidels, with James IV of Scotland
as ally and commander-in-chief, this shows sufficiently that he is
as bad a politician as the German professor who actually expected
to see the imperial crown and the tiara united on the willing head
of his romantic hero.
Barclay again shows himself at one with Brant, when he echoes
his continual recommendation of the golden mean. He has not the
slightest sympathy for people who, like Alexander, attempt more
than they can accomplish, nor for those who neglect their own
affairs by pushing those of others. Knowledge and learning he
values only as instruments for the promotion of faith. As to
discoveries, he tries to be up to date, but calls them useless,
inasmuch as we shall never know the whole earth. So, in spite of
his learning, his point of view is entirely medieval.
The literary influence of The Ship of Fools in England is
noticeable, for instance, in Cocke Lorell's bote (c. 1510), with her
crew of London craftsmen? Perhaps, also, Skelton's lost Nacyoun
of Folys (G. of L. 1470) was suggested by The Ship of Fools,
the influence of which has also been traced in the same poet's
Bowge of Courte: The Boke of Three Fooles, ascribed to Skelton
till quite recently, has turned out to be a mere reprint of some
chapters of Watson's prose translation referred to above :
1 Cf. Jamieson, 1, p. 299.
? See post, chap. v.
3 Cf. Herford's Literary Relations of England and Germany in the 16th century,
pp. 352 ff. ; Rey, Skelton's satirical poems in their relation to Lydgate's ' Order of Fools,'
Cock Lorell's bote' and Barclay's 'Ship of Fools. '
* Brie, Engl. Stud. XXXII, p. 262; IXXVII, pp. 78 ff.
.
6
## p. 62 (#84) ##############################################
62
Alexander Barclay
In both the cases mentioned we have to think of the Latin
version rather than of Barclay's English translation. To the
latter, however, Skelton may have been indebted for some traits
in his Magnyfycence, written about 1516Copland's Hye Way
to the Spyttel Hous, published after 1531, was certainly
suggested by Barclay's chapter on beggars and vagabonds? . In
the later Elizabethan time The Ship of Fools was of some in-
fluence on the development of emblem books by its woodcuts, and,
even when its purely literary influence had faded, it was still
liked as a collection of satirical types. There are frequent allusions
to it in Elizabethan drama. Its greatest importance, perhaps,
lies in the fact that, by substituting distinct types for the shadowy
abstractions of fifteenth century allegory, it paved the way
for a new kind of literature, which soon sprang up, and, in the
Elizabethan time, found its highest expression in the drama of
character3.
Barclay's Eclogues, published about 1514, as we gather from
several historical allusions, had a rather strange fate. Written by
him in his youth, probably at different times, they were mislaid
and lost for many years, until one day the author, then thirty-eight
years of age, turning over some old books, lighted upon them
unexpectedly. He looked them over, added some new touches and
showed them to some friends, at whose request they were published.
As the first specimens of English pastoral poetry they would
possess some historical importance, even if there were nothing else
to recommend them. But they are interesting enough in themselves
to deserve our attention. The last of the five was, undoubtedly,
written first, then, probably, followed the fourth and, finally, the
three others, forming together a special group, were composed*.
The matter for the fifth and fourth was taken from Mantuan,
for the others from Aeneas Sylvius.
Johannes Baptista Spagnuoli, called Mantuanus, was, next to
Petrarch, the most famous Italian writer of new Latin eclogues.
In England, where, at that time, the Greek idyllic poet Theocritus
was still quite unknown, Mantuan was valued even more than
Vergil and was read in grammar schools to Shakespeare's time.
This explains why Barclay followed him rather than the Roman
1 Ramsay, Magnificence, pp. lxxii ff.
3 For other poems related to The Ship of Fools see Herford, The Literary Relations
of England and Germany in the 16th Century, chap. vi.
3 Cf. Ward, A. W. , Dictionary of National Biography on Barclay, and Herford,
p. 325. Also Ramsay's introduction to his edition of Skelton's Magnificence, p. cxciv.
* Reissert, Die Eclogen des Alexander Barclay.
## p. 63 (#85) ##############################################
Barclay's Eclogues
63
poet, whom, nevertheless, he knew quite well, as is proved by some
reminiscences from the Bucolics.
The argument of the fifth Eclogue, called The Cytezen and
Uplondyshman, is as follows. Amyntas, a shepherd, who, after a
life of doubtful reputation and success in London, has been com-
pelled to retire to the country, and Faustus, another shepherd,
his poor but always contented comrade, who comes to town only on
market days and prefers a simple village life, lie together in the
warm straw on a cold winter day. They begin to talk 'of the
dyversyte of rurall husbondes, and men of the cyte. ' Faustus
accuses and blames the townspeople, Amyntas the peasants.
Amyntas, who counts himself the better man, begins with a de-
scription of winter with its disadvantages and pleasures. For
poor people it is very bad, says Faustus, asserting that, whereas
peasants have to suffer in winter for their improvidence, towns-
people, luckier and wiser, live in abundance. Amyntas opposes
him. Townsfolk are even more foolish than shepherds, only they
are favoured by fortune. When Faustus suddenly turns ambitious
and wants to become a great man, Amyntas reproves bim and
tells a story showing how God himself ordained the difference of
ranks among men. One day, when Adam was afield and Eve sat at
home among her children, God demanded to see them. Ashamed
of there being so many, Eve hides some of them under hay and
straw, in the chimney and in other unsavoury places. The others
she shows to the Lord, who is very kind to them and presents
them with various gifts. The eldest he makes an emperor, the
second a king, the third a duke and so on. Full of joy, Eve now
fetches the rest. But they look so dirty and are otherwise so
disagreeable, that the Lord is disgusted and condemns them to
live in drudgery and endless servitude. Thus began the difference
of honour and bondage, of town and village.
Faustus, highly indignant, suspects that the story has been
invented by malicious townspeople out of scorn for poor shepherds,
and tells another story, showing that many well known people,
from Abel to Jesus Christ, have been shepherds and that the Lord
always held shepherds in particular favour. Then he denounces
the town as the home of all wickedness and cause of all evils.
Sometimes he is interrupted by Amyntas, who wonders whence he
got all his knowledge, and charges him with exaggeration. In
the end, Faustus congratulates himself on living in the country,
untouched by the vices of townspeople.
The story in the beginning is taken from Mantuan's sixth
i
## p. 64 (#86) ##############################################
64
Alexander Barclay
Eclogue, that of Faustus from the seventh. Barclay's translation
is fairly good. He follows his model pretty closely, but shifts the
names and sometimes makes the two speakers change their parts.
As in The Ship of Fools, he is fond of making additions and amplifi-
cations. The chief interest is, of course, again moral and satirical.
He tries to gain local colour by substituting English for classical
names and by introducing situations taken from English town and
country life. Thus, we have a lively description of football. He
gives an admirable picture, full of striking realistic touches, of
Eve amidst her children. In his characterisation of the two shep-
herds he is not always so successful.
In the fourth Eclogue, Codrus and Minalcas, treating of 'the
behavour of riche men agaynst poetes,' the substance is taken
from Mantuan's fifth Eclogue. This time, Barclay uses his source
with much more freedom. Codrus, a well-to-do but stupid and
stingy shepherd, perceiving Minalcas, a fellow of a poetic turn of
mind but depressed by poverty, asks him why he has given up
singing ‘swete balades. ' Minalcas answers that ‘Enemie to muses
is wretched poverty. ' This Codrus declines to admit, but wishes
to hear some old song; whereupon the other replies that a poet
cannot thrive on idle flattery, and that he cannot look after his
flock and write poetry at the same time. Everybody, retorts
Codrus, ought to be content with his lot; for, if one man has the
gift of riches, another has that of poetry; but he is by no
means disposed to exchange the comforts of wealth for delight in
song, and listens impatiently to the poet's complaints. By vague
promises, Minalcas, at last, is induced to give some stanzas 'of
fruitful clauses of noble Solomon. ' As these are not to Codrus's
liking, he recites a rather long 'wofull' elegy on the death of lord
Edward Howard, high admiral, son of the duke of Norfolk, Bar-
clay's patron, who lost his life in a daring attack on the French
fleet before Brest, 25 April 1513. It is written in the usual style
of this kind of poetry and contains a fairly good allegoric descrip-
tion of Labour, 'dreadfull of visage, a monster intreatable. ' When
Minalcas has finished, Codrus promises him some reward in the
future; whereupon the disappointed poet swears at him and
invokes on him the fate of Midas for bis niggardliness.
The most interesting feature of the poem is the introduc-
tion of the two songs-a trick, however, used already by Mantuan
in one of his eclogues. The style of the two songs is purely
English.
