What appears
ridiculous
to us seems to
them to speak for itself.
them to speak for itself.
Treitschke - 1915 - Germany, France, Russia, and Islam
At that time even
Frenchmen of old Celtic blood remarked that
nothing but the imearthing of the Germanic forces
which had been half buried could supply the
French soil with new creative power; and we
Germans used to watch these unusual efforts
with honest delight. But all such attempts have
been utterly wrecked. It could not well have
been otherwise. The pleasure which the French
took in the works of the German intellect always
rested on the tacit assumption that we continued
to resemble the old caricature, that we were still a
people devoid of political organization, a people
of poets and thinkers. No sooner had the Bohe-
mian victories shown the power of the German
State than a change ensued in French Hfe, to
which we have failed to pay sufficient attention
here. The influence of German ideas halted;
the Revue Germanique died long ago; the Temps
has displayed precisely the same captiousness and
hostility against the new German Confederation
as has been shown by the rest of the French
papers; and after all the awful experiences of the
last few weeks we can expect nothing but a still
deeper estrangement for the immediate future.
Was Alsace in truth a connecting link between
Germany and France? A mutual giving and
taking is surely an indispensable element of such
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? 144 What We Demand from France
a connection. What have we received from the
people of Alsace? What have they been to us?
Their higher intellects were simply lost to German
national life, they became Frenchmen with a slight
colouring of German culture; like Dollfus himself,
they served the foreigner, not us. The loss of
the German provinces would be of infinitely more
importance to France than is implied in the dimi-
nution of the eighty-nine departements by three.
It would not only be a terrible moral blow -- for
these territories are the pride of the nation, the
oft-contested prize of ancient victories, the famed
terre classique de la France -- but a loss of intellect-
ual forces which it would be utterly impossible to
make good. It is astonishing to find in every
large town in France, everywhere and in every
station in life, the industrious, clever, and trust-
worthy sons of Alsace. The population of the
Departement Bas-Khin, although it is healthy and
fertile in the German fashion, considerably dimin-
ished during the decade from 1850 to i860, in
consequence of the emigration en masse into the
French cities. Are we to regard this regular
absorption of German forces by the French people
as a healthy action and reaction -- now that we
possess the power of putting an end to this morbid
state of affairs? Switzerland is really a land of
transition and of mediation. There, three nations,
united by means of a free and flexible constitution,
learn how to appreciate and deal considerately
with one another. But the centralization and the
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? What We Demand from France 145
domineering national spirit of France cannot allow
a province either an independent culture or a
separate language. Official statistics in France, as
their director, Legoyt, has often openly confessed,
disdain on principle to enquire into the rela-
tions between the different languages. The State
assumes that every Frenchman understands
French. The world is not permitted to learn
how many millions of Basques, Bretons, Proven-
gals, Flemings, and Germans have no acquaintance
with the language of the State ; the popular tongue
differing from it is to be degraded into a dialect,
into the speech of the uncultivated. The French
bureaucracy in Alsace has laboured in the direction
of this goal with a ruthless zeal, and so fanatically,
that Napoleon III was at times obliged to moder-
ate the clumsiness of his too eager officials. Supe-
rior education is entirely given in French. An
attempt has even been made recently, by the
introduction of French educational nurseries for
the young {Kindergarten) , to estrange the children
from their tenderest years from their mother-
tongue. Those who speak pure high- German may
sometimes find it easier to make themselves under-
stood by half-educated men in Alsace if they help
themselves out with French ; for people of this class
have lost the free and facile use of any form of
speech except the dialect of their native district.
The attempt to degrade the language of a nation
which is one of the standard-bearers of civilization,
into the rudeness of the Celtic patois of the Bretons,
10
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? 146 What We Demand from France
is sheer insanity and a sin against nature. The
proverb of our homely ancestors must remain
eternally true: "So German heart and Gaul-
ish tongue, strong man, lame steed, are suited
wrong. " The foreign language which has been
forced upon them has done unspeakable harm to
the upper classes of Alsace in their moral feeling
and in their spiritual life, and has impressed upon
the intellectual life of the province the character
of a bastard culture which is neither fish nor flesh.
What unhappy creatures these German boys are
who pass by in their gold-rimmed Lyceum caps
under the guardianship of an elegant ahhe, and
whose German souls are bidden to find edification
in Boileau and Racine, while they speak to the
servants in a horrible Gaulish perversion of their
native language, the language of Goethe.
In the struggle between the independent lang-
uages of highly civilized nations, flexibility of form
is unfortunately apt to gain the victory over depth
and thoroughness of culture. The national char-
acter of the rising generation ultimately depends
upon the mothers ; and women find it hard to with-
stand the charm of brilliant form. As a rule,
woman -- more loyal than man in good things as
well as in evil -- adheres more firmly than he does
to ancestral ways; the women of Alsace become
Gaulish faster than the men. This is proved by
ocular demonstration, and it is confirmed by
the returns reported from all the popular libraries
in the province, which show that the women hardly
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? What We Demand from France 147
read any books but French. The language of the
State, of good society, and of important commer-
cial transactions, is French. The language of the
books and newspapers is the same ; for it is better
to pass over in compassionate silence the barbar-
ous German translation which the Frenchman, M.
Schneegans, is in the habit of placing alongside
of the French text of his Cotirrier du Bas-Rhin.
Whoever has seen three generations of an Alsatian
family side by side must have had the growing
Gallicization of the upper classes brought palpably
before him. If one reminds these people of the
glorious German past, a confident "We are French-
men " helps them over all argument ; and if they are
men of learning, they are not unlikely, like the
maire Schutzenberger aforesaid, to add a few pro-
found phrases on the mutability of all things
human, as destructive even of national life. The
public service, the settlement of numerous French-
men in the province, and manifold family and
business connections, all hasten this unnatural
degeneration. Of the great families of the land,
some have crossed over to the right bank, like
the Schaumburgs, the Bocklins, the Tiirkheims;
the rest have, almost without exception, betaken
themselves to French ways, like the Keinachs,
the Andlaus, the Vogt von Hunolsteins. It was a
Zom von Bulach, a scion of the famous old house of
free imperial citizens {Reichshilrger), who recently
demanded, in a stormy Chauvinist speech in the
Corps Legislatif, the fortification of Huningen, to
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? 148 What We Demand from France
prevent the Fatherland falling a prey to the
Germans.
