No More Learning

Then Ino, who desired to assure their inheriting the crown, scorched the
seed grain, caused a famine, and obtained a false oracle commanding
the sacrifice. Nephele, who had left Athamas in displeasure, returned to
save her children. Euripides and the Manual repeated the new version,
with some changes of detail. Greek authors and artists often treated the
myth, and Ovid told it in his Fasti, ending with a transformation of the
ram into the constellation of that name (Aries).
The ram that saved Phrixus was distinguished by a remarkable
fleece. According to some authorities, it was colored as brilliantly as if
it had been dyed in Tyrian purple. The Catalogues thought rather that
it was golden, and this became the usual opinion. An object so remark-
able as this would be in itself a treasure, and it was even more valuable
as evidence that Athamas and his family had appeased the wrath of
Jupiter. The Greeks, informed perhaps by Nephele, were aware of its
importance. But Phrixus had gone with the Fleece to the limits of the
known world, and he never was able to restore it. Almost all authorities
agreed that he had no further relations with Greece and spent the rest
of his life in Colchis.
The Argo had visited Aeetes in quest of treasure. It occurred to
the early Greeks that his quest might well have been for the treasure of
the Golden Fleece. The Catalogues implied the idea, Mimnermus stated
it clearly, and it became an essential part of the story. Hitherto Aeetes
had reigned over a kingdom in the region of sunrise. According to the
new idea, he must have been ruler of Colchis. Both the Catalogues and
Simonides implied this, and Pindar stated it clearly. Aeetes must also
have got possession of the Fleece. Sophocles explained that Phrixus
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? JASON AND MEDEA
gave him the Fleece and received in return an older daughter of Aeetes
named Chalciope.
In the earliest accounts Jason appears to have chosen as his fol-
lowers only men from Iolcus. The Catalogues added that Hercules sailed
with Jason but continued with him only as far as Northern Greece.
Pherecydes and Herodotus repeated the idea. Theocritus imagined that
Hercules went as far as Mysia on the eastern shore of the Propontis and
that he was left there while seeking his beloved attendant Hylas. This
became the usual tradition, and some authors supposed that he continued
on foot from Mysia to Colchis. Other famous heroes were included in the
crew from time to time, until the Argo was said to have carried all those
living in the generation before the Trojan War. The Manual added even
the heroine Atalanta, daughter of Schoeneus (cf. Bk. 10). In the begin-
ning, Jason's followers were pictured as remaining passive while Jason
performed the various exploits. Later they assumed more prominence:
often an adventure was transferred from Jason to one of them, so that
in the account of Apollonius, Jason himself became a relatively colorless
character.
The Catalogues mentioned another important incident of the
voyage. Prehistoric Greeks had referred to sudden, violent winds as
the Harpies (Snatchers). In the Iliad the West Wind and the Harpy
Podarge (Swift Foot) had been parents of two horses driven by Achilles.
In the Odyssey the Harpies were spoken of as carrying off any person
who vanished mysteriously. Both Telemachus and Eumaeus feared that
Ulysses had met this fate. Penelope told how the Harpies carried away
three daughters of Pandareos and made them servants to the Furies.
This event was portrayed later in the famous sculptured tomb of Xan-
thus. The Iliad and Odyssey said nothing about the form of the Harpies.
But in the following century the Greeks appear to have been influenced
by an Egyptian idea of the human soul as appearing after death in the
shape of a bird with a human head. The Theogony spoke of Thaumas
and the Oceanid Electra as parents of two Harpies, Aello (Stormwind)
and Ocypete (Swift Flyer), and described them as fair-tressed, winged
beings able to keep up with winds and birds. The Manual repeated this
account but named other Harpies also, without indicating their parent-
age. Aeschylus pictured the Harpies as hideous bird-like creatures, an
idea that was followed in most later accounts. Since it was characteristic
of violent winds to soil everything with dust, and characteristic of pred-
atory birds to be noisome and foul, Apollonius imagined the Harpies as
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SEVEN
filthy creatures ruining what they did not carry away. Vergil, repeating
these ideas, described them as having the faces of pale, emaciated women
and having feathered bodies with claw-like hands; and he suggested
their being identical with the Furies.