In Barclay's first three Eclogues, the form only is taken from
## p. 65 (#87) ##############################################
Barclay's Eclogues
65
Mantuan, the matter, as we have said above, from Aeneas Sylvius's
Tractatus de curialium miseriis, a treatise in which the ambitious
churchman expresses his disappointments. Nevertheless, here also
Barclay owes a good deal to Mantuan in characterisation as well
as in detail.
In the first, Coridon, a young shepherd, who wants to try his
luck at court, is warned against doing so by his companion
Cornix, who proves to him that all such courtiers do live in
misery, which serve in the court for honour, laude or fame, and
might or power. A threatening storm compels the pair to break
off their conversation.
In the second Eclogue it is taken up again. They speak of
the court, and 'what pleasure is there sene with the fyve wittes,
beginning at the eyne. ' In a long dialogue on the discomforts of
courtiers, it is shown that whosoever hopes for pleasure at court
is certain to be disappointed. Barclay follows his source very
closely here; and, if in the first Eclogue we do not quite see
what a simple shepherd wants to do at the court, in the second
we are as much surprised as is good Coridon himself to hear
Cornis quote classical authors.
The third Eclogue completes the conversation with an exceed-
ingly vivid description of the courtiers' undesirable and filthy
dwellings. Bribery, in the case of influential officials and impudent
servants, is mentioned, the evils of war and town life are dwelt
upon, nepotism is blamed, and it is shown that court life spoils
the character, and hinders a man from reading and studying.
Coridon is convinced, at last, that he is much more comfortable in
his present condition, and gives up his idea of going to court.
Whereas, in the translation of The Ship of Fools, Barclay often
carefully tones down the strong language of the original, he is not
80 particular in his Eclogues. On the whole, their tone is that of
renascence eclogues in general, i. e. satire on the times, under the
veil of allegory. So we find it with Petrarch and Mantuan, so with
Boccaccio and the other Italian writers of bucolic poetry, so in
Spain and, later, in France in the case of Clément Marot, who,
again, exercised a great influence on English pastoral poetry.
But, besides these modern influences, we find throughout that of
Vergil, who first introduced moral and satirical elements into
bucolic poetry.
There are, also, some personal touches in Barclay's Eclogues.
In the first, he excepts with due loyalty the court of Henry
VII, 'which nowe departed late,' and that of Henry VIII, from
E. L. III.
CH, IV.
5
## p. 66 (#88) ##############################################
66
Alexander Barclay
all the miseries of which he is going to speak. There is, further,
a moving passage describing how Barclay, on a fine May morning,
visited Ely cathedral, where he laments the death of his patron,
bishop Alcock. Another patron, bishop Morton, is mentioned in
Eclogues III and iv. In the latter, he refers also to the 'Dean
of Powles,' Colet, as a good preacher.
In spite of their interest and in spite of the fact that Cawood
appended them to his edition of The Ship of Fools, in 1570,
Barclay's Eclogues were soon forgotten. Spenser ignores them
as he ignores other earlier attempts at pastoral poetry. In the
dedication of The Shepheards Calender, 1579, we are simply told
that the poet has chosen this poetical form ‘to furnish our tongue
with this kinde, wherein it faulteth. ' Spenser's contemporaries,
with whom pastoral poetry became fashionable under Italian in-
fluence, praised him as the father of the English eclogue, and had
completely forgotten that, more than sixty years before, Barclay
had sought for the first time to introduce the eclogue into English
literature.
Barclay never wrote without a moral, didactic or satirical
purpose, and his conception of literature was narrow. He was
certainly not an original writer ; but he was a steady and con-
scientious worker, who did some useful work as a translator of
classical and other literature, and set out on some tracks never
followed by English writers before him. In The Ship of Fools
and, still more in his Eclogues, he handled his originals with
remarkable freedom, and his attempts to meet the taste of his
readers make these, his main works, exceedingly interesting as
pictures of contemporary English life. As a scholar, he repre-
a
sents medieval, rather than renascence, ideals; as a man, he
was modest and grateful to his friends and patrons; and his
writings, as well as his will, prove him a kind-hearted friend of
the poor.
Though Barclay was well known, there are few contemporary
allusions to him. Bullein, perhaps a personal acquaintance,
in his Dialogue against the Fever Pestilence, 1564, mentions
him repeatedly; as does Bradshaw, in his Life of Saynt
Werburghe, 1521. We find 'preignaunt' Barclay there in the
distinguished company of Chaucer and Lydgate and, what
would assuredly have been to him a great annoyance, also in
that of “inventive' Skelton, whom he seems to have greatly
detested. As his book, Contra Skeltonum, is, unfortunately,
lost, we cannot tell whether he had any special reason for his
## p. 67 (#89) ##############################################
John Skelton
67
aversion to Skelton. The mere difference of character can
hardly account for the extremely sharp attack on Skelton in
The Ship of Fools as well as in the Eclogues, the less so, as
Barclay usually expresses personal dislike in a tame, and un-
malicious way.
John Skelton, born about 1460, probably at Diss in Norfolk,
enjoyed a classical education like his younger rival. He studied
at Cambridge, where the name Skelton is a Peterhouse name, and,
perhaps, in Oxford. There, in 1489, he obtained the academical
degree of poeta laureatus ; this was also conferred on him in 1493
by the university of Louvain, and by his alma mater Canta-
brigiensis. Somewhat late in life, he took holy orders. In 1498,
when almost forty years old, he was ordained successively sub-deacon,
deacon and priest, perhaps because he was to be tutor of young
prince Henry, an appointment showing clearly that he was much
thought of as a scholar. Even so early as 1490, Caxton mentions
him in the introduction to his Eneydos as the translator of Cicero's
Epistolae familiares, and of Diodorus Siculus, and appeals to him
as an authority in that line. Later, in 1500, Erasmus, in an ode
De Laudibus Britanniae, calls him unum Britannicarum literarum
lumen ac decus, and congratulates the prince on having so splendid
a teacher. On the other hand, Lily, the grammarian, with whom
Skelton had a literary feud, did not think highly of him and said
of him: Doctrinam nec habes, nec es poeta. Perhaps he did not
like the poet's lost New Gramer in Englysshe compylyd, mentioned
in the Garlande of Laurell, l. 1182. Skelton's Latin poems are
rather bombastic, but smooth and polished.
His Speculum prin-
cipis (G. of L. 1226 ff. ) is lost. He was well acquainted with
French, and, in his Garlande of Laurell, he speaks of having
translated Of Mannes Lyfe the Peregrynacioun in prose, out of
the French, probably for Margaret, countess of Richmond and
Derby, mother of Henry VII, on whose death, 29 June 1509, he
wrote a Latin elegy. His knowledge of classical, particularly Latin,
literature must have been very extensive. In his Garlande of
Laurell, he mentions almost all the more important Latin and
Greek authors, and, on the whole, shows a fair judgment of them.
His knowledge of Greek was, perhaps, not deep? Some passages
in Speke, Parrot even indicate that he did not much approve of
the study of Greek, then being energetically pursued at Oxford.
"His translation of Diodorus Siculus is done from the Latin version of Poggio, first
printed 1472.
5-2
## p. 68 (#90) ##############################################
68
John Skelton
He there complains, also, of the decay of scholastic educa-
tion and ridicules ignorant and pedantic philologists. He was
particularly fond of the old satirists, and Juvenal seems to have
been his special favourite. His poetry, however, does not betray
any classical influences. With the Italian poets of the renascence
he was, apparently, less familiar. He speaks of ‘Johun Bochas
with his volumys grete' (G. of L. 364), and mentions Petrarch and
old Plutarch together as 'two famous clarkis' (ibid. 379).
English literature he knew best. In Phyllyp Sparowe, he
judges Gower, Chaucer and Lydgate fairly well and lays stress
particularly on Chaucer's mastership of the English language,
whereas he calls Gower's English old-fashioned. On the other
hand, he places Lydgate on the same level with the two older poets,
finding fault only with the darkness of his language. He was ex-
tremely well versed in popular literature, and refers to it often.
Guy of Warwick, Gawain, Lancelot, Tristram and all the other
heroes of popular romance, were well known to him. We also find
in his writings many allusions to popular songs, now partly un-
known. He had himself written a Robin Hood pageant, to
which Barclay alludes scornfully and which is also referred to
later by Anthony Munday! When, and how long, Skelton stayed
.
at court, we cannot tell. In a special poem he boasts that
he had a white and green garment embroidered with the name
‘Calliope' given him by the king; but, as the official docu-
ments never mention his name, it is not likely that he ever stood
in
any closer relation to the court after his pupil had come to the
throne. That he must have been there occasionally is proved by
the poems against Garnesche. Skelton was rector of Diss in 1507,
and held this office nominally till his death in 1529, when bis
successor is mentioned. Some of his poems certainly were written
there ; but, in others, particularly in his later satires, he shows
himself so well acquainted with the sentiments of the London
people that he must, at least, have visited the capital frequently.
