According to
Aristobulus
(ap.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - c
The former, since their last quarrel with
p. 228, d. ) He also arranged the manner in Peisistratus, had shown unceasing hostility and
which the rhapsodes were to recite the Homeric hatred towards him and his successors, which the
poems at the Panathenaic festival (ibid. p. 228, b). latter met by tokens of similar feelings, insomuch
Several distinguished contemporary poets appear to that they not only demolished their houses, but
bave lived at the court of the Peisistratidae under dug up their tombs. (Isocrates, de Big. 26, p. 351,
the patronage of Hipparchus, as, for example, Simo- ed. Steph. ) The Alcmaeonidae were joined by
nides of Ceos (Pseudo-Plat. Hipparch. p. 228, c. ; other Athenian exiles, and had fortified a strong-
Aelian. V. H. viii. 2), Anacreon of Teos (ibid. ), hold on the frontier of Attica, named Leipsydrion,
Lasus of Hermione, and Onomacritus (Herod. vii. on the heights of Parnes, above Paeonia (Aristot.
6). The latter was employed in making a col- ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Lysist. 665 ; Suidas, s. v.
lection of oracles of Musaeus, and was banished on | έπι Λειψυδρία μάχη and Λυκόποδες. Thirlwall,
being detected in an attempt to interpolate them. vol. ii. p. 70, note, remarks that the description
(ONOMACRITUS). This collection of oracles after- seems to relate to some family seat of the Paeoni-
wards fell into the bands of Cleomenes. (Herod. v. dae, who were kinsmen of the Alcmaeonidae).
90. ) The superstitious reverence for oracles and They were, however, repulsed with loss in an at.
divination which appears to have led Hipparchus tempt to force their way back to Athens, and
to banish Onomacritus again manifests itself in the compelled to evacuate the fortress (Suidas, l. c. ).
story of the vision (Herod. v. 56). That he was still they none the more remitted their machi-
also addicted to erotic gratification appears from nations against the tyrants (Herod. v. 62). By
the story of Harmodius, and the authority of well-timed liberality they had secured the favour
Heracleides Ponticus, who terms him épwtikos. of the Amphictyons and that of the Delphic oracle
Of the particular events of the first fourteen years (ALCM AEONIDAE), which they still further secured
of the government of Hippias we know scarcely by bribing the Pythia (Herod. v. 63). The re-
anything. Thucydides (vi. 54) speaks of their peated injunctions of the oracle to the Lacedaemo-
carrying on wars, but what these were we do not nians to free Athens roused them at length to send
know. It was during the tyranny of Hippias that an army under Anchimolius for the purpose of
Miltiades was sent to take possession of the Cher-driving out the Peisistratidae (though hitherto the
sonesus. (MILTIADES ) But a great change in family had been closely connected with them by
the character of his government ensued upon the the ties of hospitality). Anchimolius landed at
murder of Hipparchus (B. c. 514), for the circum- Phalerus, but was defeated and slain by Hippias,
stances connected with which the reader is referred who was assisted by a body of Thessalian cavalry
to the articles HARMODIUS and LEARNA. Hip | under Cineas. The Lacedaemonians now sent a
pias displayed on the occasion great presence of larger force under Cleomenes. The Thessalian
mind. As soon as he heard of the assassination cavalry were defeated on the borders, apparently at
of his brother, instead of rushing to the scene of it, a place called Pallenion (Andoc. de Myst. 106),
he went quietly up to the armed citizens who and returned home; and Hippias, unable to with-
were forming the procession, and, as though he in- stand his enemies in the field, retreated into the
tended to harangue them, directed them to go Acropolis. This being well supplied with stores,
without their arms to a spot which he pointed out. the Lacedaemonians, who were unprepared for a
He then ordered his guards to seize their arms, and siege, would, in the judgment of Herodotus, have
to apprehend those whom he suspected of being been quite unable to force Hippias to surrender,
concerned in the plot, and all who had daggers had it not been that his children fell into their
concealed about them. (What Polyaenus, i. 21. hands, while being conveyed out of Attica for
$ 2, relates of Peisistratus has probably arisen out greater security, and were only restored on con-
of a confusion with these events. ) Under the dition that Hippias and his connections should
influence of revengeful feelings and fears for his evacuate Attica within five days. They retired to
own safety Hippias now became a morose and Sigeum, B. c. 510. (Herod. v. 64, &c. ; Paus. iii.
suspicious tyrant. His rule became harsh, arbi- 4. & 2, 7. $ 8; Aristoph. Lysist. 1150, &c. ). The
trary, and exacting. (Thucyd. vi. 57—60. ) He family of the tyrants was condemned to perpetual
put to death great numbers of the citizens, and banishment, a sentence which was maintained even
raised money by extraordinary imposts. It is in after times, when decrees of amnesty were
probably to this period that we should refer the passed (Andoc. de Myst. $ 78). A monument re-
measures described by Aristotle (Oeconom. i. p. cording the offences of the tyrants was set up in
1347, ed. Bekker), such as having houses that the Acropolis. (Thuc. vi. 55. )
769 ST.
4, &e/
de by
ritr al'
Tia
pe
yo
**
## p. 174 (#190) ############################################
174
PEISISTRATUS.
PEITHAGORAS.