Two of these creatures the Catalogues associated with a blind king
Phineus. Apparently Phineus was an enchanter, who employed the
Harpies for his evil purposes. They transported him to the region of
the Black Sea and appear to have acted as his agents in opposing
the Argonauts. The sons of Boreas, Zetes and Calais, vanquished the
Harpies and pursued them southwards through the air. One Harpy
perished in a river of southern Greece, which afterwards bore the name
Harpys. The other took refuge in a group of islands to the south. There
Mercury required the pursuers to turn back, and the islands were called
the Strophades (Turning Point) from this event. Meanwhile the van-
quished Phineus gave the other Argonauts information which was neces-
sary for the success of their voyage.
This adventure Aeschylus made the subject of his drama called
Phineus, and later authors included it regularly in the tradition of the
Argo. Vergil seems to have imagined at least three Harpies, for he
named as the eldest of them Celaeno (Dusky One). The country in which
the Argonauts met with Phineus was thought usually to have been
Bithynia, on the northeastern shore of the Propontis.
The Catalogues observed that Phineus had incurred blindness will-
ingly in order to enjoy length of days. But, according to the Great
Eoiae, the gods blinded him for telling matters which they desired to
conceal. This became the usual explanation. Apollonius and Vergil
supposed that Phineus had been himself a victim of the Harpies. As an
additional punishment the gods had assigned these creatures to plunder
and defile his food, so that he was reduced to extreme hunger and misery.
According to Apollonius, the gods allowed Zetes and Calais to drive off
the Harpies, and in return for the deliverance Phineus gave information
about the voyage.
The Catalogues offered also the earliest precise statement as to the
route by which Jason returned from the city of Aeetes. After arriving
at the shores of Colchis, a ship could enter the mouth of the Phasis River
and continue eastwards up the stream. Beyond this fact the author had
no definite information, but he had heard that in time the traveler would
reach a great body of salt water. And he imagined the Phasis as a strait
leading into the eastern part of the Ocean which was reported to encircle
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? JASON AND MEDEA
the known world. This route, he said, was followed by Jason and the
Argo. The mythographer Hecataeus added that, after proceeding south-
wards along the coast of Ocean, the Argo entered the upper course of
the river Nile and returned to the Mediterranean Sea. But, according to
Pindar, the Argo followed the coast of Ocean until it arrived at the
southern coast of Libya. Then the heroes transported their ship over-
land in a northerly direction for twelve days. Arriving at a certain Lake
Tritonis, they continued by water to the Mediterranean.
These accounts of a return by way of the east and south had as-
sumed that a ship could reach the Ocean by sailing up the Phasis. Shortly
after Pindar's time the Greeks learned that it could not. The situation
proved to be as follows. Travelers up the Phasis proceeded inland until
the stream became too shallow, continued on foot through a pass in the
mountains, and arrived at the salt Caspian Sea. From there an ancient
trade route led eastwards through Persia to unknown countries of Cen-
tral Asia. Checked by the new information, the Greeks fell back tem-
porarily on the idea that Jason must have returned by very nearly
the same route which he had followed on his outward voyage. And
both Sophocles and Callimachus told of his coming home through the
Propontis.
Aeschylus treated the early part of the voyage in three plays, which
now are lost. In the first of these he narrated the departure from Iolcus
and named at least a few of the Argonauts. Thereafter a list of this kind
appeared in almost every long account of the voyage. Even when the list
was supposed to be complete, the number varied somewhat with different
authors, but tradition gave the Argo a crew of fifty. The names of
Argus, Hercules, Zetes and Calais, Castor and Pollux, and Orpheus the
musician appeared in almost every account; but the rest varied consid-
erably.