There is a tradition that Skelton was not very much liked by his
parishioners on account of his erratic nature, and that he had
quarrels with the Dominicans, who denounced him spitefully to
the bishop of Norwich for being married? .
Of Skelton's patrons, besides members of the royal family,
а
1 Cf. Brie, · Skelton-Studien,' in Engl. Stud. XXXVII, pp. 35 ff. ; the figure of Skelton
appears in Munday's Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntingdon, and in Ben Jonson's
Fortunate Isles.
2 Cf. Merie Tales of Skelton (1561).
## p. 69 (#91) ##############################################
Minor Poems
69
the countess of Surrey, at whose castle, Sheriff Hutton, he wrote
his Garlande of Laurell (c. 1520), may be mentioned. As the dedi-
cations of some of Skelton's works to cardinal Wolsey are later
additions of the publishers", it is doubtful if the omnipotent
minister of Henry VIII was his patron too. In any case, Skelton
attacked him from about 15192, and so unsparingly that he was
at last compelled to take sanctuary at Westminster with his friend
abbot Islip. There he remained until his death, 21 June 1529.
He was buried in St Margaret's Church, Westminster; but no
trace is left of his tomb.
As a poet, Skelton is extremely versatile. He practised his
pen in almost every kind of poetry. Unfortunately, many of his
works are lost. We know them only from the enumeration in the
Garlande of Laurell (1170 ff); and even this is incomplete, as the
author self-complacently states. In many cases the titles given
there do not even enable us to draw any conclusions as to their
contents or character. Even his extant works offer many diffi-
culties—sometimes to be met by conjecture only-as regards inter-
pretation and chronology. First editions are missing in most
cases, and, owing probably to their personal and satirical character,
some of the poems must have circulated in manuscript for a con-
siderable time before they were printed'.
Of Skelton's religious poems not many are extant, and, even of
those ascribed to him, some, probably, are not his. From the titles
in The Garlande of Laurell we must, however, conclude that he
wrote many poems of this kind. Satires against the church, and
even irreverence for her rites, are, with him, no signs of irreligious-
ness. He was as ardent a champion of the old faith as Barclay.
In Colyn Clout he speaks contemptuously of Hus, Luther, and of
Wyclif, whom he calls a 'develysshe dogmatist, but the best
proof of his keen hatred for beretics is the Replycacion agaynst
certayne yong scolers abjured of late, written, probably, in 1526*.
The poem is far too long to be impressive; but it is evidently
dictated by strong conviction.
Skelton was not only a loyal son of the church, but, also, a
patriotic Englishman, who hated his country's enemies and exulted
when they were defeated. When Dundas charged the English with
cowardice, Skelton wrote a very vigorous little poem in defence of
1 Cf. Brie, pp. 11 ff.
• But of. Ramsay, Magnificence, pp. cvi ff.
3 Brie, p. 87, has attempted to date all Skelton's works, but admits himself that
the results are not always satisfactory.
• Cf. Brie, pp. 64 ff.
## p. 70 (#92) ##############################################
70
John Skelton
his countrymen. A splendid opportunity for showing his patriotism
presented itself to the poet when James IV was defeated and
killed with a great number of Scots nobles, on Brankston moor
and Flodden hills, in 1513. Immediately after the event, he wrote
a ballad which he retouched later and called Against the Scottes.
And, again, ten years later, when the duke of Albany, allied with
the French, was beaten, Skelton celebrated the victory in a long
and vigorous poem. On 22 September 1513, a choir at Diss
recited an enthusiastic Latin hymn by Skelton on the victory
of Flodden. A similar hymn was composed by him about the
same time on the occasion of the conquest of Terouenne by
Henry VIII and the battle of Spurs (16 August 1513).
As Skelton's authorship of an elegy Of the death of the noble
prince, Kynge Edwarde the Forth seems a little doubtful', his
first authentic court poem would seem to have been the lost
Prince Arturis Creacyoun, 1489 (G. of L. 1178). In the same
year he wrote a long elegy Upon the doulourus dethe of the Erle
of Northumberlande, killed by Northumbrian rebels on 28 April
1489.
Skelton admired Henry VII, but he did not ignore his weak-
nesses. In a Latin epitaph he laments the king's death and
praises him as a successful politician, but he alludes also to the
avarice which made the first Tudor unpopular with his subjects.
The general feeling of relief after Henry VII's death reveals
itself in Eulogium pro suorum temporum conditione, written
in the beginning of Henry VIII's reign. Skelton expected much
of the young monarch, whom he praises in A Lawde and
Prayse made for our Sovereigne Lord the Kyng, and especially
at the end of the poem mentioned above on the victory over the
duke of Albany.
Skelton knew, also, how to glorify noble ladies, especially when
they patronised him and flattered his vanity. Most of his poems in
this vein are inserted in The Garlande of Laurell, an allegorical
poem, full of grotesque self-glorification, and telling how Skelton
is summoned before lady Pallas, to prove himself worthy of his
name's being 'regestred with lawreate tryumphe. ' Among the
crowd of all the great poets of the world he meets Gower, Chaucer
and Lydgate, and is at last crowned with a 'cronell of lawrell'
by the countess of Surrey and her ladies.
The Garlande of Laurell is a very long poem, of 1600 lines,
built up with motives from Chaucer's House of Fame and the
i Brie, p. 27.
## p. 71 (#93) ##############################################
Phyllyp Sparowe
71
Prologue of the Legend of Good Women, and Skelton's self-
conceit shown therein is not relieved by any touch of humour.
The eleven little lyrics in praise of the poet's patroness and
her ladies are somewhat monotonous ; but they have a certain
grace and are good examples of conventional poetry. Skelton's
originality is more evident in Phyllyp Sparowe, a poem addressed
to Jane Scroupe, a young lady who was a pupil of the black
nuns at Carow, and whose pet sparrow had been killed by a
cat. The bird is pictured at great length and its mistress's
grief described in exaggerated language. All the birds under
the sky are summoned to the burial, and each one there is
appointed to its special office. Amongst the mourners we find
our old friend Chaunteclere and his wife Pertelote from Chaucer's
Nun's Priest's Tale, and the fabulous Phoenix, as described
by Pliny. The sparrow's soul is recommended to God and
Jupiter. To compose an epitaph for him proves too much for
Jane, who, however, shows herself a well read young lady. The
second part of the poem, connected rather loosely with the first, is
a praise of the heroine in the typical manner. There is no clear
design in the poem. Skelton seems quite unable, or unwilling,
to stick to his theme. The whole is an odd medley of the
most incongruous ideas, full of literary reminiscences and long
digressions, which, very often, have no relation to the subject.
But the short and lively metre is very effective and keeps up
the attention throughout. The 'addition' shows that there were
people who did not like this sort of poetry, especially as the
ceremonial of the requiem is used for comic purposes in a manner
that must have shocked pious souls. Barclay had mentioned the
poem scornfully at the end of his Ship of Fools and the 'addition'
seems to be Skelton's reply? . Barclay's allusion proves that Phyllyp
Sparowe was written before 1508.
There are other poems of Skelton, written for ladies with
whom he was acquainted, as conventional and insincere as are other
productions of their kind. One of them even ends with the laconic
remark: ‘at the instance of a nobyll lady. Who the lady was, we
cannot tell; but another of Skelton's friends was ‘mastres Anne,
that farly swete, that wonnes at the Key in Temmys strete,'
with whom the poet must once have been on very good terms.
Of his 'pretty lines' to her, none are extant; but there are
two poems in which he treats her in a different fashion,
evidently because she had slighted him and had chosen a new
i Cf. also G. of L. 1257 f.
? G. of L. 1240 ff.
## p. 72 (#94) ##############################################
72
John Skelton
lover? Another poem, caused by a similar disappointment, de-
scribes the once beloved lady at first very eloquently and then,
all of a sudden, takes a sarcastic turn.
The satirical poem
“My darlyng dere, my daysy floure' is very impressive and a most
happy attempt to write in a popular vein.
As we have seen already, it was not advisable to rouse Skelton's
anger. Vain and irritable, he was bent on quarrelling with every-
body, especially when his pride in his knowledge or academic
honours was hurt. Besides the quarrel with Lily, mentioned above,
he had an encounter with the French historian Gaguin (G. of L.
374 ff. , 1187)? One of Skelton's satirical productions, now lost,
Apollo that whirrlyd up his chare (G. of L. 1471 ff. ), seems
to have particularly annoyed certain people. Skelton himself,
wonderful to relate, is sorry for having written it. The some-
what loosely constructed poem Against venemous tongues is worth
mentioning only as the expression of personal experience.