The Spartans before long discovered the trick | Peloponnesinn war, who became the object of the
that had been played upon them by the Alc- hatred of the oligarchical party, and was murdered
maeonidae and the Delphic oracle ; and their in an assembly of the senate. To avoid detection
jealousy of the Athenians being stimulated by the his body was cut to pieces, and the parts of it
oracles, collected by Hipparchus, which Cleomenes carried away by the senators under their robes.
found in the Acropolis, in which manifold evils Tiesimachus, the son of Peisistratus, who was privy
were porter. ded to them from the Athenians, they to the conspiracy, quieted the populace, who were
began to repent of having driven out their old incensed at the disappearance of their king, by a
friends the Peisistratidae, and accordingly sent for story of his having appeared to him in a snper-
Ilippias, who came to Sparta Having summoned human form after he had left the earth. (Plut.
a congress of their allies, they laid the inatter Parall. vol. ii. p. 313, b. )
before them, and proposed that they should unite 3. A Boeotian statesman, who took the side of
their forces and restore Hippias. But the vehe- the Romans in the war between them and Philip,
ment remonstrances of the Corinthian deputy king of Macedonia. In conjunction with Zeur-
Sosicles induced the allies to reject the proposal. ippus, he was instrumental in inducing the Breo-
Hippias, declining the offers that were made him tians to attach themselves to Flamininus. After
of the town of Anthemus by Amyntas, and of the battle of Cynoscephalae, when the faction of
Jolcos by the Thessalians, returned to Sigeum Brachyllas gained the upper hand, Peisistratus and
(Herod. v. 90–94), and addressed himself to Zeuxippus had Brachyllas assassinated, a crime
Artaphernes. (Respecting the embassy of the for which Peisistratus was condemned to death
Athenians to counteract his intrigues, see ARTA- (Liv. xxxii. 27, 28 ; Polybius, Legat. viii).
PHERNES. ) He appears then with his family to 4. A native of Cyzicus. In the war between
have gone to the court of Dareius (Herod. I. c. ): the Romans and Mithridates, when Cyzicus was
while here they urged Dareius to inflict vengeance besieged by Mithridates (B. C. 74), Peisistratus was
on Athens and Eretria, and Hippias himself ac- general of the Cyzicenes, and successfully defended
companied the expedition sent under Datis and the city againsi Mithridates (Appian, de Bello
Artaphernes. From Eretria he led them to the Mith. 73).
(C. P. M. ]
plain of Marathon, as the most suitable for their PEISON (Ilelow), one of the thirty tyrants
landing, and arranged the troops when they had established at Athens in B. C. 404. He was one
disembarked. While he was thus engaged, we of the authors of the proposal that, as several of the
are told, he happened to sneeze and cough resident foreigners were discontented with the new
violently, and, most of his teeth being loose from government, and thus afforded a specious pretext
his great age, one of them fell out, and was lost in for plundering them, each of the Thirty should
the sand ; an incident from which Hippias augured select for himself one of the wealthy aliens,
that the expedition would miscarry, and that the and, having put him to death, should appropriate
hopes which he had been led by a dream to enter- his property. The proposal was adopted in spite
tain of being restored to his native land before his of the opposition of Theramenes, and Peison went
death were buried with his tooth (Herod. vi. 102, with Melobius and Mnesitheides to apprehend
107). Where and when he died cannot be ascer- Lysias and his brother Polemarchus. Lysias,
tained with certainty. According to Suidas (s. v. being left alone with Peison, bribed him with the
'Itrias) he died at Lemnos on his return. Accord- offer of a talent to allow him to escape ; but Peison,
ing to Cicero (ad Att. ix. 10) and Justin (ii. 9) after the most solemn oaths, seized all the money
he fell in the battle of Marathon ; though from his he could lay his hands upon, refusing to leare
advanced age it seems rather unlikely that he Lysias even as much as would serve for the ex-
should have been engaged in the battle. The penses of his journey, and then delivered him
family of the tyrant are once more mentioned up to Melobius and Mnesitheides. (Xen. Hel.
(Herod. vii. 6) as at the court of Persia, urging ii. 3. SS 2, 21, &c. ; Lysias, c. Eratosth. pp. 120,
Xerxes to invade Greece.
121. )
(E. E. )
Hippias was in his youth the object of the PEITHA'GORAS, or PEITHA'GORES (De-
affection of a man named Charmus (who had pre-Dayópas, leitayópns). 1. A tyrant of Selinus in
viously stood in a similar relation to Peisistratus ; Sicily, from whom the Selinuntians freed them.
Plut. Solon. 1), and subsequently married his selves (B. C. 519) by the help of Euryleon of
daughter (Athen. xiv. p. 609, d). His first Sparta (Herod. v. 46; Plut. Lyc. 20). [DORIEUS;
wife was Myrrhine, the daughter of Callias, by EURYLEON. )
whom he had five children (Thucyd. vi. 55). One 2. A soothsayer, brother of Apollodorus of Am-
of his sons, named Peisistratus, was Archon phipolis, who was one of the generals of Alexander
Eponymus during the tyranny of his father. Of the Great.
According to Aristobulus (ap. Arr.
Archedice, daughter of Hippias, mention has already Anab. vii. 18), Apollodorus, having joined the king
been made. According to Thucydides (L. c. ) on his return from his Indian expedition and ac-
Hippias was the only one of the legitimate sons of companied him to Ecbatana, imagined that he had
Peisistratus who had children.
grounds for dreading his displeasure, and wrote
What became of Thessalus we do not know. therefore to Peithagoras at Babylon, to inquire
He is spoken of as a high-spirited youth (Heraclid. whether any danger threatened hir from Alexan-
Pont. 1), and there is a story in Diodorus (Fragm. der or Hephaestion. The answer was that he had
lib. x. Olymp. lxvi. ) that he refused to have any nothing to fear from Hephaestion, who (so the ric-
share in the tyranny of his brothers, and was held tims portended) would soon be removed out of his
in great esteem by the citizens. [C. P. M. ] way. The next day Hephaestion's death took
PEISI'STRATUS. 1. A Lacedaemonian, who place (8. c. 324,) and not long after Apollodorus re-
founded Noricus, in Phrygia (Eustath. ad Dionys. ceived the same message from Peithagoras with
321).
respect to Alexander. Here again the event justi-
2. A king of Orchomenus, in the time of the 1 fied the prediction (Plut. Alex. 73). [EE]
a
## p. 175 (#191) ############################################
PELAGIUS.