In contrast with this Gallicization of the edu-
cated classes, how glorious appears the faithful ad-
herence of the Alemannic peasant to the usages of
his ancestors. Here among the simple folk, where
culture is held of no account, and the whole intellec-
tual life is comprehended in the moral feelings, the
German tongue continues to hold unbounded sway,
and even among the higher classes it has frequently
remained the language of the feelings and of the
domestic hearth. The German wanderer, who
enters a village in the Vosges, is saluted at first by
some official ordinance or other in French, or by an
advertisement painted on the wall by the Great
Paris advertising firms, Chocolat Menier and Au
Pauvre Diahle. In the village itself everything is
German; red waistcoats, big fur caps, and three-
cornered hats, popular costumes of a primitive
antiquity which survive only in the remote valleys
of Schwarzwald. The name Gaulish (Wdlsch) is
often regarded even yet as a term of abuse. The
maire, the cantonnier , and a few of the younger
people whose wanderings as handicraftsmen have
carried them to a great distance, are frequently
the only persons who speak the foreign tongue
with facility. All the public decrees with which the
people are seriously meant to become acquainted
must be read out in both languages. To teach
the children in French is either impossible or they
forget in a few years what it has cost them so much
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? What We Demand from France 149
trouble to acquire. The peasant of the Sundgau
contemplates the stork's nest on his thatch with
the same pleasure as the Ditmarsher; he is on as
intimate terms with his stork as the other with his
Hadbar; and he receives the payment for lodging,
which the bird annually throws down, with equal
conscientiousness. If he reads anything at all,
he reads the jests of the "Hobbling Messenger"
{des hinkenden Boten), like his neighbour in the
Schwarzwald across the river. A rich mine of
primitive German legends and usages yet remains
among the woodmen up in the Wasgau, who push
the trunks of the trees, in the winter time, on
mighty sleighs {Schlitten), down the steep preci-
pice. The Gaul bestows on these sturdy fellows
the exquisite name of SchlitteMrs,
But the mightiest of all the forces at the root of
our German ways is Protestantism, which is the
strong shield of the German language and of Ger-
man life here, as in the mountains of Transylvania,
and on the distant shores of the Baltic. After all,
it is the free life of different creeds side by side
with one another which remains the strong root of
our modem German culture; and in this essential
characteristic, which distinguishes us both from
the Catholic south and the Lutheran north, Alsace,
which is divided between the confessions {parti-
tat esch), fully participates. So long as the peasant
continues to sing ^' Eiji feste Burg ist unser Gott/^
from a German hymn-book, German life will not
perish in the Wasgau. The loving and energetic
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? 150 What We Demand from France
spirit of old Spener, and, after him, of the worthy
Oberlin, the benefactor of the Stein thai, survives to
this day in the excellent evangelical pastors of
Alsace ; and perhaps they are the only men in the
country who secretly long for its return to Ger-
many. Any loyal love on the part of the shame-
fully persecuted Evangelical Church towards the
land of the Dragonnades, and of the War of the
Cevennes, must have been out of the question at
all times. German science -- the free and fearless
spirit of inquiry of the Tubingen school -- prevails
among the admirable scholars of the Protestant
Faculty at Strassburg, some of whom still lecture
in German. They owe nothing to the French but
an active practical sense, which seeks to impress
the truth which their own minds have recognized
on the life and constitution of their congregations.
What is it, . speaking generally, that is healthy
and energetic in Alsace? what is it that elevates
these districts above the dark mists of self-indul-
gence and priestly obscurantism which overhang
most of the remaining provinces of France? The
German nature of Alsace, and nothing else. The
active spirit of its inhabitants, and the ineradi-
cable impulse towards self-government, which
even the artifices of Napoleonic prefects could not
wholly banish, and which refused to bow its head
before the monarchical socialism of the Second Em-
pire, are German. Let the worthy members of So-
ciete Industrielle de Mulhouse believe as long as they
choose that they are Frenchmen in body and soul,
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? What We Demand from France 151
and set up the inscriptions Place Napoleon and Rue
Napoleon at the street-comers of their artisan town.
That admirable enterprise of free civic spirit could
only have arisen on Germanic soil, just as the
great city workhouse of Ostwald, near Strassburg,
could only have been founded by a German city.
The cites ouvrieres in French towns, in Lille, for
example, owe their origin to the State. The
active care of the communes and fathers of famiHes
for popular education, which has at least succeeded
in bringing about this result, that on an average
there are, of a hundred unmarried persons in the
Haut-Rhin, only from six to seven, and in the Bas-
Rhin only from two to three, unable to write, is
altogether German. This seems poor enough in
comparison with the state of things in Germany,
but it is brilliant in comparison with that in
France. The spirit of the popular libraries and
singing-clubs, which used to be constantly at feud
with the Prefects, is German. Notwithstanding
the Gaulish tongue which it uses, the scholarly
culture, which produces such good fruit in the
Revue Critique and in the works of the provin-
cial historians, is German. Even among the
French-speaking classes, have we not the more
natural, straightforward, youthful way of German
life, which has been infected indeed, but not yet
destroyed, by Celtic immorality? Are not the
military virtues of the man of Alsace German too?
Is the same thing not true of his loyalty and dis-
cipline -- of the close application to the military
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? 152 What We Demand from France
instruction of each individual soldier, and the de-
light in accurate firing, which make him alone,
among the soldiers of France, capable of an effec-
tive partisan war (Parteigdngerkrieg) , and which
have created a species of volunteer popular army --
the franC'tireurs -- in his part of the country alone?
But, alas! when we praise the indestructible
German nature of the man of Alsace, the subject of
our praise declines to receive it. He adheres to his
conviction that he is no Suabian, and that all
Suabians are yellow-footed. He was introduced
by France, sooner than we Germans have been,
into the grand activity of the modem economical
world. To France he owes a most admirable
organization of the means of commercial inter-
course, a wide market, the influx of capital on a
great scale, and a high rate of wages, which, to this
day, draws daily labourers in crowds at harvest-
time from the fields of Baden across the Rhine.
From the French he has learned a certain savoir-
faire; his industrial activity, upon the whole,
stands higher than that of his German neighbour;
and in special branches -- in nursery gardening,
for instance -- he presents a marked contrast to
the easy-going indifference of the natives of Baden.
The son of Alsace is bound to his great State not
merely by ancient loyalty and pride, but by mate-
rial bonds, the power of which we, in our freer
political life, generally fail duly to appreciate. A
bureaucratic centralization possesses this advan-
tage after all, among a thousand sins, that it
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? What We Demand from France 153
penetrates like a binding mortar into every joint
of the social edifice, and renders it unspeakably
difficult to break one of its stones out of the wall.
What labour will be requisite before the threads
which lead across from Strassburg and Colmar to
Paris are all cut! The jonction-nomanie of the
French, their anxiety to make a profit out of the
State, even were it by means of a bureau de tabac,
has penetrated as far as these frontier lands. A
countless host of officials, pensioners and veterans,
swarms in this province. All the great institu-
tions of intercourse and credit are in reality State
establishments. What a power lies in the hands
of the Great Eastern Railway [of France], which,
although a private company in name, is in fact
connected closely with the State ! If the district is
given up to Germany, and this railway remains
what it is, every pointsman and guard on the
line will contribute to the French propaganda.
The smallest amount of resistance will probably
be offered to the reconquest in Lower Alsace, where
a third of the population is Protestant, and where
a vigorous intercourse is carried on with Baden
and the Palatinate. The state of affairs on the
Upper Rhine is far less promising. A powerful
clergy is there, adding fuel to the hatred of the
lively and excitable people against Germany, and
it finds no counterpoise in the Protestant portion
of the population, which amounts only to a tithe.
The manufactories of Mulhausen have their chief
market in France, although a considerable busi-
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? 154 What We Demand from France
ness has been done in the calico and muslin trade
of the place at the Leipzig fairs since the recent
treaties of commerce. The German State is
repugnant to the old reminiscences of this Swiss
city. Its patrician families assiduously display
their French sentiments. Its masses of working-
men, thrown together from long distances, and
who come, for the most part, from Germany,
have always welcomed the hollow pathos of the
Paris demagogues. But it is in German Lorraine
that we are threatened by the most embittered
hostility. In a population almost exclusively
Catholic, German ways of thought and Hfe have
never found so grand a development as in Alsace ;
and for more than a century they have been
abused by all the evil artifices of the French
bureaucracy -- most cynically of all in the old
Luxemburg districts round Diedenhofen; besides
which their ordinar}^ intercourse takes the peas-
antry to two French towns, to Metz and Nancy.