In the other two plays Aeschylus dealt with Jason's adventure in
the island of Lemnos. Celtic tales of a voyage into unknown seas have
sometimes told how the voyagers came upon an island inhabited entirely
by women and were tempted to remain there instead of pursuing the
quest. Such an adventure befell Jason, and he yielded so far as to re-
main a year on the island. Most of the account which Aeschylus gave
has been lost, but Apollonius and the Manual recorded the story as fol-
lows. Originally the island was populated, both by men and women. The
men neglected Venus. To punish them, she afflicted the Lemnian women
with a stench, which caused the men to seek other women on the opposite
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SEVEN
shore of Thrace. The Lemnian women then massacred all the men except
King Thoas, whom his daughter Hypsiplye allowed to escape, and they
established a community of women under the rule of Hypsipyle. The new
queen and her followers were at first in doubt whether they should allow
the Argonauts to land, but soon welcomed them cordially. Jason and
Hypsipyle became parents not only of Euneus but of another son Nebro-
phomus. When Jason and his followers departed, said Aeschylus, the
women tried by violence to detain them. But Apollonius and others
mentioned nothing beyond peaceful persuasion. In the Choephorae,
Aeschylus again referred to the massacre of the Lemnian men, charac-
terizing it as the most heinous crime of which women ever had been guilty.
The adventure with Hypsipyle was included regularly in later accounts
of the Argo and was told separately by Statius.
Simonides mentioned yet another adventure. As many savage peo-
ples have observed, the sky presents itself to men as the interior of a
great azure dome. Directly overhead, at the zenith, it appears to attain
its highest point above the earth, and from this region it appears to slope
downwards in every direction until at the horizon it rests on the ground.
With such firm contact between earth and sky, it would seem impossible
to pass the limit of the horizon. Yet at daybreak the sun appears to
glide upwards between the earth and the eastern sky, and the setting sun
appears to go down between the earth and sky in the west. To explain
this remarkable circumstance, a number of peoples imagined that in the
dim, almost invisible limits of the east and the west the sky does not re-
main stationary in contact with the ground but keeps rising and falling.
According to the Ottawas of Canada, the sky at the eastern horizon
moves continually up and down. Descending, it strikes the earth vio-
lently ; it rebounds to a considerable height; and then returns. By taking
advantage of this interval of rebound, the sun is able to rise in the morn-
ing. And in a similar manner the Ottawa hero Iosco was able to enter
the country of sunrise. According to the Karens of Burma, two strata
of rock, opening and closing in a vertical direction, mark the western
horizon.
Since for many peoples, the far west is the home of departed spirits,
such peoples often imagined the soul as required to pass between clashing
objects. Presumably these objects were at first the earth and the sky,
and presumably they were clashing in a vertical direction. But in time
the peril of the departing soul took a new and special form. The clashing
"Meets usually were described as being two mountains and as rushing
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? JASON AND MEDEA
horizontally together. The Aztec soul must pass between clashing moun-
tains on its way to the sunset land. So narrow was the traveler's escape,
in such tales, that often he incurred damage, though happily of a trivial
nature. The Eskimo Giviok, for example, found himself obliged to pass
between two enormous icebergs called the Sun Mountains, which closed
behind him so rapidly as to bruise the stern of his kayak.
According to some peoples, a similar peril attended any journey to
the region of death, regardless of the direction. Folk tales of modern
Greece and Albania often tell of a hero required to fetch water from the
springs of Life and Death and of his narrow escape. In one tale the
mountains shut so rapidly that his ally, a stork, lost the feathers of its
tail. Certain peoples imagined further that, if the hero could pass the
danger unharmed, the clashing objects would become fixed and in future
would leave the way always open. If the New Zealand hero Mawi had
passed through safely, the dead would have been able to return at will
and men would have been immortal. He failed, making death irrevocable.
A similar belief in clashing mountains was held by the early Greeks
and entered into the story of the Argo. Jason, it was thought, had in-
curred this peril on his way to the kingdom of Aeetes. The idea was ap-
propriate, if this kingdom lay eastwards in the land of sunrise. And it
was appropriate, also, if the kingdom lay northwards in Colchis. For in
the Black Sea the Greeks had imagined one country of the dead, the
White Island (Leuke). There Pausanias pictured the merry existence
after death of Achilles and his wife, the beautiful Helen of Troy. The
approach to the Black Sea, according to Simonides, led between clash-
ing mountains. Pindar referred to them as the Symplegades, which af-
terwards became their usual name, and he added that, after Jason's pas-
sage, the mountains became stationary and harmless. Later authors re-
ferred to the Symplegades as lying at the northern end of the Bosphorus
and stated that Phineus taught Jason how to pass in safety. Apollonius
added that Jason first sent a dove, which lost some tail feathers, and then
ventured with the ship, which lost an ornament of the stern. Originally
the Symplegades were described as wholly distinct from the Wanderers,
and afterwards the distinction usually was maintained. But, since in
both cases Jason had to pass by cliffs where the route was unsafe even
for doves, a few Greek authors regarded the Symplegades and the Wan-
derers as the same. This was the opinion of Ovid.