There are other poems showing how dangerous it was to offend
Skelton or to be disliked by him. When he was rector of Diss, he
punished two 'knaves' of his parish who had shown disrespect to
him and did not go to church (G. of L. 1247 ff. ), by composing a
very unflattering epitaph for them. In a similar strain is the
epitaph In Bedel. In these poems, church rites are travestied
as in Phyllyp Sparowe. In Ware the Hauke, Skelton censures
a parson who had profaned his church by baiting a hawk in it.
Except for its length and exaggerated language, the poem is
not remarkable. Two other obscure poems, apparently directed
against certain musicians or minstrels may also be mentioned.
All the poems referred to above show that Skelton had an
amazingly large stock of abusive terms. But by far the best
examples of his talent in this direction are his poems against the
royal chamberlain Christopher Garnesche, who, at the king's com-
mand, had challenged him. Unfortunately, the poems of Skelton's
adversary, which might have thrown some light on the poet's
biography, especially on his relation to the court, are not extant.
He abuses the chamberlain violently, using the strongest expres-
sions imaginable and the most grotesque comparisons. That the
whole was not a serious affair is repeatedly stated in the poems.
It was nothing but an imitation of the Flyting of Dunbar and
Kennedy, composed 1504–5, and printed in 1508, and, like its
1 One of the two poems has been found only lately by Brie and is published in his
Skelton-Studien, p. 29.
Brie, p. 31.
2
## p. 73 (#95) ##############################################
The Bowge of Courte
73
model, is an interesting instance of the coarse vituperation common
to the time.
Remarkable, also, for its coarseness is The Tunnyng of Elynour
Rummyng, a fantastical description of an old ale-wife and her
guests. Again, there is no plan to be discerned; but, sometimes,
a sort of dramatic action is suggested, as the tipsy women come
and go, misbehave themselves, chat and quarrel, or are turned
out. There are some touches of humour in the poem; but it is
drawn out too long and many accessories render it somewhat
monotonous. The metre is the same short verse as in Phyllyp
Sparowe.
The poems against Garnesche were not the only fruit of Skelton's
sojourn at the court. As we have said before, it is not likely that
he stayed there for any length of time after the accession of his
former pupil; but, in any case, he must have seen a good deal of
court life when he was the prince's tutor. Very soon after that
time, probably, he set forth his unfavourable impressions in The
Bouege of Courte, an allegorical poem, written in Chaucer's seven-
lined stanza
In a lengthy prologue, Skelton tells how he wanted to compete
with the old poets, but was discouraged by Ignoraunce. He falls
asleep in his host's house, 'Powers Keye' at 'Harwyche Port,'
and has a strange dream. A stately ship enters the harbour and
casts anchor. Merchants go aboard to examine the costly freight,
and, with them, the poet, who does not perceive a single acquaint-
ance among the noisy crowd. The name of the ship is 'Bowge
of Courte' (free board at the king's table); her owner is the noble
lady Sauncepere, rich and desirable is her merchandise, Favour,
but also very dear. There is a general press to see the beautiful
lady, who sits on a magnificent throne inscribed with the words
'Garder le fortune que est mauelz et bone. Addressed harshly by
Daunger, the lady's chief waiting-woman, the poet, who introduces
himself as Drede, feels crushed; but another gentlewoman, Desire,
cheers him up and presents him with the helpful jewel Bone
Aventure. She further advises him to make friends with Fortune,
a somewhat capricious lady of great influence. Drede feels rather
uneasy from the very beginning, but, like the rest, asks her favour,
which she gives to them all.
The ship goes to sea with full sails. All seems well, until
Drede notices aboard seven ‘full subtyll persons,' all old friends of
Fortune. They bluntly decline any communication with the
stranger, whom, nevertheless, they approach, one after the other,
## p. 74 (#96) ##############################################
74
John Skelton
trying, each in his own way, to deceive and to harm him. Most of
them hide their hatred and jealousy under the mask of dis-
interested friendship, play the humble admirer of his superior
scholarship, warn him against supposed foes, promise their help
and prophesy for him a brilliant career. The only exception is
Dysdayne, a haughty, objectionable fellow, who shows his aversion
openly by picking a quarrel with him. Behind his back, they all
join to ruin the inconvenient new-comer, who notices their whisper-
ing together with increasing misgivings. The last of the seven is
still speaking to him, when, all of a sudden, he sees ‘lewde felawes'
rushing upon him from all sides with murderous purpose. In an
agony of fear, he seizes the ship-board to leap into the water, wakes
up and writes his ‘lytyll boke. ' In a concluding stanza, the poet
affirms his good intention. What he has written was a dream-but
sometimes there is some truth in dreams!
The poem may have been written a little before 1509. At
all events it is one of Skelton's earlier productions, for he would
not have used the allegorical framework for satirical purposes at
a later time. His handling of the traditional form is here highly
original. The seven figures are not of the usual bloodless kind
of personified abstractions, but more like types taken from real
life; and, even if one is not inclined to admit the direct influence
of Brant on Skelton in this poem, their strong resemblance to the
courtiers in The Ship of Fools is not to be denied. The cha-
racterisation shows a powerful imagination, combined with a strong
talent for description. Even the recurrence of the same motives
does not impair the strong impression of the whole, and there are
none of the tiresome digressions here of which Skelton seems
enamoured in other poems. Almost dramatic life pervades the
whole poem, which is called by Warton, very appropriately, a
poem 'in the manner of a pageant. With all its personal or
traditional features, The Bowge of Courte is a classic satire on
court life.
In Colyn Clout, written about 1519, we are told by Colyn, the
roaming vagabond, that everything is wrong in England and that the
clergy are to blame for it. The bishops do not look after their flocks,
but strive after worldly honours and promotion by every means.
Haughty, covetous and ignorant, they set a bad example to all the
rest, are fond of hunting and hawking and live in luxury, whereas
the poor people starve. The worst are the upstart prelates, whose
former poor lives Colyn describes with grim humour. They should
beware of God's punishment and mend their ways, for 'after gloria,
## p. 75 (#97) ##############################################
Colyn Clout
75
laus, may come a soure sauce. ' There is, however, little hope;
for, blinded by flatterers, they are incorrigible.
years
after its first appearance, it was translated into Latin by Brant's
friend Locher, and then into almost every European language.
Barclay, probably, first became acquainted with it through the
Latin version, which was soon as popular in England as everywhere
else. His translation, published in 1509, was almost the last in verse
to appear, and was followed in the same year by a prose trans-
lation by Henry Watson from the French version of Jehan Droyn.
In the preface, Barclay states that he used Locher's translation as
well as the French and German versions. In the original edition,
Locher's text is printed in front of the English translation, and
Cawood's edition of 1570 even puts on the title “translated out
of Latin into Englishe. Careful comparison has shown that
Barclay follows chiefly the Latin version, but that he made use of
the French version by Pierre Rivière (Paris, 1497), which was
founded on Locher also, and that he used at the same time,
though in a much less degree, the German original. For one of
the last chapters of his book he seems to be indebted to Jodocus
Badius, whereas the ballad in honour of the Virgin Mary at the
end is probably his own?
According to his prologue, he desired 'to redres the errours
and vyces of this our royalme of Englande, as the foresayde
composer and translatours hath done in theyr contrees. ' There-
fore, he followed his author 'in sentence' rather than word,
and it is very interesting to see how he added here and abridged
there, to suit his English public and his personal taste. On the
whole, he was inclined to a certain diffuseness and wordiness. He
tells us that Pynson, his publisher, who, apparently, knew him
well, was afraid from the very beginning that the book might
become rather bulky, and entreated him not to pack too many
fools into his ship. As it is, Barclay's translation is two and a
half times as long as his Latin original, namely fourteen thousand
and thirty-four lines? This is partly due to the metre, the
-.
heroic seven-lined stanza, which forms a curious contrast to the
6
1 Cf. Fraustadt, über das Verhältnis von Barclay's 'Ship oj Fools' zur lat. , franz. u.
deutschen Quelle.
? Brænt has 7034, Locher 5672 lines.
## p. 60 (#82) ##############################################
60
Alexander Barclay
a
unpretending matter and is handled sometimes a little stifly. The
language is very plain and simple, as Barclay meant to write
not for learned men but for the common people. A few
Scots words betray the author's nationality. Whereas the learned
Locher had obliterated the popular spirit of Brant's work, Barclay
sought to intensify it by cutting out many classical references,
exchanging unknown instances for such as were more familiar,
introducing new comparisons and so on. He often makes remarks
on the woodcuts, and tries still further to give character to the
various kinds of fools. If Locher had endeavoured to work out the
allegory of the ship a little better than Brant, Barclay, following
English literary taste, went further in the same direction and tried to
make the whole more coherent. He was very fond of philosophical
and religious reflections and admonitions, which he added freely,
particularly in the envoys to each chapter. Locher had left out
many of Brant's proverbs ;-Barclay introduces a great many that
are new.