Most assuredly, the task of reuniting there the
broken links between the ages is one of the heaviest
that has ever been imposed upon the political
forces of our nation. Capital and culture, those
faithful allies of the German cause in Posen and
in Schleswig- Hoist ein, are our opponents. Ger-
man ways of thought and life have been terribly
discredited in the upper classes of these western
marches. What we deem horrible, they deem
sacred. They remember with pride how it was at
Strassburg that Rouget de I'lsle once composed
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? What We Demand from France 155
those burning lines which threatened the enemies
of France, the Germans, with death and destruc-
tion; and how the soldiers' Emperor passed out
to his war against us through the gate of Auster-
litz. The city which fought as a heroine in the
spiritual battles of the Reformation boasts to-day
in her own phrase, De porter fierement Vepee de la
France.
What appears ridiculous to us seems to
them to speak for itself. They are not ashamed
to call themselves ''Monsieur" Schwilgue or
Stockle. They allow the venerable names of their
towns to be changed into Gaulish perversions,
Hke Wasselonne, Cemay, and Selestat. They
obediently accept the indescribably absurd Ober-
nai (for Oberehnheim) , and consider it fine to
write "antwergmestres^* when they are speaking
in their French historical works of the masters of
the old guilds (Meister der alien Ziinfte). They
are astonished at our shrugging our shoulders as we
contemplate the monument in honour of the indus-
trial grandees of the place, on the market-place at
Rappoltsweiler, and see enumerated on it, in the
style of the tables issued from the Prefectures,
the names Meyer, Jaques, Muller, Etienne, etc.
What to us seems freedom, to them appears
oppression. While taking part in the life of a
State whose parties bow beneath despotism as
their taskmaster, without an exception, they
have lost all perception for the truth that every
healthy kind of freedom imposes burdens and
duties. They look with repugnance upon the
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? 156 What We Demand from France
fundamental principle of the German State, the
duty of all men to serve the State in arms, and
the right of every local community (Gemeinde)
to manage its own affairs. Yet, with all their
devotion, they are not regarded by the Gauls as
their equals. The Frenchman contrives cleverly
to turn the fresh vigour of the man of Alsace
to the best advantage for himself; but he laughs
in secret at these honest tetes carries . It is simply
impossible to domesticate the modem French
art of imdergoing a grand revolution of political
thought and opinion once in every ten years among
these tough Suabians. Even in our own days,
just as in those of the First Revolution, it was
with hesitation and unwillingly that the men
of Alsace followed the periodically recurring gen-
eral desertion of the Flag, which is characteristic
of the party life of the French. When the Presi-
dent Louis Napoleon was engaged in his notorious
Emperor's tour through France, and the whole
country sang the praises of the new idol, he was
confronted by sturdy Republican pride in Alsace
alone. Loyalty of this kind is unintelHgible to
the Frenchman. Even Duruy, who stands nearer
to our culture than most of his fellow-countrymen,
remarks, condescendingly, of the population of
Alsace, after a few words of well-merited encom-
ium: ^^Mais elle delaisse trop lentement son mauvais
jargon allemand et son intolerance religieuse. '^
Mauvais jargon allemand! This is what is said of
the mother-tongue, the straightforward Aleman-
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? What We Demand from France 157
nic, which went so warm and kindly to the heart
of the youthful Goethe! Intolerance religieuse,
this is how they describe faithful adherence to
the evangelical faith ! Such is the distance which
separates the French from the German members
of their State.
It is precisely in this that there lies for us a
pledge of hope. The source of German life is
choked, but it is not dried up. Tear these men
out of the foreign soil, and they are as German
as ourselves. The men of Alsace and Lorraine
who have emigrated to America range themselves
regularly with the Germans, and, like the latter,
are at this day joyously hailing our victories. The
German spirit of the house of Ludwig Uhland met
hardly anywhere so clear an echo as in the songs of
August and Adolf Stober of Alsace. How touch-
ing is the admonition coming from lips such as
these to the Strassburgers :
Around your sons shall wind
Loyalty's bond from hand to hand,
And ever shall them bind
Unto the German fatherland!
And in Kleeburg there, not far from the Gaisberg
which the heroes of Lower Silesia stormed in the
awful fray, stood the cradle of Ludwig Hausser --
the loyal man, who was the first to relate to us in
the spirit of a true German the history of our
War of Liberation. In times past other German
districts have been sunk in depths of degeneration
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? 158 What We Demand from France
as deep as that of Alsace to-day. Under the rotten
dominion of the Crozier, and the iron yoke of the
first Empire, the burghers of Cologne and Coblenz
had hardly been reached by far-off tidings of the
triumphs of Frederick and the poems of Schiller,
of all that was great and genuine in modem Ger-
man history. Ten years of Prussian government
sufficed to recover these lost ones to German life.
If at this day foreign ways have roots incompar-
ably deeper in Colmar and Miilhausen than was
the case of old on the Lower Rhine, the vigour and
self -consciousness of the German nation, on the
other hand, have immeasurably increased since
that time. The people of Alsace are already
beginning to doubt the invincibility of their nation,
and at all events to divine the mighty growth of
the German Empire. Perverse obstinacy, and a
thousand French intrigues creeping in the dark,
will make every step on the newly conquered soil
difficult for us; but our ultimate success is certain,
for on our side fights what is stronger than the
lying artifices of the stranger -- nature herself and
the voice of common blood.
Ill
THE CLAIMS OF PRUSSIA
Who is strong enough to rule these lost lands, and
to recover them, by a salutary discipline, for Ger-
man life? Prussia, and Prussia alone. I am well
aware that there are many sagacious persons in
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? What We Demand from France 159
the North who utter words of warning and entreat
us to leave that awkward question for the present,
and, above all, to abstain, at this moment, from
awakening the wrath of conflicting parties which
has hardly been put to sleep. Singular error!
The question which arises at this point is elevated
above all parties; it is the question, whether a
German peace is to follow this German war,
whether the peace and the war are to be one in
fashion and in spirit, whether, as the German
swords struck their blows only for the sake of the
great Fatherland, the statutes of the peace are to
satisfy the demands of German security and hon-
our and not the miserable suggestions of particular-
ism. This is precisely the moment in which it is
the duty of the Press to speak plainly, while the
brand of the nation's sacred wrath is still being
forged in the fire, and before the glorious unanim-
ity of this war has been overgrown by the petty
play of parties. The eye of our nation is clear-
sighted, and its heart is wide enough, if rationally
instructed, to imderstand what is indispensable for
the security of Germany. Should a traitor here or
there be induced by the open expression of those
national demands, the rejection of which is impossi-
ble, prematurely to doff his mask and to lift up
once more his old favourite cry, "Rather French
than Prussian, " the defection of such gentry would
do no harm to the German cause.
If the war progresses on the grand scale in which
it has commenced, the leader of the Germans will
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? i6o What We Demand from France
conclude peace in the name of the Allies, and cause
whatever cessions of territory have to be demanded
to be made to the Allies in common. Further
arrangements in the conquered territory must then
be left as a matter for mutual discussion between
the German confederates. We Germans should
be most unwilling to exhibit the dreary remains of
our utter disunion to a peace congress, and to show
a contemptuous Europe that our poHtical unity is
very far from being as complete, as yet, as the
unity of the German army. But if these dis-
cussions should not lead rapidly and harmoniously
to a sound conclusion, a resolute and unanimous
public opinion would have to lighten the difficulties
of the task. What was it, besides the jealousy of
foreign countries, which hampered the German
statesmen of 1815? The uncertainty and con-
fusion that reigned in the national mind. One
party wanted to give the Duchy of Alsace to the
Crown Prince of Wurttemberg, and another to the
Archduke Charles. Amdt, himself, insisted only
on securing the freedom of the German river. Let
us show that we have learned in these great times
to live while our fathers knew only how to die for
Germany, and that the unity of the national will
has succeeded that indeterminate sort of national
oneness which inspired the men of the Second
Peace of Paris.