175
PELAGIUS.
a
PEITHO (Ilecow). ]. The personification of tity had preceded him, for upon his arriral he was
Persuasion (Snala or Suudela among the Romans), received with grent warmth by Jerome, and many
was worshipped as a divinity at Sicyon, where she other distinguished fathers of the church. Although
was honoured with a temple in the agora. (Herod. it must have been evident to every close observer
vui. 111 ; Paus. ii. 7. $ 7. ) Peitho also occurs as that the speculative views of Pelagius differed
a surname of other divinities, such as Aphrodite, widely from those advocated with so much applause
whose worship was said to have been introduced by the bishop of Hippo, no one had as yet ventured
at Athens by Theseus, when he united the coun- openly to impugn the orthodoxy of the former.
try communities into towns (Paus. i. 22. & 3), and But when Orosius, upon his arrival in the East
of Artemis (ii. 21. 91). At Athens the statues (Orosius), brought intelligence that the opinions
of Peitho and Aphrodite Pandemos stood closely of Coelestius had been formally reprobated by Au-
together, and at Megara, too, the statue of Peitho relius and the African Church (A. D. 412), whose
stood in the temple of Aphrodite (Paus. i. 43. condemnation extended to the master from whoso
$ 6), so that the two divinities must be conceived instructions these opinions were derived, a great
as closely connected, or the one, perhaps, merely commotion arose throughout Syrin, in which Je-
as an attribute of the other.
rome, instigated probably by Augustine, assumed
2. One of the Charites. (Paus. ix. 35. § 1; an attitude of most active, not to say virulent, hos-
Suid. s. o. Xapíres ; comp. CHARITES. )
tility towards Pelagius, who was formally im-
3. One of the daughters of Oceanus and Thetis. peached first before John of Jerusalem, secondly
(les. Theog. 349. )
before the Synod of Diospolis (A. D. 415), sum-
4. The wife of Phoroneus, and the mother of moned specially to judge this cause, and fully
Aegialeus and Apia (Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. acquitted by both tribunals. Soon afterwards,
920. )
[L. S. ] however, the Synods of Carthage and of Mileum,
PÉITHON (Tielow). 1. Son of Sosicles, was while they abstained from denouncing any indi-
placed in command at Zariaspa, where there were vidual, condemned unequivocally those principles
left several invalids of the horseguard, with a small which the followers of Pelagius and Coelestius were
body of mercenary cavalry. Arrian styles him the supposed to maintain, and at length, after much
governor of the royal household at Zariaspa. When negotiation, Pope Innocentius was induced to ana-
Spitamenes made an irruption into Bactria, and thematize the two leaders of what was now termed
advanced to the neighbourhood of Zariaspa, Peithon, a deadly heresy, by a decree issued on the 27th of
collecting all the soldiers he could muster, made a January, A. D. 417, about six weeks before his
sally against the enemy, and having surprised death ; and this sentence, although at first reversed,
them, recovered all the booty that they had taken. was eventually confirmed by Zosimus (Zosimus].
He was, however, himself surprised by Spitamenes Of the subsequent career of Pelagius nothing has
as he was returning ; most of his men were cut to been recorded. Mercator indeed declares that he
pieces, and he himself, badly wounded, fell into the was brought to trial before a council in Palestine,
hands of the enemy. (Arrian, iv. 16. )
found guilty, and sentenced to banishment; but
2. Son of Agenor. (See Python. ] [C. P. M. ] this narrative is confirmed by no collateral evidence.
PELAGIUS. Of the origin and early life of So great however was the alarm excited by the
this remarkable man we are almost entirely igno- progress of the new sect, that an appeal was made
We know not the period of his birth, nor to the secular power, in consequence of which an
the precise date of his death, nor the place of his imperial edict was promulgated at Constantinople
nativity, although the epithet Brito applied by his in 418, threatening all who professed attachment
contemporaries has led to the belief that he was an to such errors with exile and confiscation, and the
Englishman, nor do we even know his real desig- impression thus made was strengthened by the
nation of which Pelagius (Plenarlos) is supposed to resolutions of a very numerous council, which met
be a translation, since the tradition that it was at Carthage in the course of the same year.
Morgan seems to be altogether uncertain. He first We need feel no surprise at the profound sensa-
appears in history about the beginning of the fifth tion created by the doctrines usually identified with
century, when we find him residing at Rome, not the name of Pelagius, since unlike many of the
attached to any coenobitical fraternity, but adher- frivolous subtleties which from time to time caused
ing strictly to the most stringent rules of monkish agitation and dissension in the Church, they in
self-restraint. By the purity of his life and by reality affect the very foundation of all religion,
the fervour with which he sought to improve the whether natural or revealed. He is represented as
morals of both clergy and laity, at that epoch sunk denying predestination, original sin, and the neces-
in the foulest corruption, he attrcted the attention sity of internal Divine Grace, and as asserting the
and gained the respect of all who desired that re- absolute freedom of the will and the perfectibility
ligion should exhibit some better fruits than mere of human nature by the unaided efforts of man
empty professions and lifeless ceremonies, while he himself ; in other words as refusing to acknowledge
dauntlessly disturbed the repose of the supine, and the transmission of corruption from our first pa-
provoked the hostility of the profligate by the rents, the efficacy of baptism as the seal of rege-
energy with which he strove to awaken them to a neration, the operation of the Holy Spirit as indis-
sense of their danger, and to convince them of their pensable in our progress towards holiness, and the
guilt. In the year 409 or 410, when Alaric was insufficiency of our natural powers to work out
threatening the metropolis, Pelagius accompanied salvation. But although the cager and probably
by his disciple, friend, and ardent admirer Coeles- ignorant Coelestius may have been hurried head.
tius (COELESTIUS) passed over along with many long forward in the heat of discussion into these or
other fugitives to Sicily, from thence proceeded to similar extravagnnt propositions, it is difficult to
Africa, where he held 'personal friendly communi- determine whether Pelagius ever really entertained
cation with Augustine, and leaving Coelestius at or intended to inculcate such extreme views. Je-
Carthage, sailed for Palestine. The fame of his sanc- rome and Augustine boldly charge him with co
rant.
