wouldbe wrongto denythelegitimacyoftheaspirationsofthepeople at large, but the universitiesmust conduct
themselvesin
a way which is appropriateto theirnature and tasks.
Nolte - Thoughts on the State and Prospects of the Academic Ethic in the Universities of the Federal Republic of Germany
?
?
Thoughts on the State and Prospects of the Academic Ethic in the Universities of the Federal Republic of Germany
Author(s): ERNST NOLTE
Source: Minerva, Vol. 21, No. 2/3 (June 1983), pp. 161-171
Published by: Springer
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? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? Thoughts on the Academic
of the Federal
the State Ethic in
and Prospects of the Universities
of Germany
Republic ERNST NOLTE
During the last fifteenyears the universitiesof the Federal Republic of
have - in thehumanitiesand Germany undergonedevelopments especially
thesocialsciences- whichareparallel,withonlysomeslightdifferences, withthose experiencedin othercountriesof the Westernworld. Certain otherdevelopmentsare moredistinctiveto theFederal Republicand are consequencesof specificconditionsprevailingthere. The differencebe- tweenthetwosetsofdevelopmentswas hardlyperceptiblefora longtime, sinceitwasconcealedbya thirdtendencywhichseemedtosuggestthatthe Germanuniversitysystemwas merelybecominglike the Americanone. Thesedevelopmentsalllead totheconclusionthattheonlyseriousobjective inGermanuniversitietsodaymustbe"reconstruction"w,hichshouldbe carefullydistinguishedfrom "restoration". An essential part of this reconstructionhas to consistin an applicationor elaborationof a set of ethicalstandardsforthe academic profession. I shall illustratethe three developmentsbygivingexamplesforeach; atthesametime,I shalltryto makeclearwhattheacademicethicshouldlook likeifthereconstruction,
whichin manyrespectshas alreadybegun,is to be broughtto a fruitful conclusion.
The Germanuniversityd,uringthelast 15 years,has become a mass
In 1968 theFree ofBerlinhad
university. University 15,000 studentst,oday
it counts more than 50,000. The figurefor the universitiesof Munich,
Cologne,Hamburgand Frankfuratre comparable. In 1968, 8 percentofthe relevantage-groupentereduniversityi;n 1983 more than 21 per cent.
Anyonewhowalksthroughthehallsofa largeuniversitynowadaysfinds
himselfpushed along by crowds which differfromthose who jam the
stations in their alertfacesare underground only averageage. Intellectually
rarelytobeseen;someoftheolderpersons- asaruleasnegligentlydressed
as almostall the ones- be assistantsor In fact younger may professors. many
ofthemembersofthecrowdintheundergroundare infactstudents. What one overhearsintheconversationosfpassengersintheundergroundisvery oftentalkaboutuniversityexaminationsandcoursesofstudy- orabout thoseoftheirsonsanddaughters.
Yet,whensmallerorlargergroupsofstudentscome togetherinseminars, itis notunusualfortheteacherto be pleasantlysurprisedbythediligence,
intelligenceandtheindividualityofnota fewparticipantsI. tistruethat "basic educational qualifications"are often deficientsince instruction duringthelastyearsofsecondaryschoolhas tendedto concentratemainly
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? 162 ErnstNolte
on verydemandingand oftenveryspecialisedcourses. Still,itcan hardlybe denied thatin manycases examinationpapers and especiallydissertations showan amountofworkand care whichbyfarsurpassthosewhichwere submitted50 or 60 years ago at what have recentlybeen called "elite" universities.