The current talk in the North is, " Let us reward
the* South Germans for their loyalty. " This is
one of those vague fashions of speech which is due
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? What We Demand from France i6i
to sincere feeling, but which in times of popular
excitement might easily lead to dangerous results.
Oh! if the North Germans who echo these phrases,
and fancy themselves very magnanimous and
noble in so doing, could but see how the eyes of
honest and clear-sighted South Germans flash out
with anger at such words! We want no reward,
they say ; if people want to reward us, let them at
all events not reward the particularism of the
Courts which we held down with such effort. I
speak under the impression of earnest warnings,
which reach me from South German friends, and
which entreat me to defend the interests of South
Germany in this review. The course of the
argument which these politicians press on be-
half of South Germany is plain and not open to
question.
France, they say, will not and cannot honour-
ably conclude peace until her army and her
administration are entirely changed. Until a
thoroughly different popular education has built
up a new nation round it, the French people will
never in earnest renounce their natural boundaries,
or their illusion that the weakness of Germany
is their strength. We in Upper Germany cannot
lead our lives in quiet, or witness in contemptu-
ous confidence the feverish rage of these Gallic
vandals, so long as Alsace has not been placed
under a strong protecting power. The Prussian
Eagle alone is able to keep his grip of what he has
once pounced upon. In any weaker grasp the
II
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? i62 What We Demand from France
border country would be but a temporary posses-
sion. We know better than our friends in the
North do the strength of the resistance which will
rise up in Strassburg and Miilhausen against their
Germanization. Prussian territory must be
wrapped, like a protecting mantle, round all our
threatened boundaries from Wesel, past Metz
and Saarlouis, down to Strassburg and Belfort.
Prussia may not always be led by strong men. She
will certainly not be led always by men of genius.
The time may come when Prussian particularism,
which is out of heart at present, may again say
to itself, "Is the shirt not nearer the skin than the
coat? Is it absolutely necessary that North
Germany should always defend South Germany? '*
Such questions ought to be impossible in the
Germany of the future. It is in that view that
we wish to bind Prussia to us by the only bond
which is always sure in politics: the bond of its
own vital interests. We have always regarded it
as a misfortune that the State which leads Ger-
many should be, in appearance at least, exclusively
North German, but the priceless opportunity to
leaven it with South German life is given us, so as
to do away with the misleading and arbitrary
distinction between North and South for ever.
Once before, in one of the pettiest periods of its
history, Prussia filled the httle South German
Anspach-Baireuth with Prussian political feeling.
To-day, in the splendour of power and fame,
she could accomplish a similar task with a like
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? What We Demand from France 163
success. It will be the healing of the German
Empire if our leading Power learns to like and to
value South German ways in their home, if the
citizen forces of her western, and the still immature
social conditions of her eastern, provinces find their
counterpoise -- in one word, if Prussia includes
and reconciles within herself all the opposites of
German life.
What have people in the North to oppose to such
solid arguments? Nothing but the self-sufficient
phrase that Prussia is strong enough to care for no
annexation of territory. How magnanimous it
sounds! -- but the indolence and pettiness of
particularism lie behind it. Which of the two
lines of policy would be the loftier or the more
German? Is Prussia to enter into a suitable
engagement, flattering to the vanity of the Court of
Munich, and then to observe, at a comfortable
distance, Bavaria struggling to subdue her mutin-
ous province; or is she herself to undertake that
watch upon the Rhine which she alone can keep,
and decisively to take a province which will bring
nothing at first but trouble and resistance to its
new masters? Nothing but an exaggerated deli-
cacy, a false magnanimity, have hitherto prevented
the North German Press from demanding what is
necessary, and what the South German papers,
for example, the courageous Schwdbische Volkszei-
tung, have long been urging. Every other plan
which has been suggested for the future of these
border countries is foolish -- so foolish that it
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? 164 What We Demand from France
requires some self-command to induce one to refute
it. What is the use of attempting to answer the
suggestion that Alsace and Lorraine should form
a neutral State? Has not Europe had enough of
that already in the disgusting spectacle of the
Nation Luxembourgeoise? Only the brain of an
English Manchester man, surrounded by the mists
he blows from his pipe of peace, could conceive
such extraordinary bubbles. No wonder that
every enemy of Germany should approve of this
suggestion. No better way has yet been thought
of to enable France to recover all that she has lost.
The proposal to entrust this outwork of Ger-
many to a secondary State appears scarcely more
unreasonable. One would think we were hurled
back out of the great year of 1870 into the times
of the Federal Diet. We seem, again, to hear
those wise thinkers of the Eschenheimer Gasse,
who kept warning us so earnestly against the
flames of centralization, while the marsh- water of
petty Statedom was rising above our shoulders --
those gallant riflemen patriots who shouted so
lustily for the unity of Germany -- but with Nurem-
berg as its capital! Prince and people in Baden
have acquitted themselves nobly in trying times;
and we can now fully comprehend, and that per-
haps for the first time, what it cost them to main-
tain an honourable national policy here for four
years in face of the enemy. Are we, in return,
to impose a burden on that State which could
not fail to crush it? The plan of founding an
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? What We Demand from France 165
Upper Rhine kingdom of Baden proceeds from
nothing but a too conscientious study of the map ;
and an old North German mistake has procured for
it a few adherents in the North. As Baden has
reckoned among its sons a long line of distin-
guished politicians, from Rotteck and Liebenstein
down to Mathy and Roggenbach, the men of the
North have accustomed themselves to expectations,
founded on the intellectual power of the country,
which no State of the third rank could possibly
fulfil. In Baden itself people are more modest.
Every reasonable man shudders at the thought
of a Diet of Carlsruhe, half made up of the repre-
sentatives of Alsace. If they allied themselves
with the same party in Alsace, who could control
the strong native Ultramontane and Radical
parties which an intelligent Liberal majority keeps
in order at present? Such a State would delight
the eyes of a map-drawer, as the kingdom of the
Netherlands did, when it was welded out of
Belgium and Holland; but, like that, it would be a
political impossibility.
The Government of Baden no doubt regards the
prospect of an acquisition which would be the ruin
of the country with sufficient wisdom and patriot-
ism. All the more must it be listened to with
respect, as it is most nearly concerned in the matter,
when it protests decisively against any increase of
Bavaria by Alsace. I shall not grope in the filth
of a petty past; but it is impossible for people in
Carlsruhe to forget that the desires of Bavaria for
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? i66 What We Demand from France
the Baden Palatinate disturbed the Grand Duchy
for a whole generation, while Prussia was all
that time its honourable protector. Would our
boundaries be safe in Bavarian hands? Let us
picture to ourselves the Bavarian Government
under a king less honestly German than Ludwig II,
surrounded on all sides, as it would be, by the
insubordinate province, kept in a constant state
of irritation by France, until at last the bad
neighbour returns in a favourable hour with the
proposal: Take all Baden and Wiirttemberg, and
give us back our own. Even a State has need to
pray, " Lead me not into temptation ! " What are
all compacts and federal constitutions against
the plain fact of the possession of the land? God
be praised, a result so unworthy as I am describing
is little to be feared in New Germany! The
noble blood that reddens the plains of Worth
and Weissenburg bound the armies of Prussia
and Bavaria in a close alliance. No new Lord
Castlereagh can step forward, as his prototype
did fifty years ago, to tell us scornfully that the
loosely compacted German Bund is not able to
defend Alsace. Yet the troublesome question
presses on us whether Bavaria possesses the in-
tellectual and the political power which are neces-
sary to fuse Alsace into union with itself. Facts
familiar to everyone supply the answer. What
was it that, in 1849, saved the German-minded
Palatinate on the left bank of the Rhine for the
kingdom of Bavaria? The sword of Prussia.