There are a few personal touches in The Ship of Fools.
Barclay, like Brant, twice describes himself as the steersman of
his ship, which is bound for some English harbour, though it
seems doubtful if she will ever arrive; once, he introduces himself
as a humble passenger. Whereas he assigns a place in the ship
to some people he apparently disliked, as stout Mansell of Ottery
or twelve ‘secondaries' of his college, he refuses to take in some
of his friends as being too good. Once, he expresses his con-
tempt of lighter poetry and speaks of his rival, John Skelton,
in terms unusually strong? Several times he alludes to the
sinfulness of London or to the vices of English society, or he
mentions English games and the bad influence of French fashions.
Sometimes, Barclay's additions are of a more general character,
as when he speaks of vices that are not confined to any age or
country in particular. The details which, in such instances, he
introduces exhibit him at his best; he is then rather more lively
than is usual with him, and often shows touches of real humour,
as, for instance, in his satirical remarks on women.
Great stress is laid on the presumption and wrong-doings of
officials, clerical and secular. On this head, Barclay, generally, has
much more to say than Brant; and that he always had in his mind
the conditions of his own country is proved, not only by his
referring to English institutions and offices, but, also, by his
express statement that some abuses are not so common in
1 Sharper still is the attack on Skelton in the fourth Eclogue ; cf. Dyce, p. xxxvi.
## p. 61 (#83) ##############################################
Barclay and Brant
61
England as on the continent? . He complains of the bribery in
vogue at Westminster Hall and he admonishes the 'yonge stu-
dentes of the Chancery' to rehabilitate justice. He always takes
the part of the poor people against their oppressors. Bad secular
officials are attacked as unsparingly as are haughty and greedy
ecclesiastics. He is exceedingly severe on bad members of his own
profession, blames artful friars and worldly priests and complains
repeatedly of the promotion of ignorant and lazy people to offices for
which they are not fit. He asserts quite frankly that unscrupulous
prelates and bad priests are the main cause of the general muddle,
and of the decay of the catholic faith, which he speaks of 'with
wete chekes by teres thycke as hayle' (11, 193). But, like Brant,
he does not advocate any thoroughgoing reforms and is extremely
hard on heretics as well as on Turks and heathen.
As Brant admired the emperor Maximilian, so Barclay
enthusiastically praises Henry VIII; and, when he expects him to
start a crusade against the infidels, with James IV of Scotland
as ally and commander-in-chief, this shows sufficiently that he is
as bad a politician as the German professor who actually expected
to see the imperial crown and the tiara united on the willing head
of his romantic hero.
Barclay again shows himself at one with Brant, when he echoes
his continual recommendation of the golden mean. He has not the
slightest sympathy for people who, like Alexander, attempt more
than they can accomplish, nor for those who neglect their own
affairs by pushing those of others. Knowledge and learning he
values only as instruments for the promotion of faith. As to
discoveries, he tries to be up to date, but calls them useless,
inasmuch as we shall never know the whole earth. So, in spite of
his learning, his point of view is entirely medieval.
The literary influence of The Ship of Fools in England is
noticeable, for instance, in Cocke Lorell's bote (c. 1510), with her
crew of London craftsmen? Perhaps, also, Skelton's lost Nacyoun
of Folys (G. of L. 1470) was suggested by The Ship of Fools,
the influence of which has also been traced in the same poet's
Bowge of Courte: The Boke of Three Fooles, ascribed to Skelton
till quite recently, has turned out to be a mere reprint of some
chapters of Watson's prose translation referred to above :
1 Cf. Jamieson, 1, p. 299.
? See post, chap. v.
3 Cf. Herford's Literary Relations of England and Germany in the 16th century,
pp. 352 ff. ; Rey, Skelton's satirical poems in their relation to Lydgate's ' Order of Fools,'
Cock Lorell's bote' and Barclay's 'Ship of Fools. '
* Brie, Engl. Stud. XXXII, p. 262; IXXVII, pp. 78 ff.
.
6
## p. 62 (#84) ##############################################
62
Alexander Barclay
In both the cases mentioned we have to think of the Latin
version rather than of Barclay's English translation. To the
latter, however, Skelton may have been indebted for some traits
in his Magnyfycence, written about 1516Copland's Hye Way
to the Spyttel Hous, published after 1531, was certainly
suggested by Barclay's chapter on beggars and vagabonds? . In
the later Elizabethan time The Ship of Fools was of some in-
fluence on the development of emblem books by its woodcuts, and,
even when its purely literary influence had faded, it was still
liked as a collection of satirical types. There are frequent allusions
to it in Elizabethan drama. Its greatest importance, perhaps,
lies in the fact that, by substituting distinct types for the shadowy
abstractions of fifteenth century allegory, it paved the way
for a new kind of literature, which soon sprang up, and, in the
Elizabethan time, found its highest expression in the drama of
character3.
Barclay's Eclogues, published about 1514, as we gather from
several historical allusions, had a rather strange fate. Written by
him in his youth, probably at different times, they were mislaid
and lost for many years, until one day the author, then thirty-eight
years of age, turning over some old books, lighted upon them
unexpectedly. He looked them over, added some new touches and
showed them to some friends, at whose request they were published.
As the first specimens of English pastoral poetry they would
possess some historical importance, even if there were nothing else
to recommend them. But they are interesting enough in themselves
to deserve our attention. The last of the five was, undoubtedly,
written first, then, probably, followed the fourth and, finally, the
three others, forming together a special group, were composed*.
The matter for the fifth and fourth was taken from Mantuan,
for the others from Aeneas Sylvius.
Johannes Baptista Spagnuoli, called Mantuanus, was, next to
Petrarch, the most famous Italian writer of new Latin eclogues.
In England, where, at that time, the Greek idyllic poet Theocritus
was still quite unknown, Mantuan was valued even more than
Vergil and was read in grammar schools to Shakespeare's time.
This explains why Barclay followed him rather than the Roman
1 Ramsay, Magnificence, pp. lxxii ff.
3 For other poems related to The Ship of Fools see Herford, The Literary Relations
of England and Germany in the 16th Century, chap. vi.
3 Cf. Ward, A. W. , Dictionary of National Biography on Barclay, and Herford,
p. 325. Also Ramsay's introduction to his edition of Skelton's Magnificence, p. cxciv.
* Reissert, Die Eclogen des Alexander Barclay.
## p. 63 (#85) ##############################################
Barclay's Eclogues
63
poet, whom, nevertheless, he knew quite well, as is proved by some
reminiscences from the Bucolics.
The argument of the fifth Eclogue, called The Cytezen and
Uplondyshman, is as follows. Amyntas, a shepherd, who, after a
life of doubtful reputation and success in London, has been com-
pelled to retire to the country, and Faustus, another shepherd,
his poor but always contented comrade, who comes to town only on
market days and prefers a simple village life, lie together in the
warm straw on a cold winter day. They begin to talk 'of the
dyversyte of rurall husbondes, and men of the cyte. ' Faustus
accuses and blames the townspeople, Amyntas the peasants.
Amyntas, who counts himself the better man, begins with a de-
scription of winter with its disadvantages and pleasures. For
poor people it is very bad, says Faustus, asserting that, whereas
peasants have to suffer in winter for their improvidence, towns-
people, luckier and wiser, live in abundance. Amyntas opposes
him. Townsfolk are even more foolish than shepherds, only they
are favoured by fortune. When Faustus suddenly turns ambitious
and wants to become a great man, Amyntas reproves bim and
tells a story showing how God himself ordained the difference of
ranks among men. One day, when Adam was afield and Eve sat at
home among her children, God demanded to see them. Ashamed
of there being so many, Eve hides some of them under hay and
straw, in the chimney and in other unsavoury places. The others
she shows to the Lord, who is very kind to them and presents
them with various gifts. The eldest he makes an emperor, the
second a king, the third a duke and so on. Full of joy, Eve now
fetches the rest. But they look so dirty and are otherwise so
disagreeable, that the Lord is disgusted and condemns them to
live in drudgery and endless servitude. Thus began the difference
of honour and bondage, of town and village.
Faustus, highly indignant, suspects that the story has been
invented by malicious townspeople out of scorn for poor shepherds,
and tells another story, showing that many well known people,
from Abel to Jesus Christ, have been shepherds and that the Lord
always held shepherds in particular favour. Then he denounces
the town as the home of all wickedness and cause of all evils.
Sometimes he is interrupted by Amyntas, who wonders whence he
got all his knowledge, and charges him with exaggeration. In
the end, Faustus congratulates himself on living in the country,
untouched by the vices of townspeople.