The "intellectualisationoflife"impingesinmanywaysuponthepeople as a wholeand italso entersintotheuniversitieisntowhichthisgreatnumber
ofyoungpersonsstream. Itwouldbe wrongtodenytherightsandqualities ofthemassesofthepopulation;itwouldbe no lesswrongfortheuniversities
toallowtheirmasssocietytoimposeon themitsowntendencies,suchas the
ofsocial and an undifferentiated It anonymity relationships egalitarianism.
wouldbe wrongto denythelegitimacyoftheaspirationsofthepeople at large, but the universitiesmust conduct themselvesin a way which is appropriateto theirnature and tasks. This means that certaincounter- tendenciesmustbe strengthenedby,forexample,theformationofsmaller
the of serious the universities, encouragement participationespeciallyby
older and more distinguishedprofessorsin the teachingof courses for
beginners,the arrangementof fairlysmall seminarsforadvanced students
and doctoral candidates, the cultivation of closer relations among
teachers- andnotleasttheopportunityforperiodicleavefromtheheavy
obligationsof teachingin the mass universitythroughsabbaticalyearsand special leaves for research which would foster the renewal of their
intellectuarlesources.
One of the gravestconsequences of the mass universityhas been the "politicisation"whichsetinatthebeginningofthe1960s; thiscanbe seenin varyingdegreesin all the universitiesof the Westernworld. The increased popularinterestinpoliticsinthisage oftelevisionismuchgreaterthanthe interestin science; it has penetratednot only the corridorsof university buildingsbuteventheseminar-roomwsherestudentstalkmoreaboutthe
of the ofthe"third and theremedies ravages imperialism, sufferings world",
forsocial injusticethanabout the scientificand scholarlyinvestigationof thosesubjects. In theFederal Republic,thepoliticisationoftheuniversities
was largelytheachievementof thegenerationof 1968, whichdisplayedso much indignationagainst "technocraticeducational reform",the short- sightededucatorsand thenarrow-mindednesosfthepopulace,whichthey claimedhad been deliberatelydeceivedand manipulatedintotheirerrone- ous, apoliticalattitudes.
The promotionof the "multiversity"played an importantrole in the similarandsomewhatearlierdevelopmentintheUnitedStates. Itwasnot the populace but rathercirclesof universityteacherswho promotedthat idea of the "multiversity"and, in doing so, laid the basis for its
These teachersand administratorcsontendedthat politicisation. university
scientifiacnd scholarlyanalysismustin thefirstinstancebe a critiqueofthe contemporarysociety. The criticismof certaincharacteristicsof their
-- respectivesocieties andalsotheaffirmatioonfitsbasicfeatures hasfora
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? long
TheAcademicEthicin Germany 163
timehad a intheuniversities. theAmericanRevolution place During
complaintswerealreadybeingheardthattheclergymenwithinand outside
theuniversitiehsad forgottentheologyand had setpoliticsinitsplace. What
wouldGuizot and Michelet,Treitschkeand Sybel have been had theynot
beencriticsor ofthesocietiesinwhich lived? panegyrists they
Social self-criticismin Westerncountrieshas not,moreover,had thesame advantagesas it has in the underdevelopedcountriesof Asia, Africaand Latin America. Unlikethe countriesof thesecontinentsit cannotcompare itselfwithanymoreadvancedcountriesI. t cannotmoreover,radicallyreject itsowncircumstancesT. herewere,itis true,certainapproximationsinthe firsthalfofthenineteenthcenturyto thesituationofthecriticismofsociety
-
intheunderdevelopedcountries intheattack,forexample,ofradical
on the"DeutscheMisere whentheGermanstateswerein a intellectuals, ",
backwardconditionincomparisonwithFranceand GreatBritain. By 1875,
however,the German Empire undoubtedlybelonged to the "advanced
countries". To citeanother inthenineteenth theFrench example, century,
made negativecomparisonsof the centralisedossificationof theireduca-
tionalsystemincomparisonwithGermaneducation;formanyEnglishmen
ofthelatterhalfofthenineteenthcenturyt,hehighdegree ofilliteracyin
theircountrywas a groundforshamewhentheyturnedtheireyestowards
Prussia. ButsocialcriticismwasneverinWesterncountriesa totalrejection
ofitsownsociety,and even whenitwas bitter,itdrewsustenancefromthe
traditionosfearlierand bettertimesinthehistoryofitsowncountriess,uch
as itdidwhenitinvokedthe"freedomoftheSaxon forefatherso"r "the
organicepoch" oftheMiddleAges or thegreatage ofthe"Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation". The criticismwhich developed in the
Germanuniversitieisn the 1960s and 1970s had no such constraints.