## p. 176 (#192) ############################################
176
PELAGIUS.
PELAGIUS.
1
I
1
i
vertly instilling this poison, but at the same time especially in the notes on the Epistle to the Rom
they both complain of the snake-like lubricity with mans. No doubt can exist with regard to their
which he uniformly evaded the grasp of his oppo- autbenticity, which is established beyond dispute
nents when they sought to fix him down to any by the quotations of Augustine, Marius Mercator,
bubstantial proposition, and of the haze of subtle and others. They will be found in the Benedictine
dialectics with which he enveloped every point in edition of Jerome, and in that by Vallarsi. See
debate, obscuring and confounding the vision of his Garnier's edition of Mercator, Append. ad Diss. ri.
judges. There can be no doubt, however, that p. 367,
although his speculations were of a most abstruse II. Epistola ad Demetriadem, written in the
and refined character, their tendency was eminently East about 412, and addressed to a Roman lady of
practical ; that he desired to banish all mysticism, distinction, who had been induced by Augustine to
to render religious truth an active power in the abandon the pleasures of the world for a life of
amelioration of the heart, and sought upon all devout austerity. This piece, which is of consider-
occasions to demonstrate the inefficacy of mere able importance, inasmuch as it contains clear
nominal faith unaccompanied by works, to warn indications of the sentiments of Pelagius with
his hearers of the hazard they incurred by waiting regard to the excellence of human nature, was, as
passively for some manifestation of Divine favour, well as the last-mentioned, assigned to Jerome, but
without making one effort to obtain it, and above the real author was ascertained from the quotations
all, to convince them that their jnstification depended by Augustine in bis De Gratia Christi (capp. 22,
in some degree upon themselves.
37, 38), and in the epistle to Juliana, the mother
In forming an estimate of the real character of of Demetrias. It will be found in the best editions
Pelagius, it must be remembered that his most of Jerome, and was published separately by Semler,
bitter enemies freely admit the spotless purity of 8vo. Hal. Magd. 1775.
his life, and that he labours under this signal dis- III. Libellus Fidei ad Innocentium Papam ; a
advantage, that his chief works are known to us formal confession of faith, forwarded to Rome in
only from the quotations of his adversaries. But | 417, which, along with the preceding, was included
even from those which are extant we may without among the tracts of Jerome under the title Hiero
want of charity infer that the charge of duplicity, nymi Explanatio Symboli ad Damasum ; and here
or at least reserve, was not altogether unfounded. likewise the mistake was corrected by the quota-
He does not appear to have possessed that straight- tions in the De Gratia Christi. It is to be found
forward courage which prompts a truly great mind in all the best editions of Jerome. See also Gar-
boldly to proclaim what it deems a vital truth in nier's edition of Mercator, P. I. Diss. V. p. 307.
defiance of obloquy and persecution. We are Another letter inscribed Epistola ad Celantiam
constantly struck with an indistinctness and ambi- Matronam de Ratione pie vivendi, among the cor-
guity of phrase, which, after making very full respondence of Jerome, was supposed by Erasmus
allowance for the abstruse nature of the themes, to belong to Paulinus of Nola, by Vallarsi to Sul-
cannot be altogether accidental, while his complex picius Severus, while Semler argues from the
definitions and divisions, his six kinds of grace to general tone and spirit with which it is imbued, as
take a single example, tend rather to perplex than well as from the style, that it ought to be made
to simplify his positions and his arguments. Hence over to Pelagius. it is numbered CXLVIII. in
he may have endeavoured to convey the essence of the edition of Jerome by Vallarsi.
his system, while he abstained from spreading The following works are known to us only from
alarm by the open enunciation of what might fragmentary citations :
appear at once strange and perilous, hoping in this 1. Euloy. ww Liber, designated by Gennadius as
manner to avoid those angry controversies from Eulogiarum pro actuali Conversatione ex Divinis
which a refined and contemplative mind would Scripturis Liber ; by Honorius as Pro actuali l'ita
shrink with disgust. In this project he might Liber ; by Orosius as Testimoniorum Liber. A
have succeeded had not his plans been frustrated by collection of remarkable texts from Scripture in
the impetuous sincerity of the more practical Coe- reference to practical morality, arranged and illus-
lestius, whose undisguised avowals first kindled trated after the manner of the Testimonia of Cy-
against himself that flame of persecution which prian (CIPRIANUS, p. 914). (Hieronym. Dialog.
eventually involved his teacher also.
adrers. Pelag. lib. i. ; Augustin. C. duas Pelagiano
A very few only of the numerous and voluminous rum epp. iv. 8 ; De Gestis Pelagii, c. 1, 6. Comp.
treatises of Pelagius have descended to us, and for Garnier, ad M. Mercat. Append. ad Diss. vi. )
a long period every one of these was supposed to 2. De Natura Liber, to which Augustine replied
be the work of his most bitter enemy.
in his De Natura et Gratia. The fragments have
1. Erpositionum in Epistolas Pauli Libri XIV. , been collected by Garnier, l. c.
written at Rome, and therefore not later than A. D. 3. Liber ad Viduam Consolatorius atque Exhor-
310. These commentaries, which consist of short tatorius. See Hieronym. Dialog. adv. Pelag. lib.
simple explanatory notes on all the Epistles of Paul, iii. ; Augustin, de Gest. Pelag. c. 6; Garnier, ed.
with the exception of that to the Hebrews, were at Mercator. l. c.