The story in the beginning is taken from Mantuan's sixth
i
## p. 64 (#86) ##############################################
64
Alexander Barclay
Eclogue, that of Faustus from the seventh. Barclay's translation
is fairly good. He follows his model pretty closely, but shifts the
names and sometimes makes the two speakers change their parts.
As in The Ship of Fools, he is fond of making additions and amplifi-
cations. The chief interest is, of course, again moral and satirical.
He tries to gain local colour by substituting English for classical
names and by introducing situations taken from English town and
country life. Thus, we have a lively description of football. He
gives an admirable picture, full of striking realistic touches, of
Eve amidst her children. In his characterisation of the two shep-
herds he is not always so successful.
In the fourth Eclogue, Codrus and Minalcas, treating of 'the
behavour of riche men agaynst poetes,' the substance is taken
from Mantuan's fifth Eclogue. This time, Barclay uses his source
with much more freedom. Codrus, a well-to-do but stupid and
stingy shepherd, perceiving Minalcas, a fellow of a poetic turn of
mind but depressed by poverty, asks him why he has given up
singing ‘swete balades. ' Minalcas answers that ‘Enemie to muses
is wretched poverty. ' This Codrus declines to admit, but wishes
to hear some old song; whereupon the other replies that a poet
cannot thrive on idle flattery, and that he cannot look after his
flock and write poetry at the same time. Everybody, retorts
Codrus, ought to be content with his lot; for, if one man has the
gift of riches, another has that of poetry; but he is by no
means disposed to exchange the comforts of wealth for delight in
song, and listens impatiently to the poet's complaints. By vague
promises, Minalcas, at last, is induced to give some stanzas 'of
fruitful clauses of noble Solomon. ' As these are not to Codrus's
liking, he recites a rather long 'wofull' elegy on the death of lord
Edward Howard, high admiral, son of the duke of Norfolk, Bar-
clay's patron, who lost his life in a daring attack on the French
fleet before Brest, 25 April 1513. It is written in the usual style
of this kind of poetry and contains a fairly good allegoric descrip-
tion of Labour, 'dreadfull of visage, a monster intreatable. ' When
Minalcas has finished, Codrus promises him some reward in the
future; whereupon the disappointed poet swears at him and
invokes on him the fate of Midas for bis niggardliness.
The most interesting feature of the poem is the introduc-
tion of the two songs-a trick, however, used already by Mantuan
in one of his eclogues. The style of the two songs is purely
English.
In Barclay's first three Eclogues, the form only is taken from
## p. 65 (#87) ##############################################
Barclay's Eclogues
65
Mantuan, the matter, as we have said above, from Aeneas Sylvius's
Tractatus de curialium miseriis, a treatise in which the ambitious
churchman expresses his disappointments. Nevertheless, here also
Barclay owes a good deal to Mantuan in characterisation as well
as in detail.
In the first, Coridon, a young shepherd, who wants to try his
luck at court, is warned against doing so by his companion
Cornix, who proves to him that all such courtiers do live in
misery, which serve in the court for honour, laude or fame, and
might or power. A threatening storm compels the pair to break
off their conversation.
In the second Eclogue it is taken up again. They speak of
the court, and 'what pleasure is there sene with the fyve wittes,
beginning at the eyne. ' In a long dialogue on the discomforts of
courtiers, it is shown that whosoever hopes for pleasure at court
is certain to be disappointed. Barclay follows his source very
closely here; and, if in the first Eclogue we do not quite see
what a simple shepherd wants to do at the court, in the second
we are as much surprised as is good Coridon himself to hear
Cornis quote classical authors.
The third Eclogue completes the conversation with an exceed-
ingly vivid description of the courtiers' undesirable and filthy
dwellings. Bribery, in the case of influential officials and impudent
servants, is mentioned, the evils of war and town life are dwelt
upon, nepotism is blamed, and it is shown that court life spoils
the character, and hinders a man from reading and studying.
Coridon is convinced, at last, that he is much more comfortable in
his present condition, and gives up his idea of going to court.
Whereas, in the translation of The Ship of Fools, Barclay often
carefully tones down the strong language of the original, he is not
80 particular in his Eclogues. On the whole, their tone is that of
renascence eclogues in general, i. e. satire on the times, under the
veil of allegory. So we find it with Petrarch and Mantuan, so with
Boccaccio and the other Italian writers of bucolic poetry, so in
Spain and, later, in France in the case of Clément Marot, who,
again, exercised a great influence on English pastoral poetry.
But, besides these modern influences, we find throughout that of
Vergil, who first introduced moral and satirical elements into
bucolic poetry.
There are, also, some personal touches in Barclay's Eclogues.
In the first, he excepts with due loyalty the court of Henry
VII, 'which nowe departed late,' and that of Henry VIII, from
E. L. III.
CH, IV.
5
## p. 66 (#88) ##############################################
66
Alexander Barclay
all the miseries of which he is going to speak. There is, further,
a moving passage describing how Barclay, on a fine May morning,
visited Ely cathedral, where he laments the death of his patron,
bishop Alcock. Another patron, bishop Morton, is mentioned in
Eclogues III and iv. In the latter, he refers also to the 'Dean
of Powles,' Colet, as a good preacher.
In spite of their interest and in spite of the fact that Cawood
appended them to his edition of The Ship of Fools, in 1570,
Barclay's Eclogues were soon forgotten. Spenser ignores them
as he ignores other earlier attempts at pastoral poetry. In the
dedication of The Shepheards Calender, 1579, we are simply told
that the poet has chosen this poetical form ‘to furnish our tongue
with this kinde, wherein it faulteth. ' Spenser's contemporaries,
with whom pastoral poetry became fashionable under Italian in-
fluence, praised him as the father of the English eclogue, and had
completely forgotten that, more than sixty years before, Barclay
had sought for the first time to introduce the eclogue into English
literature.
Barclay never wrote without a moral, didactic or satirical
purpose, and his conception of literature was narrow. He was
certainly not an original writer ; but he was a steady and con-
scientious worker, who did some useful work as a translator of
classical and other literature, and set out on some tracks never
followed by English writers before him. In The Ship of Fools
and, still more in his Eclogues, he handled his originals with
remarkable freedom, and his attempts to meet the taste of his
readers make these, his main works, exceedingly interesting as
pictures of contemporary English life. As a scholar, he repre-
a
sents medieval, rather than renascence, ideals; as a man, he
was modest and grateful to his friends and patrons; and his
writings, as well as his will, prove him a kind-hearted friend of
the poor.
Though Barclay was well known, there are few contemporary
allusions to him. Bullein, perhaps a personal acquaintance,
in his Dialogue against the Fever Pestilence, 1564, mentions
him repeatedly; as does Bradshaw, in his Life of Saynt
Werburghe, 1521. We find 'preignaunt' Barclay there in the
distinguished company of Chaucer and Lydgate and, what
would assuredly have been to him a great annoyance, also in
that of “inventive' Skelton, whom he seems to have greatly
detested. As his book, Contra Skeltonum, is, unfortunately,
lost, we cannot tell whether he had any special reason for his
## p. 67 (#89) ##############################################
John Skelton
67
aversion to Skelton. The mere difference of character can
hardly account for the extremely sharp attack on Skelton in
The Ship of Fools as well as in the Eclogues, the less so, as
Barclay usually expresses personal dislike in a tame, and un-
malicious way.
John Skelton, born about 1460, probably at Diss in Norfolk,
enjoyed a classical education like his younger rival. He studied
at Cambridge, where the name Skelton is a Peterhouse name, and,
perhaps, in Oxford. There, in 1489, he obtained the academical
degree of poeta laureatus ; this was also conferred on him in 1493
by the university of Louvain, and by his alma mater Canta-
brigiensis. Somewhat late in life, he took holy orders. In 1498,
when almost forty years old, he was ordained successively sub-deacon,
deacon and priest, perhaps because he was to be tutor of young
prince Henry, an appointment showing clearly that he was much
thought of as a scholar. Even so early as 1490, Caxton mentions
him in the introduction to his Eneydos as the translator of Cicero's
Epistolae familiares, and of Diodorus Siculus, and appeals to him
as an authority in that line. Later, in 1500, Erasmus, in an ode
De Laudibus Britanniae, calls him unum Britannicarum literarum
lumen ac decus, and congratulates the prince on having so splendid
a teacher. On the other hand, Lily, the grammarian, with whom
Skelton had a literary feud, did not think highly of him and said
of him: Doctrinam nec habes, nec es poeta. Perhaps he did not
like the poet's lost New Gramer in Englysshe compylyd, mentioned
in the Garlande of Laurell, l. 1182. Skelton's Latin poems are
rather bombastic, but smooth and polished.