? ?
Frenchmen of old Celtic blood remarked that
nothing but the imearthing of the Germanic forces
which had been half buried could supply the
French soil with new creative power; and we
Germans used to watch these unusual efforts
with honest delight. But all such attempts have
been utterly wrecked. It could not well have
been otherwise. The pleasure which the French
took in the works of the German intellect always
rested on the tacit assumption that we continued
to resemble the old caricature, that we were still a
people devoid of political organization, a people
of poets and thinkers. No sooner had the Bohe-
mian victories shown the power of the German
State than a change ensued in French Hfe, to
which we have failed to pay sufficient attention
here. The influence of German ideas halted;
the Revue Germanique died long ago; the Temps
has displayed precisely the same captiousness and
hostility against the new German Confederation
as has been shown by the rest of the French
papers; and after all the awful experiences of the
last few weeks we can expect nothing but a still
deeper estrangement for the immediate future.
Was Alsace in truth a connecting link between
Germany and France? A mutual giving and
taking is surely an indispensable element of such
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? 144 What We Demand from France
a connection. What have we received from the
people of Alsace? What have they been to us?
Their higher intellects were simply lost to German
national life, they became Frenchmen with a slight
colouring of German culture; like Dollfus himself,
they served the foreigner, not us. The loss of
the German provinces would be of infinitely more
importance to France than is implied in the dimi-
nution of the eighty-nine departements by three.
It would not only be a terrible moral blow -- for
these territories are the pride of the nation, the
oft-contested prize of ancient victories, the famed
terre classique de la France -- but a loss of intellect-
ual forces which it would be utterly impossible to
make good. It is astonishing to find in every
large town in France, everywhere and in every
station in life, the industrious, clever, and trust-
worthy sons of Alsace. The population of the
Departement Bas-Khin, although it is healthy and
fertile in the German fashion, considerably dimin-
ished during the decade from 1850 to i860, in
consequence of the emigration en masse into the
French cities. Are we to regard this regular
absorption of German forces by the French people
as a healthy action and reaction -- now that we
possess the power of putting an end to this morbid
state of affairs? Switzerland is really a land of
transition and of mediation. There, three nations,
united by means of a free and flexible constitution,
learn how to appreciate and deal considerately
with one another. But the centralization and the
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? What We Demand from France 145
domineering national spirit of France cannot allow
a province either an independent culture or a
separate language. Official statistics in France, as
their director, Legoyt, has often openly confessed,
disdain on principle to enquire into the rela-
tions between the different languages. The State
assumes that every Frenchman understands
French. The world is not permitted to learn
how many millions of Basques, Bretons, Proven-
gals, Flemings, and Germans have no acquaintance
with the language of the State ; the popular tongue
differing from it is to be degraded into a dialect,
into the speech of the uncultivated. The French
bureaucracy in Alsace has laboured in the direction
of this goal with a ruthless zeal, and so fanatically,
that Napoleon III was at times obliged to moder-
ate the clumsiness of his too eager officials. Supe-
rior education is entirely given in French. An
attempt has even been made recently, by the
introduction of French educational nurseries for
the young {Kindergarten) , to estrange the children
from their tenderest years from their mother-
tongue. Those who speak pure high- German may
sometimes find it easier to make themselves under-
stood by half-educated men in Alsace if they help
themselves out with French ; for people of this class
have lost the free and facile use of any form of
speech except the dialect of their native district.
The attempt to degrade the language of a nation
which is one of the standard-bearers of civilization,
into the rudeness of the Celtic patois of the Bretons,
10
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? 146 What We Demand from France
is sheer insanity and a sin against nature. The
proverb of our homely ancestors must remain
eternally true: "So German heart and Gaul-
ish tongue, strong man, lame steed, are suited
wrong. " The foreign language which has been
forced upon them has done unspeakable harm to
the upper classes of Alsace in their moral feeling
and in their spiritual life, and has impressed upon
the intellectual life of the province the character
of a bastard culture which is neither fish nor flesh.
What unhappy creatures these German boys are
who pass by in their gold-rimmed Lyceum caps
under the guardianship of an elegant ahhe, and
whose German souls are bidden to find edification
in Boileau and Racine, while they speak to the
servants in a horrible Gaulish perversion of their
native language, the language of Goethe.
In the struggle between the independent lang-
uages of highly civilized nations, flexibility of form
is unfortunately apt to gain the victory over depth
and thoroughness of culture. The national char-
acter of the rising generation ultimately depends
upon the mothers ; and women find it hard to with-
stand the charm of brilliant form. As a rule,
woman -- more loyal than man in good things as
well as in evil -- adheres more firmly than he does
to ancestral ways; the women of Alsace become
Gaulish faster than the men. This is proved by
ocular demonstration, and it is confirmed by
the returns reported from all the popular libraries
in the province, which show that the women hardly
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? What We Demand from France 147
read any books but French. The language of the
State, of good society, and of important commer-
cial transactions, is French. The language of the
books and newspapers is the same ; for it is better
to pass over in compassionate silence the barbar-
ous German translation which the Frenchman, M.
Schneegans, is in the habit of placing alongside
of the French text of his Cotirrier du Bas-Rhin.
Whoever has seen three generations of an Alsatian
family side by side must have had the growing
Gallicization of the upper classes brought palpably
before him. If one reminds these people of the
glorious German past, a confident "We are French-
men " helps them over all argument ; and if they are
men of learning, they are not unlikely, like the
maire Schutzenberger aforesaid, to add a few pro-
found phrases on the mutability of all things
human, as destructive even of national life. The
public service, the settlement of numerous French-
men in the province, and manifold family and
business connections, all hasten this unnatural
degeneration. Of the great families of the land,
some have crossed over to the right bank, like
the Schaumburgs, the Bocklins, the Tiirkheims;
the rest have, almost without exception, betaken
themselves to French ways, like the Keinachs,
the Andlaus, the Vogt von Hunolsteins. It was a
Zom von Bulach, a scion of the famous old house of
free imperial citizens {Reichshilrger), who recently
demanded, in a stormy Chauvinist speech in the
Corps Legislatif, the fortification of Huningen, to
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? 148 What We Demand from France
prevent the Fatherland falling a prey to the
Germans.