Pindar first recorded for us the circumstances under which Jason
began his voyage. When Pelias usurped the throne, he said, Aeson con-
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SEVEN
tinued living in Iolcus, but thought it safer to have Jason reared in the
mountains. At the age of twenty Jason revisited Iolcus. He was a tall
youth, with long yellow hair, a cloak of leopard skin, and a spear in
either hand. He was even more conspicuous for having only one sandal.
According to Thucydides and others, it was customary for certain
Greek tribesmen to wear a sandal on the right foot and leave the other
foot bare. Pindar and his readers may have assumed that Jason was one
of these tribesmen. But Pelias remembered an oracle warning him that
a descendant of Aeolus was to come with one sandal and be his death.
Questioned by Pelias, Jason replied at once that he was a descendant
of Aeolus and was come to obtain the throne. At the moment Aeson and
other relatives hastened to welcome him and gave Pelias a chance to
withdraw. Later Jason visited the usurper in the palace and courteously
but firmly repeated his claim. Pindar then alluded to the idea that Jason
was a kinsman of Athamas and his descendants, who still were in danger
of being sacrificed to Jupiter. Pelias offered to yield, he said, if Jason
would relieve them by obtaining the Golden Fleece. Such a quest Pelias
regarded as a sure way to rid himself of a dangerous man.
In this narrative Pindar gave the most striking and attractive of
all characterizations of Jason. He presented him as picturesque and
prepossessing in appearance and as simple, courteous, and direct in his
methods. Pindar's conception affected many later accounts, notably
that of Apollonius. But it was not easy to reconcile this characteriza-
tion with some of Jason's adventures, either in the course of the voyage
or after his return to Greece. His pleasing appearance and courteous
manner often were associated by later authors with a fickle and treach-
erous nature.
Although Pindar did not attempt to give an orderly account of the
voyage, he alluded to several hitherto unrecorded adventures in Colchis.
In the popular fairy tale the hero asked the evil enchanter for the object
of his quest, and the enchanter required him first to perform a seemingly
impossible task. This was true, said Pindar, in the case of Jason.
Among the Semitic peoples of Asia Minor it was a frequent practice to
represent the god Moloch by a hollow, brazen statue in the form of a
bull. At festivals of the god, a fire was kindled in the statue and victims
sometimes were cast into the flaming mouth. To the Greeks the practice
suggested the nature of the task assigned to Jason. He must yoke two
brazen, fire-breathing bulls and plow a certain field of Mars. In the pop-
ular fairy tale the enchanter's daughter not only returned the hero's
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? JASON AND MEDEA
affection but gave him the means of performing the task. This, Pindar
continued, was true of Medea. But her cooperation was not a matter of
chance. The Theogony had suggested that Jason won her by the aid of
the gods. Pindar declared that Venus taught Jason certain magic rites
which infatuated the daughter of Aeetes. The Fleece, he continued, had
been fastened to the jaws of a dragon. Jason fought and killed the rep-
tile in order to attain the prize. Pindar noted also that Medea fulfilled
the oracle by causing the death of the usurper Pelias.
Pherecydes, who gave the first complete account of Jason's voyage,
recorded many new circumstances. He differed from Pindar regarding
the circumstances under which Jason began the quest. Learning who
Jason was, he said, Pelias asked him what he would do if he were king
and if he were told that a certain man was to cause his death. Jason re-
plied that he would send him in quest of the Golden Fleece. The Manual,
repeating this account, added that his answer was inspired by Juno,
divine ally of Jason.
