Tiberius did not attempt to lation of two freedmen of the
brothers
M.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - b
Brutus, who
the name of a flower (a species of narcissus). killed Caesar. (Plut. Brut. 2, Caes. 62, Cat. Min.
(Phot. Lex. p. 224, ed. Pors. ; Eustath. ad Hom. 24. ) Some writers suppose that Caepio was her
p. 99; compare in general Ambrosch, De Lino, first husband, and Cato her second.
Berlin, 1829, 4to; Welcker, Kleine Schriften, i. 2. Livia DRUSILLA, the wife of Augustus, was
p. 8, &c. ; E. v. Lasaulx, Ueber die Linosklage, the daughter of Livius Drusus Claudianus (Drusus,
Würzburg, 1842, 4to. )
[L. S. ) No. 7), who had been adopted by one of the Livia
LIPA'SIUS, the engraver of a beautiful gem, gens, but was a descendant of App. Claudius
bearing the head of the city Antioch, with the in- Caecus. Livia was born on the 28th of September,
scription AINACIOr, in the Museum Worsleyanum B. C. 56—54. (Letronne, Recherches pour servir
(p. 143). According to Raoul-Rochette, however, à l'Histoire de l’Egypte, p. 171. ) She was married
the name should be read ’Arnasiou. (Lettre à M. first to Tib. Claudius Nero ; but her beauty haring
Schorn, p. 33, or p. 122, 2d edit. ) [P. S. ) attracted the notice of Octavian at the beginning
LIPODOʻRUS (Actrówpos) commanded a body of B. c. 38, her husband was compelled to divorce
of 3000 soldiers in the army of the Greeks, who, her, and surrender her to the triumvir. She had
having been settled by Alexander the Great in the already borne her husband one son, the future em-
upper or eastern satrapies of Asia, revolted as soon peror Tiberius, and at the time of her marriage
as they heard of his death, in B. c. 323. Pithon, with Augustus was six months pregnant with
having been sent against them by the regent Per- another, who subsequently received the name of
diccas, found means to bribe Lipodorus, who Drusus. It was only two years previously that
drew off his men during the heat of the battle, she had been obliged to fly before Octavian, in con-
and thus caused the defeat of his friends. (Diod. sequence of her husband having fought against him
xviii. 4, 7 ; Droysen, Gesch. der Nachf. Alex. pp. in the Perusinian war. (Suet. Tib. 3, 4; Vell.
56-58. )
[E. E. ] Pat. ii. 75, 79; Suet. Aug. 62; Dion Cass. xlviii.
LITAE (Actal), a personification of the prayers 15, 34, 44. )
offered up in repentance. They are described as Livia never bore Augustus any children, but
the daughters of Zeus, and as following closely be she continued to have unbounded influence orer
hind crime, and endeavouring to make amends for him till the time of his death. The empire which
what has been done ; but whoever disdains to she had gained by her charms she maintained by
receive them, has himself to atone for the crime the purity of her conduct and the fascination of her
that has been committed. (Hom. Il. ix. 502, &c. ; manners, as well as by a perfect knowledge of the
Eustath. al Hom. p. 768 ; Hesych. s. v. altal, calls character of Augustus, whom she endeavoured to
them Aetre, which however is probably only a please in every way. She was a consumate
mistake in the name. )
(L. S. ) actress, excelled in dissimulation and intrigue, and
LITORIUS (Actipos) a veterinary surgeon, a never troubled either herself or her husband by
native of Beneventum in Samnium, who may, per complaining of the numerous mistresses of the
## p. 789 (#805) ############################################
LIVIA.
789
LIVIUS.
so
للاس
ca
mo
SG
CAES
MAS
COIN OF LIVIA.
Jatter. There was only one subject which occa- | peror Caligula ; but Tiberius would not allow her
sioned any dissension between them, and that was testament to be carried into effect. The legacies
the succession. Augustus naturally wished to which she had left were not fully paid till the ac-
secure it for his own family, but Livia resolved to cession of Caligula ; and her consecration did not
obtain it for her own children ; and, according to take place till the reign of Claudius. (Tac. Ann.
the common opinion at Rome, she did not scruple to i. 3, 5, 8, 10, 14, v. 1, 2; Dion Cass. lvii. 12,
employ ſoul means to remove out of the way the lviii. 2, lix. 1, 2, lx. 5; Snet. Tib. 50, 51. )
family of her husband. Hence she was said to be
“gravis in rempublicam mater, gravis domui
Caesarum noverca.
. " (Tac. Ann. i. 10. ) The pre-
mature death of Marcellus was attributed by many
to her machinations, because he had been preferred
to her sons as the husband of Julia, the daughter
of Augustus. (Dion Cass. liii. 33. ) But for this
there seems little ground. The opportune death
both of C. Caesar and L. Caesar seems much more
suspicious. These young men were the children of
Julia by her marriage with Agrippa ; and being
the grandchildren of Augustus, they presented, as
long as they lived, an insuperable obstacle to the 3. Livia or LiVILLA, the daughter of Drusus
accession of Tiberius, the son of Livia. But Lu- senior and Antonia, and the sister of Germanicus
cius died suddenly at Massilia in a. D. 2, and Caius and the emperor Claudius. [See the genealogical
in Lycia A. D. 4, of a wound, which was not con- table, Vol
. I. p. 1076. ] In her eleventh year
sidered at all dangerous. It was generally sus- B. C. 1, she was betrothed to C. Caesar, the son of
pected that they had both been poisoned, by the Agrippa and Julia, and the grandson of Augustus,
secret orders of Livia and Tiberius. She was even She was subsequently married to her first cousin,
suspected of having hastened the death of Augustus Drusus junior, the son of the emperor Tiberius,
in A. D. 14.