His Speculum prin-
cipis (G. of L. 1226 ff. ) is lost. He was well acquainted with
French, and, in his Garlande of Laurell, he speaks of having
translated Of Mannes Lyfe the Peregrynacioun in prose, out of
the French, probably for Margaret, countess of Richmond and
Derby, mother of Henry VII, on whose death, 29 June 1509, he
wrote a Latin elegy. His knowledge of classical, particularly Latin,
literature must have been very extensive. In his Garlande of
Laurell, he mentions almost all the more important Latin and
Greek authors, and, on the whole, shows a fair judgment of them.
His knowledge of Greek was, perhaps, not deep? Some passages
in Speke, Parrot even indicate that he did not much approve of
the study of Greek, then being energetically pursued at Oxford.
"His translation of Diodorus Siculus is done from the Latin version of Poggio, first
printed 1472.
5-2
## p. 68 (#90) ##############################################
68
John Skelton
He there complains, also, of the decay of scholastic educa-
tion and ridicules ignorant and pedantic philologists. He was
particularly fond of the old satirists, and Juvenal seems to have
been his special favourite. His poetry, however, does not betray
any classical influences. With the Italian poets of the renascence
he was, apparently, less familiar. He speaks of ‘Johun Bochas
with his volumys grete' (G. of L. 364), and mentions Petrarch and
old Plutarch together as 'two famous clarkis' (ibid. 379).
English literature he knew best. In Phyllyp Sparowe, he
judges Gower, Chaucer and Lydgate fairly well and lays stress
particularly on Chaucer's mastership of the English language,
whereas he calls Gower's English old-fashioned. On the other
hand, he places Lydgate on the same level with the two older poets,
finding fault only with the darkness of his language. He was ex-
tremely well versed in popular literature, and refers to it often.
Guy of Warwick, Gawain, Lancelot, Tristram and all the other
heroes of popular romance, were well known to him. We also find
in his writings many allusions to popular songs, now partly un-
known. He had himself written a Robin Hood pageant, to
which Barclay alludes scornfully and which is also referred to
later by Anthony Munday! When, and how long, Skelton stayed
.
at court, we cannot tell. In a special poem he boasts that
he had a white and green garment embroidered with the name
‘Calliope' given him by the king; but, as the official docu-
ments never mention his name, it is not likely that he ever stood
in
any closer relation to the court after his pupil had come to the
throne. That he must have been there occasionally is proved by
the poems against Garnesche. Skelton was rector of Diss in 1507,
and held this office nominally till his death in 1529, when bis
successor is mentioned. Some of his poems certainly were written
there ; but, in others, particularly in his later satires, he shows
himself so well acquainted with the sentiments of the London
people that he must, at least, have visited the capital frequently.
There is a tradition that Skelton was not very much liked by his
parishioners on account of his erratic nature, and that he had
quarrels with the Dominicans, who denounced him spitefully to
the bishop of Norwich for being married? .
Of Skelton's patrons, besides members of the royal family,
а
1 Cf. Brie, · Skelton-Studien,' in Engl. Stud. XXXVII, pp. 35 ff. ; the figure of Skelton
appears in Munday's Downfall of Robert Earl of Huntingdon, and in Ben Jonson's
Fortunate Isles.
2 Cf. Merie Tales of Skelton (1561).
## p. 69 (#91) ##############################################
Minor Poems
69
the countess of Surrey, at whose castle, Sheriff Hutton, he wrote
his Garlande of Laurell (c. 1520), may be mentioned. As the dedi-
cations of some of Skelton's works to cardinal Wolsey are later
additions of the publishers", it is doubtful if the omnipotent
minister of Henry VIII was his patron too. In any case, Skelton
attacked him from about 15192, and so unsparingly that he was
at last compelled to take sanctuary at Westminster with his friend
abbot Islip. There he remained until his death, 21 June 1529.
He was buried in St Margaret's Church, Westminster; but no
trace is left of his tomb.
As a poet, Skelton is extremely versatile. He practised his
pen in almost every kind of poetry. Unfortunately, many of his
works are lost. We know them only from the enumeration in the
Garlande of Laurell (1170 ff); and even this is incomplete, as the
author self-complacently states. In many cases the titles given
there do not even enable us to draw any conclusions as to their
contents or character. Even his extant works offer many diffi-
culties—sometimes to be met by conjecture only-as regards inter-
pretation and chronology. First editions are missing in most
cases, and, owing probably to their personal and satirical character,
some of the poems must have circulated in manuscript for a con-
siderable time before they were printed'.
Of Skelton's religious poems not many are extant, and, even of
those ascribed to him, some, probably, are not his. From the titles
in The Garlande of Laurell we must, however, conclude that he
wrote many poems of this kind. Satires against the church, and
even irreverence for her rites, are, with him, no signs of irreligious-
ness. He was as ardent a champion of the old faith as Barclay.
In Colyn Clout he speaks contemptuously of Hus, Luther, and of
Wyclif, whom he calls a 'develysshe dogmatist, but the best
proof of his keen hatred for beretics is the Replycacion agaynst
certayne yong scolers abjured of late, written, probably, in 1526*.
The poem is far too long to be impressive; but it is evidently
dictated by strong conviction.
Skelton was not only a loyal son of the church, but, also, a
patriotic Englishman, who hated his country's enemies and exulted
when they were defeated. When Dundas charged the English with
cowardice, Skelton wrote a very vigorous little poem in defence of
1 Cf. Brie, pp. 11 ff.
• But of. Ramsay, Magnificence, pp. cvi ff.
3 Brie, p. 87, has attempted to date all Skelton's works, but admits himself that
the results are not always satisfactory.
• Cf. Brie, pp. 64 ff.
## p. 70 (#92) ##############################################
70
John Skelton
his countrymen. A splendid opportunity for showing his patriotism
presented itself to the poet when James IV was defeated and
killed with a great number of Scots nobles, on Brankston moor
and Flodden hills, in 1513. Immediately after the event, he wrote
a ballad which he retouched later and called Against the Scottes.
And, again, ten years later, when the duke of Albany, allied with
the French, was beaten, Skelton celebrated the victory in a long
and vigorous poem. On 22 September 1513, a choir at Diss
recited an enthusiastic Latin hymn by Skelton on the victory
of Flodden. A similar hymn was composed by him about the
same time on the occasion of the conquest of Terouenne by
Henry VIII and the battle of Spurs (16 August 1513).
As Skelton's authorship of an elegy Of the death of the noble
prince, Kynge Edwarde the Forth seems a little doubtful', his
first authentic court poem would seem to have been the lost
Prince Arturis Creacyoun, 1489 (G. of L. 1178). In the same
year he wrote a long elegy Upon the doulourus dethe of the Erle
of Northumberlande, killed by Northumbrian rebels on 28 April
1489.
Skelton admired Henry VII, but he did not ignore his weak-
nesses. In a Latin epitaph he laments the king's death and
praises him as a successful politician, but he alludes also to the
avarice which made the first Tudor unpopular with his subjects.
The general feeling of relief after Henry VII's death reveals
itself in Eulogium pro suorum temporum conditione, written
in the beginning of Henry VIII's reign. Skelton expected much
of the young monarch, whom he praises in A Lawde and
Prayse made for our Sovereigne Lord the Kyng, and especially
at the end of the poem mentioned above on the victory over the
duke of Albany.
Skelton knew, also, how to glorify noble ladies, especially when
they patronised him and flattered his vanity. Most of his poems in
this vein are inserted in The Garlande of Laurell, an allegorical
poem, full of grotesque self-glorification, and telling how Skelton
is summoned before lady Pallas, to prove himself worthy of his
name's being 'regestred with lawreate tryumphe. ' Among the
crowd of all the great poets of the world he meets Gower, Chaucer
and Lydgate, and is at last crowned with a 'cronell of lawrell'
by the countess of Surrey and her ladies.
The Garlande of Laurell is a very long poem, of 1600 lines,
built up with motives from Chaucer's House of Fame and the
i Brie, p. 27.
## p. 71 (#93) ##############################################
Phyllyp Sparowe
71
Prologue of the Legend of Good Women, and Skelton's self-
conceit shown therein is not relieved by any touch of humour.