p. 228, d. ) He also arranged the manner in Peisistratus, had shown unceasing hostility and
which the rhapsodes were to recite the Homeric hatred towards him and his successors, which the
poems at the Panathenaic festival (ibid. p. 228, b). latter met by tokens of similar feelings, insomuch
Several distinguished contemporary poets appear to that they not only demolished their houses, but
bave lived at the court of the Peisistratidae under dug up their tombs. (Isocrates, de Big. 26, p. 351,
the patronage of Hipparchus, as, for example, Simo- ed. Steph. ) The Alcmaeonidae were joined by
nides of Ceos (Pseudo-Plat. Hipparch. p. 228, c. ; other Athenian exiles, and had fortified a strong-
Aelian. V. H. viii. 2), Anacreon of Teos (ibid. ), hold on the frontier of Attica, named Leipsydrion,
Lasus of Hermione, and Onomacritus (Herod. vii. on the heights of Parnes, above Paeonia (Aristot.
6). The latter was employed in making a col- ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Lysist. 665 ; Suidas, s. v.
lection of oracles of Musaeus, and was banished on | έπι Λειψυδρία μάχη and Λυκόποδες. Thirlwall,
being detected in an attempt to interpolate them. vol. ii. p. 70, note, remarks that the description
(ONOMACRITUS). This collection of oracles after- seems to relate to some family seat of the Paeoni-
wards fell into the bands of Cleomenes. (Herod. v. dae, who were kinsmen of the Alcmaeonidae).
90. ) The superstitious reverence for oracles and They were, however, repulsed with loss in an at.
divination which appears to have led Hipparchus tempt to force their way back to Athens, and
to banish Onomacritus again manifests itself in the compelled to evacuate the fortress (Suidas, l. c. ).
story of the vision (Herod. v. 56). That he was still they none the more remitted their machi-
also addicted to erotic gratification appears from nations against the tyrants (Herod. v. 62). By
the story of Harmodius, and the authority of well-timed liberality they had secured the favour
Heracleides Ponticus, who terms him épwtikos. of the Amphictyons and that of the Delphic oracle
Of the particular events of the first fourteen years (ALCM AEONIDAE), which they still further secured
of the government of Hippias we know scarcely by bribing the Pythia (Herod. v. 63). The re-
anything. Thucydides (vi. 54) speaks of their peated injunctions of the oracle to the Lacedaemo-
carrying on wars, but what these were we do not nians to free Athens roused them at length to send
know. It was during the tyranny of Hippias that an army under Anchimolius for the purpose of
Miltiades was sent to take possession of the Cher-driving out the Peisistratidae (though hitherto the
sonesus. (MILTIADES ) But a great change in family had been closely connected with them by
the character of his government ensued upon the the ties of hospitality). Anchimolius landed at
murder of Hipparchus (B. c. 514), for the circum- Phalerus, but was defeated and slain by Hippias,
stances connected with which the reader is referred who was assisted by a body of Thessalian cavalry
to the articles HARMODIUS and LEARNA. Hip | under Cineas. The Lacedaemonians now sent a
pias displayed on the occasion great presence of larger force under Cleomenes. The Thessalian
mind. As soon as he heard of the assassination cavalry were defeated on the borders, apparently at
of his brother, instead of rushing to the scene of it, a place called Pallenion (Andoc. de Myst. 106),
he went quietly up to the armed citizens who and returned home; and Hippias, unable to with-
were forming the procession, and, as though he in- stand his enemies in the field, retreated into the
tended to harangue them, directed them to go Acropolis. This being well supplied with stores,
without their arms to a spot which he pointed out. the Lacedaemonians, who were unprepared for a
He then ordered his guards to seize their arms, and siege, would, in the judgment of Herodotus, have
to apprehend those whom he suspected of being been quite unable to force Hippias to surrender,
concerned in the plot, and all who had daggers had it not been that his children fell into their
concealed about them. (What Polyaenus, i. 21. hands, while being conveyed out of Attica for
$ 2, relates of Peisistratus has probably arisen out greater security, and were only restored on con-
of a confusion with these events. ) Under the dition that Hippias and his connections should
influence of revengeful feelings and fears for his evacuate Attica within five days. They retired to
own safety Hippias now became a morose and Sigeum, B. c. 510. (Herod. v. 64, &c. ; Paus. iii.
suspicious tyrant. His rule became harsh, arbi- 4. & 2, 7. $ 8; Aristoph. Lysist. 1150, &c. ). The
trary, and exacting. (Thucyd. vi. 57—60. ) He family of the tyrants was condemned to perpetual
put to death great numbers of the citizens, and banishment, a sentence which was maintained even
raised money by extraordinary imposts. It is in after times, when decrees of amnesty were
probably to this period that we should refer the passed (Andoc. de Myst. $ 78). A monument re-
measures described by Aristotle (Oeconom. i. p. cording the offences of the tyrants was set up in
1347, ed. Bekker), such as having houses that the Acropolis. (Thuc. vi. 55. )
769 ST.
4, &e/
de by
ritr al'
Tia
pe
yo
**
## p. 174 (#190) ############################################
174
PEISISTRATUS.
PEITHAGORAS.