Pherecydes recorded a second labor imposed on Jason. In a Finnish
epic, the Kalevala, the old enchantress required Ilmarinen to plow a field,
the upturned soil of which became alive with vipers. A similar task fell
to Jason. Many teeth of the Theban dragon had not been planted by
Cadmus (cf. Bk. 3) but had been conveyed by Athena to Aeetes. The
latter required Jason to plant them and to encounter the crop of war-
riors which they would produce. In the Kalevala the daughter of the
enchantress taught Ilmarinen how to subdue the vipers; and, in the
account of Pherecydes, Medea taught Jason how to destroy the warriors
sprung from the dragon's teeth. Jason threw stones among them; the
warriors, believing that their neighbors had hit them, fought among
themselves; and then Jason attacked them with his sword. This adven-
ture became one of the most famous incidents in the story of Jason.
Apollonius gave a different reason for the strife among the warriors.
Jason, he said, rolled among them a boulder to which Medea had given
such magic properties that it drove them mad.
In the popular fairy tale the enchanter usually pursued the eloping
hero and heroine. To delay him, the heroine cast behind her various
objects, which proved formidable obstacles for the pursuer. A comb
would turn into a range of hills, and a bottle of water might expand into
a lake. By this means the youth and maiden were able to escape.
A similar event Pherecydes recorded in the story of Jason and
Medea. Even after Jason performed the labors, he said, Aeetes refused
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SEVEN
to give him the Fleece. Jason had to seize it and flee in his ship. Although
the Argo had been regarded as the first vessel on the sea, Pherecydes de-
clared that Aeetes had a ship and gave chase. Medea cast behind her
objects intended to delay him. But they were not of the usual harmless
variety. Previous accounts had shown Medea as a gentle, beneficent
maiden. It was true that she secretly thwarted her father and fled with
a stranger. But her father was first a cruel ogre and then a barbarous
Colchian and the youth was leader of the choicest heroes of Greece. In
addition Medea's father had tried both cruelly and treacherously to
withhold an object essential to the welfare of Jason and his kindred.
Under these circumstances the scrupulous Pindar thought that even her
failings leaned to virtue's side. But Pherecydes pictured Medea as her-
self a barbarous Colchian. When she fled with Jason, she took away her
infant brother Absyrtus ; and, when her father gave chase, she killed the
child and scattered his limbs over the sea. It was the pious duty of bury-
ing them which delayed the father and permitted the lovers to escape.
In the Colchian Women Sophocles treated the labors of J ason and
added further details. Not far from the home of Aeetes, he observed,
Prometheus was chained to a Caucasian crag and was assailed periodi-
cally by a vulture. Where his blood dripped on the soil below, there grew
a supernatural plant, the juice of which would give immunity to fire and
metallic weapons. By anointing the Greek hero with this juice, Medea
made it possible for him to conquer the fiery bulls and earthborn
warriors. The idea was repeated by Apollonius and became the usual
account.
In another play, the Scythian Women, Sophocles gave a new story
of Absyrtus. The Argo had arrived at the European shore of the Black
Sea, when Medea discovered that her father was pursuing. To delay him,
she cut Absyrtus to pieces, put the child's head on a conspicuous rock
near the shore and then scattered his limbs over the neighboring fields.
From this event the place acquired its historical name of Tomis (Mincy).
Ovid afterwards alluded to the version of Sophocles in his Amores and
his Epistle of Hypsipyle and he retold it in a Pontic Epistle.
Euripides in his Medea referred often to the events at Colchis and
introduced many new ideas. Jason, he said, promised to be faithful to
Medea and to make her his wife, and Medea in return made possible not
only his performance of the labors but his victory over the dragon. Both
these circumstances appeared regularly in subsequent versions of the
story. In his reference to the dragon, Euripides implied that the reptile
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? JASON AND MEDEA
was not killed but merely stupified and that Medea accomplished this by
a magic potion. The new idea was stated clearly by Apollonius and other
subsequent authors. Euripides emphasized the moral issues involved and
gave a very unfavorable impression of Medea. Presenting the view of a
hostile speaker, he declared that her motive was shameless lust and her
actions included treason and fratricide. Many authors showed the
influence of this devastating attack. Horace and Propertius spoke em-
phatically of Medea's shameless character; Apollonius felt that her
conduct needed every possible extenuation. Euripides, desiring perhaps
to heighten the unfavorable impression, implied that Medea did not wait
until she was pursued but killed Absyrtus in the palace and strewed his
limbs over the Colchian fields. To this version Ovid alluded in his Epistle
of Medea. The work of Euripides enjoyed immense popularity among
the Greeks. Both Ennius and Accius adapted it for the Roman stage,
and Ovid mentioned it in a Pontic Epistle.