but was seduced by Sejanus, who both feared and
Augustus left Livia and Tiberius as his heirs ; hated Drusus, and who persuaded her to poison her
and by his testament adopted her into the Julia husband, which she accordingly did in A. D. 23.
gens, in consequence of which she received the Her guilt was not discovered till the fall of Sejanus,
name of Julia Augusta. By the accession of her eight years afterwards, A. D. 31, when it was re-
son to the imperial throne, Livia had now attained vealed to Tiberius by Apicata, the wife of Sejanus.
the long-cherished object of her ambition, and by According to some statements Livia was put to
means of her son thought to reign over the Roman death by Tiberius, but according to others she was
world. But this the jealous temper of Tiberius spared by the emperor on account of her mother,
would not brook. At first all public documents Antonia, who, however, caused her to be starved
were signed by her as well as by Tiberius, and to death. Such is the account of Dion Cassius
letters on public business were addressed to her as (lviii. 11); but from Tacitus saying (Ann. vi. 2)
well as to the emperor ; and with the exception of that in A. D. 32 the statues of Livia were destroyed
her not appearing in person in the senate or the and her memory cursed, because her crines had
assemblies of the army and the people, she acted not yet been punished, it would appear as if he
as if she were the sovereign. She openly said supposed that she had died before the fall of Se-
that it was she who had procured the empire for janus. (Suet. Claud. 1 ; Tac. Ann. ii. 43, 84, iv
Tiberius , and to gratify her the senate proposed 1, 40, vi. 2; Dion Cass. Ivii. 22, lviii. 11. )
to confer upon her various extraordinary honours. 4. JULIA LIVILLA, the daughter of Germanicus
Thereupon Tiberius, perceiving that he was be- and Agrippina. [JULIA, No. 8. ]
coming a mere cypher in the state, forbade all these LIVIA GENS, plebeian, but one of the most
honours, and commanded her to retire altogether illustrious houses among the Roman nobility.
from public affairs; but she had gained such an Suetonius says (Tib. 3) that the Livii had obtained
ascendancy over him, that he did not feel himself eight consulships, two censorships, three triumphs,
his own master as long as he was in her neighbour- a dictatorship, and a mastership of the horse. The
hood, and accordingly removed his residence from first member of the gens who obtained the consul-
Rome to Capreae. Such was the return she was ship was M. Livius Denter, B. C. 302; and it at
destined to receive for all the toil she had sustained length rose to the imperial dignity by the marriage
and the crimes she had probably committed, in of Livia with Augustus, whose son Tiberius by a
order to secure the empire for her son. Tiberius former husband succeeded the latter in the govern-
no longer disguised the hatred he felt for his ment of the Roman world. The cognomens in this
mother, and for the space of three years he only gens are DENTER, DRUSUS, LIBO, Macatus, and
spoke to her once. When she was on her death- SALINATOR.
bed, he even refused to visit her. She died in A. D. LIVINEIUS. The name Livineius seems to
29, after suffering from repeated attacks of illness, belong to the family of the Reguli itself, originally
at a very advanced age, eighty-two according to at least a branch of the Gens Atilia. In Cicero
Pliny (H. N. xiv. 8), eighty-six according to Dion (ad Att. iii. 17, ad Fam. xiii. 60) it is the appel-
Cassius (lviii. 2).
Tiberius did not attempt to lation of two freedmen of the brothers M. and L
dissemble the joy which he felt at her death. He Regulus, one of whom, L. Livineius Trypho, Cicero
took no part in the funeral rites, and forbade her commends to C. Munatius, as having befriended
consecration, which had been proposed by the when others deserted him (ad Fam. l. c. ); compare
senate, on the ground that she had not wished it Tac. Ann. iii. 11, xiv. 17. [REGULUS. ] [W. B. D. )
herself. Her funeral oration was delivered by her M. LIVIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. C. 320,
great-grandson, C. Caesar, subsequertly the em- | opposed the proposition for annulling the treaty
3 E 3
## p. 790 (#806) ############################################
790
LIVIUS.
LIVIUS.
а
கண்ணா
made with the Samnites at Caudium. (Liv. ix. Claudius.