In contrast with this Gallicization of the edu-
cated classes, how glorious appears the faithful ad-
herence of the Alemannic peasant to the usages of
his ancestors. Here among the simple folk, where
culture is held of no account, and the whole intellec-
tual life is comprehended in the moral feelings, the
German tongue continues to hold unbounded sway,
and even among the higher classes it has frequently
remained the language of the feelings and of the
domestic hearth. The German wanderer, who
enters a village in the Vosges, is saluted at first by
some official ordinance or other in French, or by an
advertisement painted on the wall by the Great
Paris advertising firms, Chocolat Menier and Au
Pauvre Diahle. In the village itself everything is
German; red waistcoats, big fur caps, and three-
cornered hats, popular costumes of a primitive
antiquity which survive only in the remote valleys
of Schwarzwald. The name Gaulish (Wdlsch) is
often regarded even yet as a term of abuse. The
maire, the cantonnier , and a few of the younger
people whose wanderings as handicraftsmen have
carried them to a great distance, are frequently
the only persons who speak the foreign tongue
with facility. All the public decrees with which the
people are seriously meant to become acquainted
must be read out in both languages. To teach
the children in French is either impossible or they
forget in a few years what it has cost them so much
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? What We Demand from France 149
trouble to acquire. The peasant of the Sundgau
contemplates the stork's nest on his thatch with
the same pleasure as the Ditmarsher; he is on as
intimate terms with his stork as the other with his
Hadbar; and he receives the payment for lodging,
which the bird annually throws down, with equal
conscientiousness. If he reads anything at all,
he reads the jests of the "Hobbling Messenger"
{des hinkenden Boten), like his neighbour in the
Schwarzwald across the river. A rich mine of
primitive German legends and usages yet remains
among the woodmen up in the Wasgau, who push
the trunks of the trees, in the winter time, on
mighty sleighs {Schlitten), down the steep preci-
pice. The Gaul bestows on these sturdy fellows
the exquisite name of SchlitteMrs,
But the mightiest of all the forces at the root of
our German ways is Protestantism, which is the
strong shield of the German language and of Ger-
man life here, as in the mountains of Transylvania,
and on the distant shores of the Baltic. After all,
it is the free life of different creeds side by side
with one another which remains the strong root of
our modem German culture; and in this essential
characteristic, which distinguishes us both from
the Catholic south and the Lutheran north, Alsace,
which is divided between the confessions {parti-
tat esch), fully participates. So long as the peasant
continues to sing ^' Eiji feste Burg ist unser Gott/^
from a German hymn-book, German life will not
perish in the Wasgau. The loving and energetic
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? 150 What We Demand from France
spirit of old Spener, and, after him, of the worthy
Oberlin, the benefactor of the Stein thai, survives to
this day in the excellent evangelical pastors of
Alsace ; and perhaps they are the only men in the
country who secretly long for its return to Ger-
many. Any loyal love on the part of the shame-
fully persecuted Evangelical Church towards the
land of the Dragonnades, and of the War of the
Cevennes, must have been out of the question at
all times. German science -- the free and fearless
spirit of inquiry of the Tubingen school -- prevails
among the admirable scholars of the Protestant
Faculty at Strassburg, some of whom still lecture
in German. They owe nothing to the French but
an active practical sense, which seeks to impress
the truth which their own minds have recognized
on the life and constitution of their congregations.
What is it, . speaking generally, that is healthy
and energetic in Alsace? what is it that elevates
these districts above the dark mists of self-indul-
gence and priestly obscurantism which overhang
most of the remaining provinces of France? The
German nature of Alsace, and nothing else. The
active spirit of its inhabitants, and the ineradi-
cable impulse towards self-government, which
even the artifices of Napoleonic prefects could not
wholly banish, and which refused to bow its head
before the monarchical socialism of the Second Em-
pire, are German. Let the worthy members of So-
ciete Industrielle de Mulhouse believe as long as they
choose that they are Frenchmen in body and soul,
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? What We Demand from France 151
and set up the inscriptions Place Napoleon and Rue
Napoleon at the street-comers of their artisan town.
That admirable enterprise of free civic spirit could
only have arisen on Germanic soil, just as the
great city workhouse of Ostwald, near Strassburg,
could only have been founded by a German city.
The cites ouvrieres in French towns, in Lille, for
example, owe their origin to the State. The
active care of the communes and fathers of famiHes
for popular education, which has at least succeeded
in bringing about this result, that on an average
there are, of a hundred unmarried persons in the
Haut-Rhin, only from six to seven, and in the Bas-
Rhin only from two to three, unable to write, is
altogether German. This seems poor enough in
comparison with the state of things in Germany,
but it is brilliant in comparison with that in
France. The spirit of the popular libraries and
singing-clubs, which used to be constantly at feud
with the Prefects, is German. Notwithstanding
the Gaulish tongue which it uses, the scholarly
culture, which produces such good fruit in the
Revue Critique and in the works of the provin-
cial historians, is German. Even among the
French-speaking classes, have we not the more
natural, straightforward, youthful way of German
life, which has been infected indeed, but not yet
destroyed, by Celtic immorality? Are not the
military virtues of the man of Alsace German too?
Is the same thing not true of his loyalty and dis-
cipline -- of the close application to the military
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? 152 What We Demand from France
instruction of each individual soldier, and the de-
light in accurate firing, which make him alone,
among the soldiers of France, capable of an effec-
tive partisan war (Parteigdngerkrieg) , and which
have created a species of volunteer popular army --
the franC'tireurs -- in his part of the country alone?
But, alas! when we praise the indestructible
German nature of the man of Alsace, the subject of
our praise declines to receive it. He adheres to his
conviction that he is no Suabian, and that all
Suabians are yellow-footed. He was introduced
by France, sooner than we Germans have been,
into the grand activity of the modem economical
world. To France he owes a most admirable
organization of the means of commercial inter-
course, a wide market, the influx of capital on a
great scale, and a high rate of wages, which, to this
day, draws daily labourers in crowds at harvest-
time from the fields of Baden across the Rhine.
From the French he has learned a certain savoir-
faire; his industrial activity, upon the whole,
stands higher than that of his German neighbour;
and in special branches -- in nursery gardening,
for instance -- he presents a marked contrast to
the easy-going indifference of the natives of Baden.
The son of Alsace is bound to his great State not
merely by ancient loyalty and pride, but by mate-
rial bonds, the power of which we, in our freer
political life, generally fail duly to appreciate. A
bureaucratic centralization possesses this advan-
tage after all, among a thousand sins, that it
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? What We Demand from France 153
penetrates like a binding mortar into every joint
of the social edifice, and renders it unspeakably
difficult to break one of its stones out of the wall.
What labour will be requisite before the threads
which lead across from Strassburg and Colmar to
Paris are all cut! The jonction-nomanie of the
French, their anxiety to make a profit out of the
State, even were it by means of a bureau de tabac,
has penetrated as far as these frontier lands. A
countless host of officials, pensioners and veterans,
swarms in this province. All the great institu-
tions of intercourse and credit are in reality State
establishments. What a power lies in the hands
of the Great Eastern Railway [of France], which,
although a private company in name, is in fact
connected closely with the State ! If the district is
given up to Germany, and this railway remains
what it is, every pointsman and guard on the
line will contribute to the French propaganda.
The smallest amount of resistance will probably
be offered to the reconquest in Lower Alsace, where
a third of the population is Protestant, and where
a vigorous intercourse is carried on with Baden
and the Palatinate. The state of affairs on the
Upper Rhine is far less promising. A powerful
clergy is there, adding fuel to the hatred of the
lively and excitable people against Germany, and
it finds no counterpoise in the Protestant portion
of the population, which amounts only to a tithe.
The manufactories of Mulhausen have their chief
market in France, although a considerable busi-
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? 154 What We Demand from France
ness has been done in the calico and muslin trade
of the place at the Leipzig fairs since the recent
treaties of commerce. The German State is
repugnant to the old reminiscences of this Swiss
city. Its patrician families assiduously display
their French sentiments. Its masses of working-
men, thrown together from long distances, and
who come, for the most part, from Germany,
have always welcomed the hollow pathos of the
Paris demagogues. But it is in German Lorraine
that we are threatened by the most embittered
hostility. In a population almost exclusively
Catholic, German ways of thought and Hfe have
never found so grand a development as in Alsace ;
and for more than a century they have been
abused by all the evil artifices of the French
bureaucracy -- most cynically of all in the old
Luxemburg districts round Diedenhofen; besides
which their ordinar}^ intercourse takes the peas-
antry to two French towns, to Metz and Nancy.
Most assuredly, the task of reuniting there the
broken links between the ages is one of the heaviest
that has ever been imposed upon the political
forces of our nation. Capital and culture, those
faithful allies of the German cause in Posen and
in Schleswig- Hoist ein, are our opponents. Ger-
man ways of thought and life have been terribly
discredited in the upper classes of these western
marches. What we deem horrible, they deem
sacred. They remember with pride how it was at
Strassburg that Rouget de I'lsle once composed
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? What We Demand from France 155
those burning lines which threatened the enemies
of France, the Germans, with death and destruc-
tion; and how the soldiers' Emperor passed out
to his war against us through the gate of Auster-
litz. The city which fought as a heroine in the
spiritual battles of the Reformation boasts to-day
in her own phrase, De porter fierement Vepee de la
France.