The eleven little lyrics in praise of the poet's patroness and
her ladies are somewhat monotonous ; but they have a certain
grace and are good examples of conventional poetry. Skelton's
originality is more evident in Phyllyp Sparowe, a poem addressed
to Jane Scroupe, a young lady who was a pupil of the black
nuns at Carow, and whose pet sparrow had been killed by a
cat. The bird is pictured at great length and its mistress's
grief described in exaggerated language. All the birds under
the sky are summoned to the burial, and each one there is
appointed to its special office. Amongst the mourners we find
our old friend Chaunteclere and his wife Pertelote from Chaucer's
Nun's Priest's Tale, and the fabulous Phoenix, as described
by Pliny. The sparrow's soul is recommended to God and
Jupiter. To compose an epitaph for him proves too much for
Jane, who, however, shows herself a well read young lady. The
second part of the poem, connected rather loosely with the first, is
a praise of the heroine in the typical manner. There is no clear
design in the poem. Skelton seems quite unable, or unwilling,
to stick to his theme. The whole is an odd medley of the
most incongruous ideas, full of literary reminiscences and long
digressions, which, very often, have no relation to the subject.
But the short and lively metre is very effective and keeps up
the attention throughout. The 'addition' shows that there were
people who did not like this sort of poetry, especially as the
ceremonial of the requiem is used for comic purposes in a manner
that must have shocked pious souls. Barclay had mentioned the
poem scornfully at the end of his Ship of Fools and the 'addition'
seems to be Skelton's reply? . Barclay's allusion proves that Phyllyp
Sparowe was written before 1508.
There are other poems of Skelton, written for ladies with
whom he was acquainted, as conventional and insincere as are other
productions of their kind. One of them even ends with the laconic
remark: ‘at the instance of a nobyll lady. Who the lady was, we
cannot tell; but another of Skelton's friends was ‘mastres Anne,
that farly swete, that wonnes at the Key in Temmys strete,'
with whom the poet must once have been on very good terms.
Of his 'pretty lines' to her, none are extant; but there are
two poems in which he treats her in a different fashion,
evidently because she had slighted him and had chosen a new
i Cf. also G. of L. 1257 f.
? G. of L. 1240 ff.
## p. 72 (#94) ##############################################
72
John Skelton
lover? Another poem, caused by a similar disappointment, de-
scribes the once beloved lady at first very eloquently and then,
all of a sudden, takes a sarcastic turn.
The satirical poem
“My darlyng dere, my daysy floure' is very impressive and a most
happy attempt to write in a popular vein.
As we have seen already, it was not advisable to rouse Skelton's
anger. Vain and irritable, he was bent on quarrelling with every-
body, especially when his pride in his knowledge or academic
honours was hurt. Besides the quarrel with Lily, mentioned above,
he had an encounter with the French historian Gaguin (G. of L.
374 ff. , 1187)? One of Skelton's satirical productions, now lost,
Apollo that whirrlyd up his chare (G. of L. 1471 ff. ), seems
to have particularly annoyed certain people. Skelton himself,
wonderful to relate, is sorry for having written it. The some-
what loosely constructed poem Against venemous tongues is worth
mentioning only as the expression of personal experience.
There are other poems showing how dangerous it was to offend
Skelton or to be disliked by him. When he was rector of Diss, he
punished two 'knaves' of his parish who had shown disrespect to
him and did not go to church (G. of L. 1247 ff. ), by composing a
very unflattering epitaph for them. In a similar strain is the
epitaph In Bedel. In these poems, church rites are travestied
as in Phyllyp Sparowe. In Ware the Hauke, Skelton censures
a parson who had profaned his church by baiting a hawk in it.
Except for its length and exaggerated language, the poem is
not remarkable. Two other obscure poems, apparently directed
against certain musicians or minstrels may also be mentioned.
All the poems referred to above show that Skelton had an
amazingly large stock of abusive terms. But by far the best
examples of his talent in this direction are his poems against the
royal chamberlain Christopher Garnesche, who, at the king's com-
mand, had challenged him. Unfortunately, the poems of Skelton's
adversary, which might have thrown some light on the poet's
biography, especially on his relation to the court, are not extant.
He abuses the chamberlain violently, using the strongest expres-
sions imaginable and the most grotesque comparisons. That the
whole was not a serious affair is repeatedly stated in the poems.
It was nothing but an imitation of the Flyting of Dunbar and
Kennedy, composed 1504–5, and printed in 1508, and, like its
1 One of the two poems has been found only lately by Brie and is published in his
Skelton-Studien, p. 29.
Brie, p. 31.
2
## p. 73 (#95) ##############################################
The Bowge of Courte
73
model, is an interesting instance of the coarse vituperation common
to the time.
Remarkable, also, for its coarseness is The Tunnyng of Elynour
Rummyng, a fantastical description of an old ale-wife and her
guests. Again, there is no plan to be discerned; but, sometimes,
a sort of dramatic action is suggested, as the tipsy women come
and go, misbehave themselves, chat and quarrel, or are turned
out. There are some touches of humour in the poem; but it is
drawn out too long and many accessories render it somewhat
monotonous. The metre is the same short verse as in Phyllyp
Sparowe.
The poems against Garnesche were not the only fruit of Skelton's
sojourn at the court. As we have said before, it is not likely that
he stayed there for any length of time after the accession of his
former pupil; but, in any case, he must have seen a good deal of
court life when he was the prince's tutor. Very soon after that
time, probably, he set forth his unfavourable impressions in The
Bouege of Courte, an allegorical poem, written in Chaucer's seven-
lined stanza
In a lengthy prologue, Skelton tells how he wanted to compete
with the old poets, but was discouraged by Ignoraunce. He falls
asleep in his host's house, 'Powers Keye' at 'Harwyche Port,'
and has a strange dream. A stately ship enters the harbour and
casts anchor. Merchants go aboard to examine the costly freight,
and, with them, the poet, who does not perceive a single acquaint-
ance among the noisy crowd. The name of the ship is 'Bowge
of Courte' (free board at the king's table); her owner is the noble
lady Sauncepere, rich and desirable is her merchandise, Favour,
but also very dear. There is a general press to see the beautiful
lady, who sits on a magnificent throne inscribed with the words
'Garder le fortune que est mauelz et bone. Addressed harshly by
Daunger, the lady's chief waiting-woman, the poet, who introduces
himself as Drede, feels crushed; but another gentlewoman, Desire,
cheers him up and presents him with the helpful jewel Bone
Aventure. She further advises him to make friends with Fortune,
a somewhat capricious lady of great influence. Drede feels rather
uneasy from the very beginning, but, like the rest, asks her favour,
which she gives to them all.
The ship goes to sea with full sails. All seems well, until
Drede notices aboard seven ‘full subtyll persons,' all old friends of
Fortune. They bluntly decline any communication with the
stranger, whom, nevertheless, they approach, one after the other,
## p. 74 (#96) ##############################################
74
John Skelton
trying, each in his own way, to deceive and to harm him. Most of
them hide their hatred and jealousy under the mask of dis-
interested friendship, play the humble admirer of his superior
scholarship, warn him against supposed foes, promise their help
and prophesy for him a brilliant career. The only exception is
Dysdayne, a haughty, objectionable fellow, who shows his aversion
openly by picking a quarrel with him. Behind his back, they all
join to ruin the inconvenient new-comer, who notices their whisper-
ing together with increasing misgivings. The last of the seven is
still speaking to him, when, all of a sudden, he sees ‘lewde felawes'
rushing upon him from all sides with murderous purpose. In an
agony of fear, he seizes the ship-board to leap into the water, wakes
up and writes his ‘lytyll boke. ' In a concluding stanza, the poet
affirms his good intention. What he has written was a dream-but
sometimes there is some truth in dreams!
The poem may have been written a little before 1509. At
all events it is one of Skelton's earlier productions, for he would
not have used the allegorical framework for satirical purposes at
a later time. His handling of the traditional form is here highly
original. The seven figures are not of the usual bloodless kind
of personified abstractions, but more like types taken from real
life; and, even if one is not inclined to admit the direct influence
of Brant on Skelton in this poem, their strong resemblance to the
courtiers in The Ship of Fools is not to be denied. The cha-
racterisation shows a powerful imagination, combined with a strong
talent for description. Even the recurrence of the same motives
does not impair the strong impression of the whole, and there are
none of the tiresome digressions here of which Skelton seems
enamoured in other poems. Almost dramatic life pervades the
whole poem, which is called by Warton, very appropriately, a
poem 'in the manner of a pageant. With all its personal or
traditional features, The Bowge of Courte is a classic satire on
court life.
In Colyn Clout, written about 1519, we are told by Colyn, the
roaming vagabond, that everything is wrong in England and that the
clergy are to blame for it. The bishops do not look after their flocks,
but strive after worldly honours and promotion by every means.
Haughty, covetous and ignorant, they set a bad example to all the
rest, are fond of hunting and hawking and live in luxury, whereas
the poor people starve. The worst are the upstart prelates, whose
former poor lives Colyn describes with grim humour. They should
beware of God's punishment and mend their ways, for 'after gloria,
## p. 75 (#97) ##############################################
Colyn Clout
75
laus, may come a soure sauce. ' There is, however, little hope;
for, blinded by flatterers, they are incorrigible.