The first of these assertions is entitled
8. )
to respect, since it has been adopted by Niebuhr,
LI'VIUS, the Roman historian, was born at but seems to rest entirely upon a few notices in
Patarium, in the consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, Quintilian, from which we gather that the Epistola
B. c. 59. The greater part of his life appears to ud Filium, alluded to above, contained some precepts
have been spent in the metropolis, but he returned upon style (Quintil. ii. 5. & 20, viii. 2. § 18, x. 1.
to his native town before his death, which happened § 39). The second assertion, in so far as it affirms
at the age of 76, in the fourth year of Tiberius, the existence of two sons, involves the very broad
A. D. 17. We know that he was married, and that assumption that the following inscription, which is
he had at least two children, for a certain L. Magius, said to have been preserved at Venice, but with
a rhetorici is named as the husband of his daugh regard to whose history nothing has been recorded,
ter, by Seneca (Proocm. Controv. lib. v. ), and a neither the time when, nor the place where, nor the
sentence from a letter addressed to a son, whom he circumstances under which it was found, must refer
urgis to study Demosthenes and Cicero, is quoted to the great historian and to no one else: T. Livius.
by Quintilian (x. 1. § 39). His literary talents C. F. SIBI. ET. suis. T. LIVIO. T. F. PRISCO. F. T.
secured the patronage and friendship of Augustus LIVIO. T. F. LONGO. ET. CASSIAE. SEX. F. PRIMAE.
(Tacit. Ann. iv. 31); he became a person of con- UXORI ; while the number of daughters depends
sideration at court, and by his advice Claudius, after- upon another inscription of a still more doubtful
wards emperor, was induced in early life to attempt character, to which we shall advert hereafter. The
historical composition (Suct. Claud: 41), but there third assertion is advanced because it has been
is no ground for the assertion that Livy acted as deemed certain that since Virgil, Horace, and various
preceptor to the young prince. Eventually his re- other personages of wit and fashion were wont in
putation rose so high and became so widely diffused that age to resort to the Campanian court, Livy
that, as we are assured by Pliny (Epist. ii. 3), a must have done the like. With respect to the
Spaniard travelled from Cadiz to Rome, solely for fourth assertion, we are informed by Senecn (Slusor.
the purpose of beholding him, and having gratified 100) that Livy wrote dialogues which might be
his curiosity in this one particular, immediately regarded as belonging to history as much as to
returned home.
philosophy (Scripsit enim et dialimos quos non
Although expressly termed Patavinus by ancient magis Philosophiae annumerare possis quam His-
writers, some doubts have been entertained with toriae), and books which professed to treat of phi-
regard to the precise spot of his birth, in consequence losophic subjects (cr professo Philosophiam conti-
of a line in Martial (Ep. i. 62):-
nentes libros); but the story of the presentation to
Verona docti syllabas amat vatis,
Octavianus is an absolute fabrication. The fifth
Marone felix Mantua est,
assertion we have already contradicted, and not
without reason, as will be seen from Suetonius
Censetur Apona Livio suo tellus,
Stellaque nec Flacco minus-
(Claud. 41).
The memoirs of most men terminate with their
from which it has been inferred that the famous death ; but this is by no means the case with our
hot-springs, the Patavinae Aquae, of which the historian, since some circumstances closely con-
chief was A ponus fons, situated about six miles to nected with what may be fairly termed his per-
the south of Patavium, and now known as the Bagni sonal history, excited no small commotion in his
d'Abano, ought to be regarded as the place of his native city many centuries after his decease. About
nativity. According to this supposition he was the year 1360 a tablet was dug up at Padua, within
styled Patavinus, just as Virgil was called Man- the monastery of St. Justina, which occupied the
tuanus, although in reality belonging to Andes ; site of an ancient temple of Jupiter, or of Juno, or
but Cluverius and the best geographers believe that of Concordia, according to the conflicting hypotheses
Apona tellus is here equivalent to Patarina tellus, of local antiquaries. The stone bore the following
and that no village Aponus or Aponus vicus existed inscription, V. F. T. LIVIUS . LIVIAE. T. F. QUARTAE.
in the days of the epigrammatist. In like manner L. HALYS . CONCORDIALIS. PATAVI. SIBI. ET. SUIS,
Statius (Silv. iv. 7) designates him as “ Timavi OMNIBUS, which was at first interpreted to mean
alumnum,” words which merely indicate his trans- Vivus fecit Titus Livius Liviae Titi filiae quartae,
padane extraction.
(sc. uxori) Lucii Halys Concordialis Patavi sibi et
The above particulars, few and meagre as they suis omnibus. Some imagined that QUARTAE . L.
are, embrace every circumstance for which we can HALYS denoted Quartae legionis Halys, but this
appeal to the testimony of ancient writers. The opinion was overthrown without difficulty, because
bulky and minute biography by Tomasinus, and even at that time it was well known that L. is seldom
similar productions, which communicate in turgid if ever used in inscriptions as an abbreviation of
language a series of details which could have been Legio, and secondly because the fourth legion was
ascertained by no one but a contemporary, are entitled Scythica and not Halys. It was then de-
purely works of iinagination. The greater number cided that QUARTAE must indicate the fourth
of the statements derived from such sources have daughter of Livius, and that L. Halys must be
gradually disappeared from all works of authority, the name of her husband ; and ingenious persons
but one or two of the more plausible still linger endeavoured to show that in all probability he was
even in the most recent histories of literature. Thus identical with the L. Magius mentioned by Seneca.
we are assured that Livy commenced his career as They also persuaded themselves that Livy, upon
a rhetorician and wrote npon rhetoric ; that he was his return home, had been installed by his country-
twice married, and had two sons and several men in the dignified office of priest of the goddess
daughters ; that he was in the habit of spending Concord, and had erected this monument within
much of his time at Naples ; that he first recom- the walls of her sanctuary, marking the place of
mended himself to Octavianus by presenting some sepulture of himself and his family. At all events,
dialogues on philosophy, and that he was tutor to whatever difficulties might seem to embarrass the
## p. 791 (#807) ############################################
LIVIUS.