What appears ridiculous to us seems to
them to speak for itself. They are not ashamed
to call themselves ''Monsieur" Schwilgue or
Stockle. They allow the venerable names of their
towns to be changed into Gaulish perversions,
Hke Wasselonne, Cemay, and Selestat. They
obediently accept the indescribably absurd Ober-
nai (for Oberehnheim) , and consider it fine to
write "antwergmestres^* when they are speaking
in their French historical works of the masters of
the old guilds (Meister der alien Ziinfte). They
are astonished at our shrugging our shoulders as we
contemplate the monument in honour of the indus-
trial grandees of the place, on the market-place at
Rappoltsweiler, and see enumerated on it, in the
style of the tables issued from the Prefectures,
the names Meyer, Jaques, Muller, Etienne, etc.
What to us seems freedom, to them appears
oppression. While taking part in the life of a
State whose parties bow beneath despotism as
their taskmaster, without an exception, they
have lost all perception for the truth that every
healthy kind of freedom imposes burdens and
duties. They look with repugnance upon the
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? 156 What We Demand from France
fundamental principle of the German State, the
duty of all men to serve the State in arms, and
the right of every local community (Gemeinde)
to manage its own affairs. Yet, with all their
devotion, they are not regarded by the Gauls as
their equals. The Frenchman contrives cleverly
to turn the fresh vigour of the man of Alsace
to the best advantage for himself; but he laughs
in secret at these honest tetes carries . It is simply
impossible to domesticate the modem French
art of imdergoing a grand revolution of political
thought and opinion once in every ten years among
these tough Suabians. Even in our own days,
just as in those of the First Revolution, it was
with hesitation and unwillingly that the men
of Alsace followed the periodically recurring gen-
eral desertion of the Flag, which is characteristic
of the party life of the French. When the Presi-
dent Louis Napoleon was engaged in his notorious
Emperor's tour through France, and the whole
country sang the praises of the new idol, he was
confronted by sturdy Republican pride in Alsace
alone. Loyalty of this kind is unintelHgible to
the Frenchman. Even Duruy, who stands nearer
to our culture than most of his fellow-countrymen,
remarks, condescendingly, of the population of
Alsace, after a few words of well-merited encom-
ium: ^^Mais elle delaisse trop lentement son mauvais
jargon allemand et son intolerance religieuse. '^
Mauvais jargon allemand! This is what is said of
the mother-tongue, the straightforward Aleman-
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? What We Demand from France 157
nic, which went so warm and kindly to the heart
of the youthful Goethe! Intolerance religieuse,
this is how they describe faithful adherence to
the evangelical faith ! Such is the distance which
separates the French from the German members
of their State.
It is precisely in this that there lies for us a
pledge of hope. The source of German life is
choked, but it is not dried up. Tear these men
out of the foreign soil, and they are as German
as ourselves. The men of Alsace and Lorraine
who have emigrated to America range themselves
regularly with the Germans, and, like the latter,
are at this day joyously hailing our victories. The
German spirit of the house of Ludwig Uhland met
hardly anywhere so clear an echo as in the songs of
August and Adolf Stober of Alsace. How touch-
ing is the admonition coming from lips such as
these to the Strassburgers :
Around your sons shall wind
Loyalty's bond from hand to hand,
And ever shall them bind
Unto the German fatherland!
And in Kleeburg there, not far from the Gaisberg
which the heroes of Lower Silesia stormed in the
awful fray, stood the cradle of Ludwig Hausser --
the loyal man, who was the first to relate to us in
the spirit of a true German the history of our
War of Liberation. In times past other German
districts have been sunk in depths of degeneration
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? 158 What We Demand from France
as deep as that of Alsace to-day. Under the rotten
dominion of the Crozier, and the iron yoke of the
first Empire, the burghers of Cologne and Coblenz
had hardly been reached by far-off tidings of the
triumphs of Frederick and the poems of Schiller,
of all that was great and genuine in modem Ger-
man history. Ten years of Prussian government
sufficed to recover these lost ones to German life.
If at this day foreign ways have roots incompar-
ably deeper in Colmar and Miilhausen than was
the case of old on the Lower Rhine, the vigour and
self -consciousness of the German nation, on the
other hand, have immeasurably increased since
that time. The people of Alsace are already
beginning to doubt the invincibility of their nation,
and at all events to divine the mighty growth of
the German Empire. Perverse obstinacy, and a
thousand French intrigues creeping in the dark,
will make every step on the newly conquered soil
difficult for us; but our ultimate success is certain,
for on our side fights what is stronger than the
lying artifices of the stranger -- nature herself and
the voice of common blood.
Ill
THE CLAIMS OF PRUSSIA
Who is strong enough to rule these lost lands, and
to recover them, by a salutary discipline, for Ger-
man life? Prussia, and Prussia alone. I am well
aware that there are many sagacious persons in
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? What We Demand from France 159
the North who utter words of warning and entreat
us to leave that awkward question for the present,
and, above all, to abstain, at this moment, from
awakening the wrath of conflicting parties which
has hardly been put to sleep. Singular error!
The question which arises at this point is elevated
above all parties; it is the question, whether a
German peace is to follow this German war,
whether the peace and the war are to be one in
fashion and in spirit, whether, as the German
swords struck their blows only for the sake of the
great Fatherland, the statutes of the peace are to
satisfy the demands of German security and hon-
our and not the miserable suggestions of particular-
ism. This is precisely the moment in which it is
the duty of the Press to speak plainly, while the
brand of the nation's sacred wrath is still being
forged in the fire, and before the glorious unanim-
ity of this war has been overgrown by the petty
play of parties. The eye of our nation is clear-
sighted, and its heart is wide enough, if rationally
instructed, to imderstand what is indispensable for
the security of Germany. Should a traitor here or
there be induced by the open expression of those
national demands, the rejection of which is impossi-
ble, prematurely to doff his mask and to lift up
once more his old favourite cry, "Rather French
than Prussian, " the defection of such gentry would
do no harm to the German cause.
If the war progresses on the grand scale in which
it has commenced, the leader of the Germans will
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? i6o What We Demand from France
conclude peace in the name of the Allies, and cause
whatever cessions of territory have to be demanded
to be made to the Allies in common. Further
arrangements in the conquered territory must then
be left as a matter for mutual discussion between
the German confederates. We Germans should
be most unwilling to exhibit the dreary remains of
our utter disunion to a peace congress, and to show
a contemptuous Europe that our poHtical unity is
very far from being as complete, as yet, as the
unity of the German army. But if these dis-
cussions should not lead rapidly and harmoniously
to a sound conclusion, a resolute and unanimous
public opinion would have to lighten the difficulties
of the task. What was it, besides the jealousy of
foreign countries, which hampered the German
statesmen of 1815? The uncertainty and con-
fusion that reigned in the national mind. One
party wanted to give the Duchy of Alsace to the
Crown Prince of Wurttemberg, and another to the
Archduke Charles. Amdt, himself, insisted only
on securing the freedom of the German river. Let
us show that we have learned in these great times
to live while our fathers knew only how to die for
Germany, and that the unity of the national will
has succeeded that indeterminate sort of national
oneness which inspired the men of the Second
Peace of Paris.