In theGerman the thatcriticismof
universities, postulate contemporary
societymustabove all be criticismon the basis of meticulousresearchhad
beenlargelyunquestioned;therewas no globalcriticismofsocietywiththe objectiveof itscompletetransformationO. f course,before1870, a danger fortheacademicethosoccurredwhenhistoriansand philologistsconsidered themselvesas forerunnerosfGermanunitya,nd thereforeconductedfierce polemicsagainstotherhistorianasndphilologistwshowereinclinedtowards thepreservationoftheseparatestatesora GreaterGerman-Austrianstate. Nevertheless,the range of variationamong the facultiesremainedsuffi-
cientlygreatandnothinglikea uniformandwhollynegativeideologygained completedominion.
DuringtheWeimarRepublicthedangerwas greaterbecause manymen oflearningweredeterminedto rejectbyanymeansthe"lie ofwar-guilt" embodiedin the VersaillesTreaty. But all these discussionswere inter- nationaland all contributiontso themwere to critical The
subject scrutiny. extremistisnthediscussionofwar-guilwteretheNationalSocialiststudents,
andthedisturbancesofacademiclifewhichtheycreatedwereopposedby rectorsand senateswithmuchgreaterfirmnestshantheyshowedtowardsthe
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? 164 ErnstNolte
agitationand disruptionswhichMarxistand anarchiststudentsconducted duringthe1960sand1970sintheFederalRepublic. Whoeverisinclinedto concludethattherewas a completeand negativeconsensuson a National Socialistoutlook,and thattheGermanuniversityafter1933 was a "brown
shouldexaminethe ofthefunctionarieosftheNational university", writings
Socialist students' organisations during this period. These writings demanded a "national-socialistuniversityrevolution"to obliteratethe
persisting",alien, liberalscience" and to destroytheprincipleof"objectiv- ity" which was offensiveand damaging to "the vital necessitiesof the
nation". 1The German ofthattimewere,itis struggling professors certainly
true,criticaolftheWeimarRepublic,butexceptfortheminorityofNational
Socialistsamong them,theydid not demand a completerejectionand a
completetransformationIt. isone ofthegreatparadoxesofGermanlifethat
the new "social engineers"of the 1960s and 1970s who abhorredthe
materialsuperiorityof the Federal Republic, of the Westernworld as a
wholeanditsinternalsocialstructurew,hodenounceditoninternationalist
andegalitariangrounds,andwhoassailedthealleged"ivorytower"ofthe
universityand the objectivitywhichtheycalled "bourgeois", were in fact continuingtheworkoftheirNational-Socialistenemiesand predecessorsin
certainrespects. Theytoo rejectedthescientificand academicethos;they wishedto make scientificand scholarlyworkinto a handmaidenof their
moralstandpoint.
Those whoenteredan academiccareerconceivedthemselvesprimarilyas
sternmoralistsand socialengineersintheserviceof"thetransformatioonf the world". They were willingto accept the elementaryroles of science whichhave been definedas "accuracyin detail and endeavorfortruthas a whole",2ontheconditionthattheydidnotinterferweiththerealisationof theirultimategoals. -
The great criticsof Western society Comte, Marx, Mill and Toc-
queville- were more than just scholarlysocial scientistsalthoughthey thoughtinthespiritofscholarshipandusedthemethodofsocialsciences; theless importantcriticshad theirplace in thefieldsofpublicisticand moral literature. Scientificand scholarlycriticismis above all criticismof the resultsofresearchon thebasisofnew ornewresearch. This
interpretations
featurehas been ignored,and the understandingof the natureof Western
societywhich,afterall, has made science and scholarshippossible and has
them has been concentrationon its protected institutionally, replaced by
defects.