The Spartans before long discovered the trick | Peloponnesinn war, who became the object of the
that had been played upon them by the Alc- hatred of the oligarchical party, and was murdered
maeonidae and the Delphic oracle ; and their in an assembly of the senate. To avoid detection
jealousy of the Athenians being stimulated by the his body was cut to pieces, and the parts of it
oracles, collected by Hipparchus, which Cleomenes carried away by the senators under their robes.
found in the Acropolis, in which manifold evils Tiesimachus, the son of Peisistratus, who was privy
were porter. ded to them from the Athenians, they to the conspiracy, quieted the populace, who were
began to repent of having driven out their old incensed at the disappearance of their king, by a
friends the Peisistratidae, and accordingly sent for story of his having appeared to him in a snper-
Ilippias, who came to Sparta Having summoned human form after he had left the earth. (Plut.
a congress of their allies, they laid the inatter Parall. vol. ii. p. 313, b. )
before them, and proposed that they should unite 3. A Boeotian statesman, who took the side of
their forces and restore Hippias. But the vehe- the Romans in the war between them and Philip,
ment remonstrances of the Corinthian deputy king of Macedonia. In conjunction with Zeur-
Sosicles induced the allies to reject the proposal. ippus, he was instrumental in inducing the Breo-
Hippias, declining the offers that were made him tians to attach themselves to Flamininus. After
of the town of Anthemus by Amyntas, and of the battle of Cynoscephalae, when the faction of
Jolcos by the Thessalians, returned to Sigeum Brachyllas gained the upper hand, Peisistratus and
(Herod. v. 90–94), and addressed himself to Zeuxippus had Brachyllas assassinated, a crime
Artaphernes. (Respecting the embassy of the for which Peisistratus was condemned to death
Athenians to counteract his intrigues, see ARTA- (Liv. xxxii. 27, 28 ; Polybius, Legat. viii).
PHERNES. ) He appears then with his family to 4. A native of Cyzicus. In the war between
have gone to the court of Dareius (Herod. I. c. ): the Romans and Mithridates, when Cyzicus was
while here they urged Dareius to inflict vengeance besieged by Mithridates (B. C. 74), Peisistratus was
on Athens and Eretria, and Hippias himself ac- general of the Cyzicenes, and successfully defended
companied the expedition sent under Datis and the city againsi Mithridates (Appian, de Bello
Artaphernes. From Eretria he led them to the Mith. 73).
(C. P. M. ]
plain of Marathon, as the most suitable for their PEISON (Ilelow), one of the thirty tyrants
landing, and arranged the troops when they had established at Athens in B. C. 404. He was one
disembarked. While he was thus engaged, we of the authors of the proposal that, as several of the
are told, he happened to sneeze and cough resident foreigners were discontented with the new
violently, and, most of his teeth being loose from government, and thus afforded a specious pretext
his great age, one of them fell out, and was lost in for plundering them, each of the Thirty should
the sand ; an incident from which Hippias augured select for himself one of the wealthy aliens,
that the expedition would miscarry, and that the and, having put him to death, should appropriate
hopes which he had been led by a dream to enter- his property. The proposal was adopted in spite
tain of being restored to his native land before his of the opposition of Theramenes, and Peison went
death were buried with his tooth (Herod. vi. 102, with Melobius and Mnesitheides to apprehend
107). Where and when he died cannot be ascer- Lysias and his brother Polemarchus. Lysias,
tained with certainty. According to Suidas (s. v. being left alone with Peison, bribed him with the
'Itrias) he died at Lemnos on his return. Accord- offer of a talent to allow him to escape ; but Peison,
ing to Cicero (ad Att. ix. 10) and Justin (ii. 9) after the most solemn oaths, seized all the money
he fell in the battle of Marathon ; though from his he could lay his hands upon, refusing to leare
advanced age it seems rather unlikely that he Lysias even as much as would serve for the ex-
should have been engaged in the battle. The penses of his journey, and then delivered him
family of the tyrant are once more mentioned up to Melobius and Mnesitheides. (Xen. Hel.
(Herod. vii. 6) as at the court of Persia, urging ii. 3. SS 2, 21, &c. ; Lysias, c. Eratosth. pp. 120,
Xerxes to invade Greece.
121. )
(E. E. )
Hippias was in his youth the object of the PEITHA'GORAS, or PEITHA'GORES (De-
affection of a man named Charmus (who had pre-Dayópas, leitayópns). 1. A tyrant of Selinus in
viously stood in a similar relation to Peisistratus ; Sicily, from whom the Selinuntians freed them.
Plut. Solon. 1), and subsequently married his selves (B. C. 519) by the help of Euryleon of
daughter (Athen. xiv. p. 609, d). His first Sparta (Herod. v. 46; Plut. Lyc. 20). [DORIEUS;
wife was Myrrhine, the daughter of Callias, by EURYLEON. )
whom he had five children (Thucyd. vi. 55). One 2. A soothsayer, brother of Apollodorus of Am-
of his sons, named Peisistratus, was Archon phipolis, who was one of the generals of Alexander
Eponymus during the tyranny of his father. Of the Great.
According to Aristobulus (ap. Arr.
Archedice, daughter of Hippias, mention has already Anab. vii. 18), Apollodorus, having joined the king
been made. According to Thucydides (L. c. ) on his return from his Indian expedition and ac-
Hippias was the only one of the legitimate sons of companied him to Ecbatana, imagined that he had
Peisistratus who had children.
grounds for dreading his displeasure, and wrote
What became of Thessalus we do not know. therefore to Peithagoras at Babylon, to inquire
He is spoken of as a high-spirited youth (Heraclid. whether any danger threatened hir from Alexan-
Pont. 1), and there is a story in Diodorus (Fragm. der or Hephaestion. The answer was that he had
lib. x. Olymp. lxvi. ) that he refused to have any nothing to fear from Hephaestion, who (so the ric-
share in the tyranny of his brothers, and was held tims portended) would soon be removed out of his
in great esteem by the citizens. [C. P. M. ] way. The next day Hephaestion's death took
PEISI'STRATUS. 1. A Lacedaemonian, who place (8. c. 324,) and not long after Apollodorus re-
founded Noricus, in Phrygia (Eustath. ad Dionys. ceived the same message from Peithagoras with
321).
respect to Alexander. Here again the event justi-
2. A king of Orchomenus, in the time of the 1 fied the prediction (Plut. Alex. 73). [EE]
a
## p. 175 (#191) ############################################
PELAGIUS.