The current talk in the North is, " Let us reward
the* South Germans for their loyalty. " This is
one of those vague fashions of speech which is due
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? What We Demand from France i6i
to sincere feeling, but which in times of popular
excitement might easily lead to dangerous results.
Oh! if the North Germans who echo these phrases,
and fancy themselves very magnanimous and
noble in so doing, could but see how the eyes of
honest and clear-sighted South Germans flash out
with anger at such words! We want no reward,
they say ; if people want to reward us, let them at
all events not reward the particularism of the
Courts which we held down with such effort. I
speak under the impression of earnest warnings,
which reach me from South German friends, and
which entreat me to defend the interests of South
Germany in this review. The course of the
argument which these politicians press on be-
half of South Germany is plain and not open to
question.
France, they say, will not and cannot honour-
ably conclude peace until her army and her
administration are entirely changed. Until a
thoroughly different popular education has built
up a new nation round it, the French people will
never in earnest renounce their natural boundaries,
or their illusion that the weakness of Germany
is their strength. We in Upper Germany cannot
lead our lives in quiet, or witness in contemptu-
ous confidence the feverish rage of these Gallic
vandals, so long as Alsace has not been placed
under a strong protecting power. The Prussian
Eagle alone is able to keep his grip of what he has
once pounced upon. In any weaker grasp the
II
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? i62 What We Demand from France
border country would be but a temporary posses-
sion. We know better than our friends in the
North do the strength of the resistance which will
rise up in Strassburg and Miilhausen against their
Germanization. Prussian territory must be
wrapped, like a protecting mantle, round all our
threatened boundaries from Wesel, past Metz
and Saarlouis, down to Strassburg and Belfort.
Prussia may not always be led by strong men. She
will certainly not be led always by men of genius.
The time may come when Prussian particularism,
which is out of heart at present, may again say
to itself, "Is the shirt not nearer the skin than the
coat? Is it absolutely necessary that North
Germany should always defend South Germany? '*
Such questions ought to be impossible in the
Germany of the future. It is in that view that
we wish to bind Prussia to us by the only bond
which is always sure in politics: the bond of its
own vital interests. We have always regarded it
as a misfortune that the State which leads Ger-
many should be, in appearance at least, exclusively
North German, but the priceless opportunity to
leaven it with South German life is given us, so as
to do away with the misleading and arbitrary
distinction between North and South for ever.
Once before, in one of the pettiest periods of its
history, Prussia filled the httle South German
Anspach-Baireuth with Prussian political feeling.
To-day, in the splendour of power and fame,
she could accomplish a similar task with a like
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? What We Demand from France 163
success. It will be the healing of the German
Empire if our leading Power learns to like and to
value South German ways in their home, if the
citizen forces of her western, and the still immature
social conditions of her eastern, provinces find their
counterpoise -- in one word, if Prussia includes
and reconciles within herself all the opposites of
German life.
What have people in the North to oppose to such
solid arguments? Nothing but the self-sufficient
phrase that Prussia is strong enough to care for no
annexation of territory. How magnanimous it
sounds! -- but the indolence and pettiness of
particularism lie behind it. Which of the two
lines of policy would be the loftier or the more
German? Is Prussia to enter into a suitable
engagement, flattering to the vanity of the Court of
Munich, and then to observe, at a comfortable
distance, Bavaria struggling to subdue her mutin-
ous province; or is she herself to undertake that
watch upon the Rhine which she alone can keep,
and decisively to take a province which will bring
nothing at first but trouble and resistance to its
new masters? Nothing but an exaggerated deli-
cacy, a false magnanimity, have hitherto prevented
the North German Press from demanding what is
necessary, and what the South German papers,
for example, the courageous Schwdbische Volkszei-
tung, have long been urging. Every other plan
which has been suggested for the future of these
border countries is foolish -- so foolish that it
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? 164 What We Demand from France
requires some self-command to induce one to refute
it. What is the use of attempting to answer the
suggestion that Alsace and Lorraine should form
a neutral State? Has not Europe had enough of
that already in the disgusting spectacle of the
Nation Luxembourgeoise? Only the brain of an
English Manchester man, surrounded by the mists
he blows from his pipe of peace, could conceive
such extraordinary bubbles. No wonder that
every enemy of Germany should approve of this
suggestion. No better way has yet been thought
of to enable France to recover all that she has lost.
The proposal to entrust this outwork of Ger-
many to a secondary State appears scarcely more
unreasonable. One would think we were hurled
back out of the great year of 1870 into the times
of the Federal Diet. We seem, again, to hear
those wise thinkers of the Eschenheimer Gasse,
who kept warning us so earnestly against the
flames of centralization, while the marsh- water of
petty Statedom was rising above our shoulders --
those gallant riflemen patriots who shouted so
lustily for the unity of Germany -- but with Nurem-
berg as its capital! Prince and people in Baden
have acquitted themselves nobly in trying times;
and we can now fully comprehend, and that per-
haps for the first time, what it cost them to main-
tain an honourable national policy here for four
years in face of the enemy. Are we, in return,
to impose a burden on that State which could
not fail to crush it? The plan of founding an
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? What We Demand from France 165
Upper Rhine kingdom of Baden proceeds from
nothing but a too conscientious study of the map ;
and an old North German mistake has procured for
it a few adherents in the North. As Baden has
reckoned among its sons a long line of distin-
guished politicians, from Rotteck and Liebenstein
down to Mathy and Roggenbach, the men of the
North have accustomed themselves to expectations,
founded on the intellectual power of the country,
which no State of the third rank could possibly
fulfil. In Baden itself people are more modest.
Every reasonable man shudders at the thought
of a Diet of Carlsruhe, half made up of the repre-
sentatives of Alsace. If they allied themselves
with the same party in Alsace, who could control
the strong native Ultramontane and Radical
parties which an intelligent Liberal majority keeps
in order at present? Such a State would delight
the eyes of a map-drawer, as the kingdom of the
Netherlands did, when it was welded out of
Belgium and Holland; but, like that, it would be a
political impossibility.
The Government of Baden no doubt regards the
prospect of an acquisition which would be the ruin
of the country with sufficient wisdom and patriot-
ism. All the more must it be listened to with
respect, as it is most nearly concerned in the matter,
when it protests decisively against any increase of
Bavaria by Alsace. I shall not grope in the filth
of a petty past; but it is impossible for people in
Carlsruhe to forget that the desires of Bavaria for
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? i66 What We Demand from France
the Baden Palatinate disturbed the Grand Duchy
for a whole generation, while Prussia was all
that time its honourable protector. Would our
boundaries be safe in Bavarian hands? Let us
picture to ourselves the Bavarian Government
under a king less honestly German than Ludwig II,
surrounded on all sides, as it would be, by the
insubordinate province, kept in a constant state
of irritation by France, until at last the bad
neighbour returns in a favourable hour with the
proposal: Take all Baden and Wiirttemberg, and
give us back our own. Even a State has need to
pray, " Lead me not into temptation ! " What are
all compacts and federal constitutions against
the plain fact of the possession of the land? God
be praised, a result so unworthy as I am describing
is little to be feared in New Germany! The
noble blood that reddens the plains of Worth
and Weissenburg bound the armies of Prussia
and Bavaria in a close alliance. No new Lord
Castlereagh can step forward, as his prototype
did fifty years ago, to tell us scornfully that the
loosely compacted German Bund is not able to
defend Alsace. Yet the troublesome question
presses on us whether Bavaria possesses the in-
tellectual and the political power which are neces-
sary to fuse Alsace into union with itself. Facts
familiar to everyone supply the answer. What
was it that, in 1849, saved the German-minded
Palatinate on the left bank of the Rhine for the
kingdom of Bavaria? The sword of Prussia.
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