791
LIVIUS.
explanation of some of the words and abbreviations / from one who was well acquainted with his subject,
in the inscription, no doubt seems for a moment to and were probably drawn up not long after the
have been entertained that it was a genuine me- appearance of the volumes which they abridge. By
morial of the historian. Accordingly, the Bene- some they have been ascribed to Livy himself, by
dictine fathers of the monastery transported the others to Florus; but there is nothing in the lani
tablet to the vestibule of their chapel, and caused guage or context to warrant either of these con
a portrait of Livy to be painted beside it. In clusions; and external evidence is altogether
1413, about fifty years after the discovery just wanting.
described, in digging the foundations for the erection From the circumstance that a short introduction
of new buildings in connection with the monastery, or preface is found at the beginning of books 1, 21,
the workmen reached an ancient pavement com- and 31, and that each of these marks the com-
posed of square bricks cemented with lime. This mencement of an important epoch, the whole work
having been broken through, a leaden coffin became has been divided into decades, or groups, contain
visible, which was found to contain human bones. ing ten books each, although there is no good
An old monk declared that this was the very spot reason to believe that any such division was intro
above which the tablet had been found, when im- duced until after the fifth or sixth century, for
mediately the cry rose that the remains of Livy Priscian and Diomedes, who quote repeatedly from
had been brought to light, a report which filled the particular books, never allude to any such distribu-
whole city with extravagant joy. The new-found tion. The commencement of book xli. is lost, but
treasure was deposited in the town hall, and to the there is certainly no remarkable crisis at this place
ancient tablet a modern epitaph was affixed. At which invalidates one part of the argument in
a subsequent period a costly monument was favour of the antiquity of the arrangement.
added as a further tribute to his memory. Here, The first decade (bks. i–x. ) is entire. It em-
it might have been supposed, these weary bones braces the period from the foundation of the city to
would at length have been permitted to rest in the year B. c. 294, when the subjugation of the
peace. But in 1451, Alphonso of Arragon preferred Samnites may be said to have been completed.
a request to the Paduans, that they would be The second decade (bks. xi—xx. ) is altogether
pleased to bestow upon him the bone of Livy's lost. It embraced the period from B. c. 294 to
right arm, in order that he might possess the limb B. C. 219, comprising an account of the extension
by which the immortal narrative had been actually of the Roman dominion over the whole of Southern
penned. This petition was at last complied with ; Italy and a portion of Gallia Cisalpina ; of the
but just as the valuable relic reached Naples, Al- invasion of Pyrrhus ; of the first Punic war; of
phonso died, and the Sicilian fell heir to the prize. the expedition against the Illyrian pirates, and of
Eventually it passed into the hands of Joannes Jo other matters which fell out between the conclusion
vianus Pontanus, by whom it was enshrined with an of the peace with Carthage and the siege of
appropriate legend. So far all was well. In the Saguntum.
lapse of time, however, it was perceived, upon The third decade (bks. xxi-xxx. ) is entire. It
comparing the tablet dug up in the monastery of embraces the period from B. C. 219 to B. c. 201,
St. Justina, with others a similar description, comprehending the whole of the second Punic war,
that the contractions had been erroneously ex- and the contemporaneous struggles in Spain and
plained, and consequently the whole tenor of the Greece.
words misunderstood. It was clearly proved that The fourth decade (bks. xxxi-xl. ) is entire,
L. did not stand for Lucius but for LIBERTUS, and also one half of the fifth (bks. xli-xlv. ). These
and that the principal person named was Titus fifteen books embrace the period from B. Ć. 201 to
Livius Halys, freedman of Livia, the fourth daugh- B. c. 167, and develope the progress of the Roman
ter of a Titus Livius, that he had in accordance with arms in Cisalpine Gaul, in Macedonia, Greece and
the usual custom adopted the designation of his Asia, ending with the triumph of Aemilius Paul-
former master, that he had been a priest of Concord lus, in which Perseus and his three sons were ex-
at Padua, an office which it appeared from other hibited as captives.
records had often been filled by persons in his Of the remaining books nothing remains except
station, and that he had set up this stone to mark inconsiderable fragments, the most notable being a
the burying-ground of himself and his kindred. few chapters of the 91st book, concerning the
Now since the supposition that the skeleton in the fortunes of Sertorius.
leaden coffin was that of the historian rested solely The whole of the above were not brought to
upon the authority of the inscription, when this light at once. The earliest editions contain 29
support was withdrawn, the whole fabric of con- books only, namely, i-x. , xxi—xxxii. , xxxiv—
jecture fell to the ground, and it became evident xl. , the last breaking off abruptly in the middle of
the relics were those of an obscure freedman. chapter 37, with the word edixerunt. In 1518
The great and only extant work of Livy is a the latter portion of bk. xxxiii. , beginning in chapter
History of Rome, termed by himself Annales 17th with artis faucibus, together with what was
(xliü. 13), extending from the foundation of the wanting of bk. xl. , were supplied from a MS. be-
city to the death of Drusus, B. C. 9, comprised in longing to the cathedral church of St. Martin at
142 books: of these thirty-five have descended to Mayence. In 1531 bks. xli. —xlv.
the name of a flower (a species of narcissus). killed Caesar. (Plut. Brut. 2, Caes. 62, Cat. Min.