Meanwhile Herodotus dealt with some of the traditional adventures
of Jason and offered a rationalized account. Although he agreed with
Pindar that Jason visited Libya, he differed as to the circumstances.
Before going in quest of the Fleece, he said, Jason attempted a voyage
round the Peloponnesus to Delphi. At the southern extremity of Greece
a storm caught the Argo and drove it across the Mediterranean. It
arrived in Libya and Lake Tritonis, but from the north. Apollonius
repeated the idea, but he imagined the adventure as occurring near the
end of Jason's voyage back to Iolcus.
After the excursion to Libya, Herodotus continued, Jason pro-
ceeded to Colchis. Noting that Colchians were distinguished by the
swarthy appearance and peculiar customs of the Egyptians, Herodotus
suggested their being descendants of a garrison left by the mythical
Egyptian conqueror Sesostris. Apollonius repeated this opinion, but he
described Medea herself as having long and beautiful yellow hair. Ac-
cording to Herodotus, the Greeks visited Colchis for purposes of trade,
but on their departure they carried off the princess Medea.
Herodotus told a new story of the pursuit. Aeetes, he said, did not
himself give chase but sent a ship with a herald to demand reparation
for the injury. The Colchians overtook the Greeks and delivered their
message. But the Greeks replied that Asiatic nations had given no rep-
aration for Io and should receive none for Medea. With this answer the
Colchians were obliged to let them go. Callimachus repeated the idea
that Aeetes despatched only part of his followers. Remembering the tale
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SEVEN
of Europa (Bk. 2), he added that Aeetes also forbade their returning
without Medea. The Colchians therefore continued on through the
Hellespont and round the shores of Greece and finally settled in Epirus
and Illyria. Lycophron recorded the name of their Illyrian settlement
as Polae.
According to the usual tradition, the ship Argo went ultimately to
Corinth and remained there. Aratus imagined, however, that it entered
the skies as the constellation Argo of the southern hemisphere.
Apollonius made the whole story of Jason's voyage the theme of an
interesting and often beautiful poetic narrative. Although the Odyssey
had spoken of Juno as friendly to the Greek hero, Apollonius was the
first to suggest a cause. Jason, finding the goddess disguised as an old
woman, had carried her over the swollen river Anaurus. During the pas-
sage, Apollonius continued, he lost a sandal, and for this reason he ap-
peared in Iolcus with only one. Another cause for Juno's friendliness
was her strong dislike of Pelias. Apollonius offered no explanation, but
the Manual afterwards told the story as follows. Cretheus, becoming
weary of Tyro, mother of Pelias, took a second wife. The latter, abusing
Tyro, roused the anger of Pelias. Drawing his sword, he pursued her
into a temple of Juno and killed her before the shrine, and instead of
offering the goddess atonement, he continued afterwards to neglect and
defy her.
After telling of Jason's departure in the Argo, Apollonius repeated
the traditional adventures of the outward voyage and added many
others. One of these was important for his narrative of the events in
Colchis. Phrixus, he said, had four sons and before his death he urged
them to revisit Greece and to obtain their inherited property. Ship-
wrecked on an island, they were rescued by Jason and readily undertook
to help him win the Fleece. At first King Aeetes received Jason and his
new friends hospitably. But, when the oldest son of Phrixus told the
cause of Jason's voyage, Aeetes remembered that an oracle had warned
him to fear the plots of his own descendants. Imagining that it referred
to the sons of Phrixus, Aeetes not only imposed formidable labors but
planned secretly to burn the Argo and massacre the entire crew.