The criticismofsocietycertainlycannotbe theforemostobligationofthe
universitiesT. he attemptoftheselatter-daymoralistsand socialengineersto
1See,e. g. ,FeickerAt,ndreaSst,udentgerneifean. NationalsozialistHisoccheschulrevolu-
tion HanseatiscVherlagsanst1a9lt3,4). 2 (Hamburg:
NolteE,rnst",WissenschaufntdPolitik"i,nNipperdeTyh,omas(ed. ),Hochschulen zwischePnolitikundWahrheSitin:ddieReformzeunverkrafte(Znu? richE:ditionInter- from1,981),pp. 63-93,esp. p. 71.
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? TheAcademicEthicin Germany 165
make science and scholarshipinto the instrumentof theirpoliticalgoals
mustbe resistedfromthestandpointoftheacademicethicwhichinsiststhat
scienceand are methodicalendeavoursto attainthe be it scholarship truth,
onlythetruthaboutparticulartopics,andmustnotbe subordinatedtoany
otherpurpose.
In thiscontroversythe academic scientistsand scholarsare not alone.
someoftheiralliescannotbe trustedN. o in Unfortunately, entirely society
theWesternworldcan idlyacceptthatsomeor mostofitsuniversitieshould turnintopoliticaldiscussionclubsand thatimportantsectionsshouldbe transformeidntofortressesforitsopponents. In theUnitedStatesas in
France,intheFederalRepublicofGermanyas wellas inItaly,governments whichoriginallyhad looked withmuchsympathyat the "protests"of the studentsagainstthe universitiesintervenedsooner or later,and found considerablesupportamongtheirrespectivelectorateswhentheydid so.
InGermany,theenactmentofthe"frameworklaw" forhighereducation did not fullysatisfythe radical students' desire for the tripartiteor
ofacademic it a bare quadripartitoerganisation authority; granted majority
to professorson all governingbodies and it officiallyleftall decisions
regarding"habilitations"and appointmentsin the hands of university teacherswho had themselveshabilitated. In some countriesthe govern- mentsmade concessionsto the studentswhichwere not beneficialto the universitieass academic intellectual but at the same time
institutions, they alsobegantowatchtheuniversitiemsorecloselyandsuspiciously. Every- wheretheshortageoffinancialresourcesmade itnecessaryto tryto apply
more rigorousstandards,whichwere more appropriateto scientificand
scholarlyresearch, and to apply such standards in making academic
But as a the of the was appointments. generalresult, autonomy university
severelycurtailed,especiallyin Germanywhere,aftertheend oftheSecond
WorldWar,ithad reachedan extraordinarhyighpointunknowninthegreat
days of the German universitiesin the nineteenthcentury. Something
similar ina differenftormeveninthe"elite" of happened universities the
UnitedStates.
For thesereasonsand others,therehas emergeda tendencytowardsthe
of the universitiesS. hould this "governmentalisation" tendencygo further,
academicsmightwellbe forcedintoa second,ratherdifferenatttitudeof
resistance. Fears of "governmentalisation"are, however, not wholly
rational. Indeed,itdoes notseemhopelesstothinkthatthestillsurviving
measureof willbe or thatsome ofthenewintrusions autonomy strengthened
willcease, once thetraumaticexperiencesofVietnamand Auschwitzhave
beenovercome,anda newgenerationhasgrownupwhichnolongersuffers fromthesetraumas.