(Phot. Lex. p. 224, ed. Pors. ; Eustath. ad Hom. 24. ) Some writers suppose that Caepio was her
p. 99; compare in general Ambrosch, De Lino, first husband, and Cato her second.
Berlin, 1829, 4to; Welcker, Kleine Schriften, i. 2. Livia DRUSILLA, the wife of Augustus, was
p. 8, &c. ; E. v. Lasaulx, Ueber die Linosklage, the daughter of Livius Drusus Claudianus (Drusus,
Würzburg, 1842, 4to. )
[L. S. ) No. 7), who had been adopted by one of the Livia
LIPA'SIUS, the engraver of a beautiful gem, gens, but was a descendant of App. Claudius
bearing the head of the city Antioch, with the in- Caecus. Livia was born on the 28th of September,
scription AINACIOr, in the Museum Worsleyanum B. C. 56—54. (Letronne, Recherches pour servir
(p. 143). According to Raoul-Rochette, however, à l'Histoire de l’Egypte, p. 171. ) She was married
the name should be read ’Arnasiou. (Lettre à M. first to Tib. Claudius Nero ; but her beauty haring
Schorn, p. 33, or p. 122, 2d edit. ) [P. S. ) attracted the notice of Octavian at the beginning
LIPODOʻRUS (Actrówpos) commanded a body of B. c. 38, her husband was compelled to divorce
of 3000 soldiers in the army of the Greeks, who, her, and surrender her to the triumvir. She had
having been settled by Alexander the Great in the already borne her husband one son, the future em-
upper or eastern satrapies of Asia, revolted as soon peror Tiberius, and at the time of her marriage
as they heard of his death, in B. c. 323. Pithon, with Augustus was six months pregnant with
having been sent against them by the regent Per- another, who subsequently received the name of
diccas, found means to bribe Lipodorus, who Drusus. It was only two years previously that
drew off his men during the heat of the battle, she had been obliged to fly before Octavian, in con-
and thus caused the defeat of his friends. (Diod. sequence of her husband having fought against him
xviii. 4, 7 ; Droysen, Gesch. der Nachf. Alex. pp. in the Perusinian war. (Suet. Tib. 3, 4; Vell.
56-58. )
[E. E. ] Pat. ii. 75, 79; Suet. Aug. 62; Dion Cass. xlviii.
LITAE (Actal), a personification of the prayers 15, 34, 44. )
offered up in repentance. They are described as Livia never bore Augustus any children, but
the daughters of Zeus, and as following closely be she continued to have unbounded influence orer
hind crime, and endeavouring to make amends for him till the time of his death. The empire which
what has been done ; but whoever disdains to she had gained by her charms she maintained by
receive them, has himself to atone for the crime the purity of her conduct and the fascination of her
that has been committed. (Hom. Il. ix. 502, &c. ; manners, as well as by a perfect knowledge of the
Eustath. al Hom. p. 768 ; Hesych. s. v. altal, calls character of Augustus, whom she endeavoured to
them Aetre, which however is probably only a please in every way. She was a consumate
mistake in the name. )
(L. S. ) actress, excelled in dissimulation and intrigue, and
LITORIUS (Actipos) a veterinary surgeon, a never troubled either herself or her husband by
native of Beneventum in Samnium, who may, per complaining of the numerous mistresses of the
## p. 789 (#805) ############################################
LIVIA.
789
LIVIUS.
so
للاس
ca
mo
SG
CAES
MAS
COIN OF LIVIA.
Jatter. There was only one subject which occa- | peror Caligula ; but Tiberius would not allow her
sioned any dissension between them, and that was testament to be carried into effect. The legacies
the succession. Augustus naturally wished to which she had left were not fully paid till the ac-
secure it for his own family, but Livia resolved to cession of Caligula ; and her consecration did not
obtain it for her own children ; and, according to take place till the reign of Claudius. (Tac. Ann.
the common opinion at Rome, she did not scruple to i. 3, 5, 8, 10, 14, v. 1, 2; Dion Cass. lvii. 12,
employ ſoul means to remove out of the way the lviii. 2, lix. 1, 2, lx. 5; Snet. Tib. 50, 51. )
family of her husband. Hence she was said to be
“gravis in rempublicam mater, gravis domui
Caesarum noverca.
. " (Tac. Ann. i. 10. ) The pre-
mature death of Marcellus was attributed by many
to her machinations, because he had been preferred
to her sons as the husband of Julia, the daughter
of Augustus. (Dion Cass. liii. 33. ) But for this
there seems little ground. The opportune death
both of C. Caesar and L. Caesar seems much more
suspicious. These young men were the children of
Julia by her marriage with Agrippa ; and being
the grandchildren of Augustus, they presented, as
long as they lived, an insuperable obstacle to the 3. Livia or LiVILLA, the daughter of Drusus
accession of Tiberius, the son of Livia. But Lu- senior and Antonia, and the sister of Germanicus
cius died suddenly at Massilia in a. D. 2, and Caius and the emperor Claudius. [See the genealogical
in Lycia A. D. 4, of a wound, which was not con- table, Vol
. I. p. 1076. ] In her eleventh year
sidered at all dangerous. It was generally sus- B. C. 1, she was betrothed to C. Caesar, the son of
pected that they had both been poisoned, by the Agrippa and Julia, and the grandson of Augustus,
secret orders of Livia and Tiberius. She was even She was subsequently married to her first cousin,
suspected of having hastened the death of Augustus Drusus junior, the son of the emperor Tiberius,
in A. D. 14.