175
PELAGIUS.
a
PEITHO (Ilecow). ]. The personification of tity had preceded him, for upon his arriral he was
Persuasion (Snala or Suudela among the Romans), received with grent warmth by Jerome, and many
was worshipped as a divinity at Sicyon, where she other distinguished fathers of the church. Although
was honoured with a temple in the agora. (Herod. it must have been evident to every close observer
vui. 111 ; Paus. ii. 7. $ 7. ) Peitho also occurs as that the speculative views of Pelagius differed
a surname of other divinities, such as Aphrodite, widely from those advocated with so much applause
whose worship was said to have been introduced by the bishop of Hippo, no one had as yet ventured
at Athens by Theseus, when he united the coun- openly to impugn the orthodoxy of the former.
try communities into towns (Paus. i. 22. & 3), and But when Orosius, upon his arrival in the East
of Artemis (ii. 21. 91). At Athens the statues (Orosius), brought intelligence that the opinions
of Peitho and Aphrodite Pandemos stood closely of Coelestius had been formally reprobated by Au-
together, and at Megara, too, the statue of Peitho relius and the African Church (A. D. 412), whose
stood in the temple of Aphrodite (Paus. i. 43. condemnation extended to the master from whoso
$ 6), so that the two divinities must be conceived instructions these opinions were derived, a great
as closely connected, or the one, perhaps, merely commotion arose throughout Syrin, in which Je-
as an attribute of the other.
rome, instigated probably by Augustine, assumed
2. One of the Charites. (Paus. ix. 35. § 1; an attitude of most active, not to say virulent, hos-
Suid. s. o. Xapíres ; comp. CHARITES. )
tility towards Pelagius, who was formally im-
3. One of the daughters of Oceanus and Thetis. peached first before John of Jerusalem, secondly
(les. Theog. 349. )
before the Synod of Diospolis (A. D. 415), sum-
4. The wife of Phoroneus, and the mother of moned specially to judge this cause, and fully
Aegialeus and Apia (Schol. ad Eurip. Orest. acquitted by both tribunals. Soon afterwards,
920. )
[L. S. ] however, the Synods of Carthage and of Mileum,
PÉITHON (Tielow). 1. Son of Sosicles, was while they abstained from denouncing any indi-
placed in command at Zariaspa, where there were vidual, condemned unequivocally those principles
left several invalids of the horseguard, with a small which the followers of Pelagius and Coelestius were
body of mercenary cavalry. Arrian styles him the supposed to maintain, and at length, after much
governor of the royal household at Zariaspa. When negotiation, Pope Innocentius was induced to ana-
Spitamenes made an irruption into Bactria, and thematize the two leaders of what was now termed
advanced to the neighbourhood of Zariaspa, Peithon, a deadly heresy, by a decree issued on the 27th of
collecting all the soldiers he could muster, made a January, A. D. 417, about six weeks before his
sally against the enemy, and having surprised death ; and this sentence, although at first reversed,
them, recovered all the booty that they had taken. was eventually confirmed by Zosimus (Zosimus].
He was, however, himself surprised by Spitamenes Of the subsequent career of Pelagius nothing has
as he was returning ; most of his men were cut to been recorded. Mercator indeed declares that he
pieces, and he himself, badly wounded, fell into the was brought to trial before a council in Palestine,
hands of the enemy. (Arrian, iv. 16. )
found guilty, and sentenced to banishment; but
2. Son of Agenor. (See Python. ] [C. P. M. ] this narrative is confirmed by no collateral evidence.
PELAGIUS. Of the origin and early life of So great however was the alarm excited by the
this remarkable man we are almost entirely igno- progress of the new sect, that an appeal was made
We know not the period of his birth, nor to the secular power, in consequence of which an
the precise date of his death, nor the place of his imperial edict was promulgated at Constantinople
nativity, although the epithet Brito applied by his in 418, threatening all who professed attachment
contemporaries has led to the belief that he was an to such errors with exile and confiscation, and the
Englishman, nor do we even know his real desig- impression thus made was strengthened by the
nation of which Pelagius (Plenarlos) is supposed to resolutions of a very numerous council, which met
be a translation, since the tradition that it was at Carthage in the course of the same year.
Morgan seems to be altogether uncertain. He first We need feel no surprise at the profound sensa-
appears in history about the beginning of the fifth tion created by the doctrines usually identified with
century, when we find him residing at Rome, not the name of Pelagius, since unlike many of the
attached to any coenobitical fraternity, but adher- frivolous subtleties which from time to time caused
ing strictly to the most stringent rules of monkish agitation and dissension in the Church, they in
self-restraint. By the purity of his life and by reality affect the very foundation of all religion,
the fervour with which he sought to improve the whether natural or revealed. He is represented as
morals of both clergy and laity, at that epoch sunk denying predestination, original sin, and the neces-
in the foulest corruption, he attrcted the attention sity of internal Divine Grace, and as asserting the
and gained the respect of all who desired that re- absolute freedom of the will and the perfectibility
ligion should exhibit some better fruits than mere of human nature by the unaided efforts of man
empty professions and lifeless ceremonies, while he himself ; in other words as refusing to acknowledge
dauntlessly disturbed the repose of the supine, and the transmission of corruption from our first pa-
provoked the hostility of the profligate by the rents, the efficacy of baptism as the seal of rege-
energy with which he strove to awaken them to a neration, the operation of the Holy Spirit as indis-
sense of their danger, and to convince them of their pensable in our progress towards holiness, and the
guilt. In the year 409 or 410, when Alaric was insufficiency of our natural powers to work out
threatening the metropolis, Pelagius accompanied salvation. But although the cager and probably
by his disciple, friend, and ardent admirer Coeles- ignorant Coelestius may have been hurried head.
tius (COELESTIUS) passed over along with many long forward in the heat of discussion into these or
other fugitives to Sicily, from thence proceeded to similar extravagnnt propositions, it is difficult to
Africa, where he held 'personal friendly communi- determine whether Pelagius ever really entertained
cation with Augustine, and leaving Coelestius at or intended to inculcate such extreme views. Je-
Carthage, sailed for Palestine. The fame of his sanc- rome and Augustine boldly charge him with co
rant.