GermanacademicdevelopmentsaftertheSecond WorldWarseemedto movetowardstheAmericanmodel. A greatmany"reforms"corresponded withAmericanideas. They seemed to be littlemore than the belated
realisationofideas offundamentasltructural reforms,
suchas wereoutlined
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? 166 ErnstNolte
inthefirstpost-waryearsinthe"blue report"undertheinfluenceofthe
occupyingpowers. (The so-called "blue report" of 1948, which was preparedat the commandof the militarygovernorof the Britishzone of occupation,was workedout by a committeeof expertswhichincludedas membersthe Master of Balliol College, Oxford,and a person like Carl FriedrichWeizsa? cker,on the Germanside. 3)
The new directionseemed verydesirable because it apparentlymoved away fromcertainfeaturesof the traditionalGerman universitysystem whichwere contraryto the new ideas. Among these traditionalfeatures whichthe firststirringsof reformwished to weaken were the god-like
of the German Ordinarius- full - and the professor "faculty"
position
system. The former appeared as an offensive emanation of the
authoritarianismwhichhad led to Germany'sfatefulSonderweg; the "faculties"hadnorealanalogyinAmerica,sinceeachincludeda largerange
offieldsinwhich,apartfromthefullprofessorso,nlya fewrepresentatives ofteacherswhowerenotonpermanentappointmenthada seatandvoice.
The sovereignpositionof the Ordinariushad been acceptable,giventhe rathersmall size of the German universitiesbefore the war. But by the
beginningof the 1960s, large fieldslike modernhistorywere stillrepre- sentedbyonlyone professorandwholefacultiess,uchas the"philosophical faculty"m,ighthaveonly20or30members. Aslongastheuniversitiewsere small,a certainmeasureofmutualcontroloftherepresentativeosfthe
But as a resultoftheincrease possiblethrough faculty.
variousfieldswas the
inthenumberofstudentsand theunavoidable ofthenumbers multiplication
ofprofessoriaclhairs,theOrdinarius-systemwas underminedW. henitwas finallyabolished, it was withthe applause of public opinion; it and the correspondingfaculty-systemwerereplacedbya systemofFachbereich,e i. e. , departments.
The changeswereinconsiderablepartaffectedbytheearlysympathies
oftheAmericansfora "structuralreform". Had itnotbeenforthese
theweaknessesofthenew wouldhave been into sympathies, system brought
theGermandiscussionearlier. Amongtheweaknessesweretheconfine-
mentofscientistswithintheirownrespectivefields,withan ensuinglossof
contact-s atthe timethat was interdisciplinary very "interdisciplinarity"
muchdemanded. Anotherdeficiencyof the new patternwas the loss of a sense of communityon the part of the professors,who henceforthwere
representedin their"departments"by elected members.
44
membersofthe arrangements, younger teachingbody,
Underthenew the
3"Gutachtzeunr vomStudienausschfuu? srHsochschulrefo(r1m94"8). Hochschulreform
themost recommendatoifotnhsecommittweeretheintroductoifotnhe Among important
studium thebroadenionfgtheteachinsgtaftfhrougsoh-calleSdtudienprofes,soren generale
andthefurtheraonfceontacbtetweetnheuniversitainedsothesrphereosfsociettyhrougthe HochschulbeiArat. setofrecommendatinotnhseAmericaznoneofoccupatiownas
" parallel
inthe SchwalbachReirchtlinienwhichincludeadmongitsmemberWsalter prepared
Hallsteinw,howaslatersecretaroyf stateforforeiganffairasndthenpresidenoft the CommissiofntheEuropeaCnommunity.
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? TheAcademic Ethicin Germany 167
above all theassistants withthe had had who,together Privatdozenten, long
tocarrya considerablepartoftheteachingload,finallyobtaineda voice.
Theyweregiventhepossibilityofparticipatingindecisionsabout theirown academic fate. A situationof open conflictand the formationof cliques
In theold German studentshad had no voice. The university, supervision
of professorsby the studentswas totallyinconceivable. In Germany,one
emerged.
werenot opposite. Henceforth, departments only
extremeturnedintoits the
obligedto consulton certainquestionswiththe representativesof the studentsb,utitwasnotconsideredenoughthatindividualstudentscould
-- becomemembersoftheFachbereichsra? te councils inorder
departmental topresentheirviewsand to gainapprovalforthemiftheywereusefuland made sense. Studentsenteredthe Fachbereichsra? tien blocs. In the new
ofa of - -
system tripartitoerganisation authority Drittelparita? tprofessors,
assistantsand studentswere expected to representtheirown interests througha balance of power in whichno single"group" could outvotethe others.