but was seduced by Sejanus, who both feared and
Augustus left Livia and Tiberius as his heirs ; hated Drusus, and who persuaded her to poison her
and by his testament adopted her into the Julia husband, which she accordingly did in A. D. 23.
gens, in consequence of which she received the Her guilt was not discovered till the fall of Sejanus,
name of Julia Augusta. By the accession of her eight years afterwards, A. D. 31, when it was re-
son to the imperial throne, Livia had now attained vealed to Tiberius by Apicata, the wife of Sejanus.
the long-cherished object of her ambition, and by According to some statements Livia was put to
means of her son thought to reign over the Roman death by Tiberius, but according to others she was
world. But this the jealous temper of Tiberius spared by the emperor on account of her mother,
would not brook. At first all public documents Antonia, who, however, caused her to be starved
were signed by her as well as by Tiberius, and to death. Such is the account of Dion Cassius
letters on public business were addressed to her as (lviii. 11); but from Tacitus saying (Ann. vi. 2)
well as to the emperor ; and with the exception of that in A. D. 32 the statues of Livia were destroyed
her not appearing in person in the senate or the and her memory cursed, because her crines had
assemblies of the army and the people, she acted not yet been punished, it would appear as if he
as if she were the sovereign. She openly said supposed that she had died before the fall of Se-
that it was she who had procured the empire for janus. (Suet. Claud. 1 ; Tac. Ann. ii. 43, 84, iv
Tiberius , and to gratify her the senate proposed 1, 40, vi. 2; Dion Cass. Ivii. 22, lviii. 11. )
to confer upon her various extraordinary honours. 4. JULIA LIVILLA, the daughter of Germanicus
Thereupon Tiberius, perceiving that he was be- and Agrippina. [JULIA, No. 8. ]
coming a mere cypher in the state, forbade all these LIVIA GENS, plebeian, but one of the most
honours, and commanded her to retire altogether illustrious houses among the Roman nobility.
from public affairs; but she had gained such an Suetonius says (Tib. 3) that the Livii had obtained
ascendancy over him, that he did not feel himself eight consulships, two censorships, three triumphs,
his own master as long as he was in her neighbour- a dictatorship, and a mastership of the horse. The
hood, and accordingly removed his residence from first member of the gens who obtained the consul-
Rome to Capreae. Such was the return she was ship was M. Livius Denter, B. C. 302; and it at
destined to receive for all the toil she had sustained length rose to the imperial dignity by the marriage
and the crimes she had probably committed, in of Livia with Augustus, whose son Tiberius by a
order to secure the empire for her son. Tiberius former husband succeeded the latter in the govern-
no longer disguised the hatred he felt for his ment of the Roman world. The cognomens in this
mother, and for the space of three years he only gens are DENTER, DRUSUS, LIBO, Macatus, and
spoke to her once. When she was on her death- SALINATOR.
bed, he even refused to visit her. She died in A. D. LIVINEIUS. The name Livineius seems to
29, after suffering from repeated attacks of illness, belong to the family of the Reguli itself, originally
at a very advanced age, eighty-two according to at least a branch of the Gens Atilia. In Cicero
Pliny (H. N. xiv. 8), eighty-six according to Dion (ad Att. iii. 17, ad Fam. xiii. 60) it is the appel-
Cassius (lviii. 2).
Tiberius did not attempt to lation of two freedmen of the brothers M. and L
dissemble the joy which he felt at her death. He Regulus, one of whom, L. Livineius Trypho, Cicero
took no part in the funeral rites, and forbade her commends to C. Munatius, as having befriended
consecration, which had been proposed by the when others deserted him (ad Fam. l. c. ); compare
senate, on the ground that she had not wished it Tac. Ann. iii. 11, xiv. 17. [REGULUS. ] [W. B. D. )
herself. Her funeral oration was delivered by her M. LIVIUS, tribune of the plebs, B. C. 320,
great-grandson, C. Caesar, subsequertly the em- | opposed the proposition for annulling the treaty
3 E 3
## p. 790 (#806) ############################################
790
LIVIUS.
LIVIUS.
а
கண்ணா
made with the Samnites at Caudium. (Liv. ix. Claudius.
The first of these assertions is entitled
8. )
to respect, since it has been adopted by Niebuhr,
LI'VIUS, the Roman historian, was born at but seems to rest entirely upon a few notices in
Patarium, in the consulship of Caesar and Bibulus, Quintilian, from which we gather that the Epistola
B. c. 59. The greater part of his life appears to ud Filium, alluded to above, contained some precepts
have been spent in the metropolis, but he returned upon style (Quintil. ii. 5. & 20, viii. 2. § 18, x. 1.
to his native town before his death, which happened § 39). The second assertion, in so far as it affirms
at the age of 76, in the fourth year of Tiberius, the existence of two sons, involves the very broad
A. D. 17. We know that he was married, and that assumption that the following inscription, which is
he had at least two children, for a certain L. Magius, said to have been preserved at Venice, but with
a rhetorici is named as the husband of his daugh regard to whose history nothing has been recorded,
ter, by Seneca (Proocm. Controv. lib. v. ), and a neither the time when, nor the place where, nor the
sentence from a letter addressed to a son, whom he circumstances under which it was found, must refer
urgis to study Demosthenes and Cicero, is quoted to the great historian and to no one else: T. Livius.
by Quintilian (x. 1. § 39). His literary talents C. F. SIBI. ET. suis. T. LIVIO. T. F. PRISCO. F. T.
secured the patronage and friendship of Augustus LIVIO. T. F. LONGO. ET. CASSIAE. SEX. F. PRIMAE.