In the hands of Apollonius, the familiar tale of Jason and Medea
became the first romantic love story of ancient times. Apollonius was
careful to enlist the reader's sympathy for Medea and to give her every
possible extenuation. He had pictured Aeetes as even more cruel and
treacherous than previous authors suggested, and he showed that Medea
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? JASON AND MEDEA
guessed this treachery from the beginning. With Pindar he agreed that
Venus inspired Medea's love for Jason, but he imagined that she did this
by having Cupid shoot her with an arrow. Although Medea was priestess
of Hecate and an enchantress skilled in herbs, Apollonius presented her
as still young and naive. Maidenly bashfulness and duty yielded but
slowly to love. With sympathy and understanding, Apollonius recorded
every stage of the losing struggle.
After hours of wakeful meditation, Medea visited Chalciope to ask
for her aid. She argued plausibly that Chalciope's sons were likely to
share the fate of Jason and the Argonauts. Apollonius represented
Chalciope as much older than Medea and as having almost a mother's
authority, for she had reared her younger sister with her own children.
Persuaded already by the oldest son of Phrixus, Chalciope not only ap-
proved of Medea's request but urged her to meet Jason at the temple of
Hecate and provide him with the charm necessary for accomplishing his
labors. Although Medea promised to do this at dawn, she still recoiled
at the thought of betraying her father and was about to drink poison,
when she was checked suddenly by the recollection of life's hopes and
joys. * Jason, gifted by his divine allies with an almost supernaturally
attractive appearance, proceeded to the temple. Medea at first was
speechless with conflicting emotions. In the course of a long, very inter-
esting interview, she told Jason the use of the charm and Jason offered
her marriage.
When Jason performed the labors, Pindar had mentioned the dis-
pleasure of Aeetes, and Pherecydes had mentioned his refusal to give up
the Fleece. Apollonius imagined that he went much further. Guessing
that Jason had received help from his daughters, the king summoned his
chieftains, in order to plan the speedy destruction of the Argo. Medea
realized that her own life was in danger and she again thought of suicide.
Juno persuaded her to escape with Jason. Hastening by night to his
camp, she warned him of his peril and required him to swear that he
would make her his wife. She then led him to the oak tree on which
Aeetes had hung the Fleece.
After the departure from Colchis, Apollonius introduced many fur-
ther changes. The idea that Jason returned prosaically by way of the
Propontis had not satisfied the Greeks. A certain Timagetes thought
that he might have sailed up the Danube and arrived at the headwaters
*To Goethe this beautiful passage probably suggested a similar event near the
beginning of his Faust.
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? METAMORPHOSES -- BOOK SEVEN
of the Adriatic Sea. Apollonius gladly followed the suggestion. Although
he recorded the death of Absyrtus, he altered almost all the circum-
stances. Absyrtus, he said, was only a half brother of Medea and was
much older. At the head of a Colchian fleet he overtook the Argo near
the Adriatic Sea. There Medea lured him into an ambush, but it was
Jason who committed the treacherous murder. The archipelago in which
the event occurred was known afterwards as the Absyrtus Islands. This
account was repeated later by Hyginus and by Valerius Flaccus.
After the murder, Apollonius continued, Jason and Medea were
obliged to sail by way of the rivers Po and Rhone to the western Medi-
terranean in order to obtain purification from Circe. Their voyage then
took them past the Sirens and the Wanderers. This route, according to
the Odyssey, would have avoided the perils of Scylla and Charybdis. But
the Wanderers now were associated with the Lipari Islands, and Scylla
and Charybdis were localized in the Straits of Messina. It seemed likely
that Jason would encounter all these perils, and Apollonius declared that
he did. Callimachus had imagined that a fleet of Colchians, which had
been despatched in pursuit of Jason, sailed by way of the Propontis to
the coast of Epirus. These Colchians, said Apollonius, met the Argo-
nauts at the island of Corcyra. Jason had intended to defer his mar-
riage with Medea until he arrived in Iolcus, but he found it necessary to
marry her in order to secure protection from King Alcinous.
The narrative of Apollonius gave the fullest and most interesting
story of Jason's voyage.