## p. 176 (#192) ############################################
176
PELAGIUS.
PELAGIUS.
1
I
1
i
vertly instilling this poison, but at the same time especially in the notes on the Epistle to the Rom
they both complain of the snake-like lubricity with mans. No doubt can exist with regard to their
which he uniformly evaded the grasp of his oppo- autbenticity, which is established beyond dispute
nents when they sought to fix him down to any by the quotations of Augustine, Marius Mercator,
bubstantial proposition, and of the haze of subtle and others. They will be found in the Benedictine
dialectics with which he enveloped every point in edition of Jerome, and in that by Vallarsi. See
debate, obscuring and confounding the vision of his Garnier's edition of Mercator, Append. ad Diss. ri.
judges. There can be no doubt, however, that p. 367,
although his speculations were of a most abstruse II. Epistola ad Demetriadem, written in the
and refined character, their tendency was eminently East about 412, and addressed to a Roman lady of
practical ; that he desired to banish all mysticism, distinction, who had been induced by Augustine to
to render religious truth an active power in the abandon the pleasures of the world for a life of
amelioration of the heart, and sought upon all devout austerity. This piece, which is of consider-
occasions to demonstrate the inefficacy of mere able importance, inasmuch as it contains clear
nominal faith unaccompanied by works, to warn indications of the sentiments of Pelagius with
his hearers of the hazard they incurred by waiting regard to the excellence of human nature, was, as
passively for some manifestation of Divine favour, well as the last-mentioned, assigned to Jerome, but
without making one effort to obtain it, and above the real author was ascertained from the quotations
all, to convince them that their jnstification depended by Augustine in bis De Gratia Christi (capp. 22,
in some degree upon themselves.
37, 38), and in the epistle to Juliana, the mother
In forming an estimate of the real character of of Demetrias. It will be found in the best editions
Pelagius, it must be remembered that his most of Jerome, and was published separately by Semler,
bitter enemies freely admit the spotless purity of 8vo. Hal. Magd. 1775.
his life, and that he labours under this signal dis- III. Libellus Fidei ad Innocentium Papam ; a
advantage, that his chief works are known to us formal confession of faith, forwarded to Rome in
only from the quotations of his adversaries. But | 417, which, along with the preceding, was included
even from those which are extant we may without among the tracts of Jerome under the title Hiero
want of charity infer that the charge of duplicity, nymi Explanatio Symboli ad Damasum ; and here
or at least reserve, was not altogether unfounded. likewise the mistake was corrected by the quota-
He does not appear to have possessed that straight- tions in the De Gratia Christi. It is to be found
forward courage which prompts a truly great mind in all the best editions of Jerome. See also Gar-
boldly to proclaim what it deems a vital truth in nier's edition of Mercator, P. I. Diss. V. p. 307.
defiance of obloquy and persecution. We are Another letter inscribed Epistola ad Celantiam
constantly struck with an indistinctness and ambi- Matronam de Ratione pie vivendi, among the cor-
guity of phrase, which, after making very full respondence of Jerome, was supposed by Erasmus
allowance for the abstruse nature of the themes, to belong to Paulinus of Nola, by Vallarsi to Sul-
cannot be altogether accidental, while his complex picius Severus, while Semler argues from the
definitions and divisions, his six kinds of grace to general tone and spirit with which it is imbued, as
take a single example, tend rather to perplex than well as from the style, that it ought to be made
to simplify his positions and his arguments. Hence over to Pelagius. it is numbered CXLVIII. in
he may have endeavoured to convey the essence of the edition of Jerome by Vallarsi.
his system, while he abstained from spreading The following works are known to us only from
alarm by the open enunciation of what might fragmentary citations :
appear at once strange and perilous, hoping in this 1. Euloy. ww Liber, designated by Gennadius as
manner to avoid those angry controversies from Eulogiarum pro actuali Conversatione ex Divinis
which a refined and contemplative mind would Scripturis Liber ; by Honorius as Pro actuali l'ita
shrink with disgust. In this project he might Liber ; by Orosius as Testimoniorum Liber. A
have succeeded had not his plans been frustrated by collection of remarkable texts from Scripture in
the impetuous sincerity of the more practical Coe- reference to practical morality, arranged and illus-
lestius, whose undisguised avowals first kindled trated after the manner of the Testimonia of Cy-
against himself that flame of persecution which prian (CIPRIANUS, p. 914). (Hieronym. Dialog.
eventually involved his teacher also.
adrers. Pelag. lib. i. ; Augustin. C. duas Pelagiano
A very few only of the numerous and voluminous rum epp. iv. 8 ; De Gestis Pelagii, c. 1, 6. Comp.
treatises of Pelagius have descended to us, and for Garnier, ad M. Mercat. Append. ad Diss. vi. )
a long period every one of these was supposed to 2. De Natura Liber, to which Augustine replied
be the work of his most bitter enemy.
in his De Natura et Gratia. The fragments have
1. Erpositionum in Epistolas Pauli Libri XIV. , been collected by Garnier, l. c.
written at Rome, and therefore not later than A. D. 3. Liber ad Viduam Consolatorius atque Exhor-
310. These commentaries, which consist of short tatorius. See Hieronym. Dialog. adv. Pelag. lib.
simple explanatory notes on all the Epistles of Paul, iii. ; Augustin, de Gest. Pelag. c. 6; Garnier, ed.
with the exception of that to the Hebrews, were at Mercator. l. c.