(Tacit. Ann. iv. 31); he became a person of con- UXORI ; while the number of daughters depends
sideration at court, and by his advice Claudius, after- upon another inscription of a still more doubtful
wards emperor, was induced in early life to attempt character, to which we shall advert hereafter. The
historical composition (Suct. Claud: 41), but there third assertion is advanced because it has been
is no ground for the assertion that Livy acted as deemed certain that since Virgil, Horace, and various
preceptor to the young prince. Eventually his re- other personages of wit and fashion were wont in
putation rose so high and became so widely diffused that age to resort to the Campanian court, Livy
that, as we are assured by Pliny (Epist. ii. 3), a must have done the like. With respect to the
Spaniard travelled from Cadiz to Rome, solely for fourth assertion, we are informed by Senecn (Slusor.
the purpose of beholding him, and having gratified 100) that Livy wrote dialogues which might be
his curiosity in this one particular, immediately regarded as belonging to history as much as to
returned home.
philosophy (Scripsit enim et dialimos quos non
Although expressly termed Patavinus by ancient magis Philosophiae annumerare possis quam His-
writers, some doubts have been entertained with toriae), and books which professed to treat of phi-
regard to the precise spot of his birth, in consequence losophic subjects (cr professo Philosophiam conti-
of a line in Martial (Ep. i. 62):-
nentes libros); but the story of the presentation to
Verona docti syllabas amat vatis,
Octavianus is an absolute fabrication. The fifth
Marone felix Mantua est,
assertion we have already contradicted, and not
without reason, as will be seen from Suetonius
Censetur Apona Livio suo tellus,
Stellaque nec Flacco minus-
(Claud. 41).
The memoirs of most men terminate with their
from which it has been inferred that the famous death ; but this is by no means the case with our
hot-springs, the Patavinae Aquae, of which the historian, since some circumstances closely con-
chief was A ponus fons, situated about six miles to nected with what may be fairly termed his per-
the south of Patavium, and now known as the Bagni sonal history, excited no small commotion in his
d'Abano, ought to be regarded as the place of his native city many centuries after his decease. About
nativity. According to this supposition he was the year 1360 a tablet was dug up at Padua, within
styled Patavinus, just as Virgil was called Man- the monastery of St. Justina, which occupied the
tuanus, although in reality belonging to Andes ; site of an ancient temple of Jupiter, or of Juno, or
but Cluverius and the best geographers believe that of Concordia, according to the conflicting hypotheses
Apona tellus is here equivalent to Patarina tellus, of local antiquaries. The stone bore the following
and that no village Aponus or Aponus vicus existed inscription, V. F. T. LIVIUS . LIVIAE. T. F. QUARTAE.
in the days of the epigrammatist. In like manner L. HALYS . CONCORDIALIS. PATAVI. SIBI. ET. SUIS,
Statius (Silv. iv. 7) designates him as “ Timavi OMNIBUS, which was at first interpreted to mean
alumnum,” words which merely indicate his trans- Vivus fecit Titus Livius Liviae Titi filiae quartae,
padane extraction.
(sc. uxori) Lucii Halys Concordialis Patavi sibi et
The above particulars, few and meagre as they suis omnibus. Some imagined that QUARTAE . L.
are, embrace every circumstance for which we can HALYS denoted Quartae legionis Halys, but this
appeal to the testimony of ancient writers. The opinion was overthrown without difficulty, because
bulky and minute biography by Tomasinus, and even at that time it was well known that L. is seldom
similar productions, which communicate in turgid if ever used in inscriptions as an abbreviation of
language a series of details which could have been Legio, and secondly because the fourth legion was
ascertained by no one but a contemporary, are entitled Scythica and not Halys. It was then de-
purely works of iinagination. The greater number cided that QUARTAE must indicate the fourth
of the statements derived from such sources have daughter of Livius, and that L. Halys must be
gradually disappeared from all works of authority, the name of her husband ; and ingenious persons
but one or two of the more plausible still linger endeavoured to show that in all probability he was
even in the most recent histories of literature. Thus identical with the L. Magius mentioned by Seneca.
we are assured that Livy commenced his career as They also persuaded themselves that Livy, upon
a rhetorician and wrote npon rhetoric ; that he was his return home, had been installed by his country-
twice married, and had two sons and several men in the dignified office of priest of the goddess
daughters ; that he was in the habit of spending Concord, and had erected this monument within
much of his time at Naples ; that he first recom- the walls of her sanctuary, marking the place of
mended himself to Octavianus by presenting some sepulture of himself and his family. At all events,
dialogues on philosophy, and that he was tutor to whatever difficulties might seem to embarrass the
## p. 791 (#807) ############################################
LIVIUS.
791
LIVIUS.
explanation of some of the words and abbreviations / from one who was well acquainted with his subject,
in the inscription, no doubt seems for a moment to and were probably drawn up not long after the
have been entertained that it was a genuine me- appearance of the volumes which they abridge. By
morial of the historian. Accordingly, the Bene- some they have been ascribed to Livy himself, by
dictine fathers of the monastery transported the others to Florus; but there is nothing in the lani
tablet to the vestibule of their chapel, and caused guage or context to warrant either of these con
a portrait of Livy to be painted beside it. In clusions; and external evidence is altogether
1413, about fifty years after the discovery just wanting.
described, in digging the foundations for the erection From the circumstance that a short introduction
of new buildings in connection with the monastery, or preface is found at the beginning of books 1, 21,
the workmen reached an ancient pavement com- and 31, and that each of these marks the com-
posed of square bricks cemented with lime. This mencement of an important epoch, the whole work
having been broken through, a leaden coffin became has been divided into decades, or groups, contain
visible, which was found to contain human bones. ing ten books each, although there is no good
An old monk declared that this was the very spot reason to believe that any such division was intro
above which the tablet had been found, when im- duced until after the fifth or sixth century, for
mediately the cry rose that the remains of Livy Priscian and Diomedes, who quote repeatedly from
had been brought to light, a report which filled the particular books, never allude to any such distribu-
whole city with extravagant joy. The new-found tion. The commencement of book xli. is lost, but
treasure was deposited in the town hall, and to the there is certainly no remarkable crisis at this place
ancient tablet a modern epitaph was affixed. At which invalidates one part of the argument in
a subsequent period a costly monument was favour of the antiquity of the arrangement.
added as a further tribute to his memory. Here, The first decade (bks. i–x. ) is entire. It em-
it might have been supposed, these weary bones braces the period from the foundation of the city to
would at length have been permitted to rest in the year B. c. 294, when the subjugation of the
peace. But in 1451, Alphonso of Arragon preferred Samnites may be said to have been completed.
a request to the Paduans, that they would be The second decade (bks. xi—xx. ) is altogether
pleased to bestow upon him the bone of Livy's lost. It embraced the period from B. c. 294 to
right arm, in order that he might possess the limb B. C. 219, comprising an account of the extension
by which the immortal narrative had been actually of the Roman dominion over the whole of Southern
penned. This petition was at last complied with ; Italy and a portion of Gallia Cisalpina ; of the
but just as the valuable relic reached Naples, Al- invasion of Pyrrhus ; of the first Punic war; of
phonso died, and the Sicilian fell heir to the prize. the expedition against the Illyrian pirates, and of
Eventually it passed into the hands of Joannes Jo other matters which fell out between the conclusion
vianus Pontanus, by whom it was enshrined with an of the peace with Carthage and the siege of
appropriate legend. So far all was well. In the Saguntum.
lapse of time, however, it was perceived, upon The third decade (bks. xxi-xxx. ) is entire. It
comparing the tablet dug up in the monastery of embraces the period from B. C. 219 to B. c. 201,
St. Justina, with others a similar description, comprehending the whole of the second Punic war,
that the contractions had been erroneously ex- and the contemporaneous struggles in Spain and
plained, and consequently the whole tenor of the Greece.
words misunderstood. It was clearly proved that The fourth decade (bks. xxxi-xl. ) is entire,
L. did not stand for Lucius but for LIBERTUS, and also one half of the fifth (bks. xli-xlv. ). These
and that the principal person named was Titus fifteen books embrace the period from B. Ć. 201 to
Livius Halys, freedman of Livia, the fourth daugh- B. c. 167, and develope the progress of the Roman
ter of a Titus Livius, that he had in accordance with arms in Cisalpine Gaul, in Macedonia, Greece and
the usual custom adopted the designation of his Asia, ending with the triumph of Aemilius Paul-
former master, that he had been a priest of Concord lus, in which Perseus and his three sons were ex-
at Padua, an office which it appeared from other hibited as captives.
records had often been filled by persons in his Of the remaining books nothing remains except
station, and that he had set up this stone to mark inconsiderable fragments, the most notable being a
the burying-ground of himself and his kindred. few chapters of the 91st book, concerning the
Now since the supposition that the skeleton in the fortunes of Sertorius.
leaden coffin was that of the historian rested solely The whole of the above were not brought to
upon the authority of the inscription, when this light at once. The earliest editions contain 29
support was withdrawn, the whole fabric of con- books only, namely, i-x. , xxi—xxxii. , xxxiv—
jecture fell to the ground, and it became evident xl. , the last breaking off abruptly in the middle of
the relics were those of an obscure freedman. chapter 37, with the word edixerunt. In 1518
The great and only extant work of Livy is a the latter portion of bk. xxxiii. , beginning in chapter
History of Rome, termed by himself Annales 17th with artis faucibus, together with what was
(xliü. 13), extending from the foundation of the wanting of bk. xl. , were supplied from a MS. be-
city to the death of Drusus, B. C. 9, comprised in longing to the cathedral church of St. Martin at
142 books: of these thirty-five have descended to Mayence. In 1531 bks. xli. —xlv.