Thus thereoriginatedthe "group university"whichin its beginnings, beforeit spread to other European countries,was regarded as only a German peculiarity. It was a new thingto conceive of a universityas
consistingof "groups", each representingan interestin conflictwiththe
interestosftheothers. Professorsa,ssistantsand studentsweresaid to have
differenitnterestsand were expected to learn to settle theirconflictsby
compromises. The inevitableconsequences could easily have been pre-
dicted; the professorswere looked upon as the "ruling class", as the
"possessing class", and a permanent coalition of the "progressives"
some establisheditself. wantedto transformthe (including professors) They
universityinto an arena of "discussion free of authority"-withoutany
demandsfor withoutdifferentiationfstatusor achievement, authorityand,
ifpossible,evenwithoutany"advantageinthepossessionofknowledge"on thesideoftheprofessorsT. hebattlebetween"progressives"and"reac- tionaries"could,sotheproponentsoftheschemethoughtb,efoughtouton thebasisofequality.
The wouldindeedhavebeen a harmless "groupuniversity" only curiosity
haditsintentionjustbeentogivetheassistantsandthestudentsa sharein
the decisionsof a Instead it found and even everyday university. strong
fanatical whoconceivedofthe as an arenaof"class protagonists university
struggle"in whicha groupof "parasites" and "culprits"could be attacked
andreducedto Thissituationreachedits whencertain insignificance. peak
studentsestablisheda parallelbetweentheirsuccessesinoverwhelmingthe
- of whom had withdrawnin or reactionaryprofessors many - disgust
resignationfrom co-operation in the various councils with certain
momentsin the French Revolution. They looked on the professorsas
Girondistes beforetheirdownfallT. hesituationdidnot
when Drittelparita? t
just changebasically
could notbe made to workand chaoticconditionscalled
? This content downloaded from 128. 135.
wouldbe wrongto denythelegitimacyoftheaspirationsofthepeople at large, but the universitiesmust conduct themselvesin a way which is appropriateto theirnature and tasks. This means that certaincounter- tendenciesmustbe strengthenedby,forexample,theformationofsmaller
the of serious the universities, encouragement participationespeciallyby
older and more distinguishedprofessorsin the teachingof courses for
beginners,the arrangementof fairlysmall seminarsforadvanced students
and doctoral candidates, the cultivation of closer relations among
teachers- andnotleasttheopportunityforperiodicleavefromtheheavy
obligationsof teachingin the mass universitythroughsabbaticalyearsand special leaves for research which would foster the renewal of their
intellectuarlesources.
One of the gravestconsequences of the mass universityhas been the "politicisation"whichsetinatthebeginningofthe1960s; thiscanbe seenin varyingdegreesin all the universitiesof the Westernworld. The increased popularinterestinpoliticsinthisage oftelevisionismuchgreaterthanthe interestin science; it has penetratednot only the corridorsof university buildingsbuteventheseminar-roomwsherestudentstalkmoreaboutthe
of the ofthe"third and theremedies ravages imperialism, sufferings world",
forsocial injusticethanabout the scientificand scholarlyinvestigationof thosesubjects. In theFederal Republic,thepoliticisationoftheuniversities
was largelytheachievementof thegenerationof 1968, whichdisplayedso much indignationagainst "technocraticeducational reform",the short- sightededucatorsand thenarrow-mindednesosfthepopulace,whichthey claimedhad been deliberatelydeceivedand manipulatedintotheirerrone- ous, apoliticalattitudes.
The promotionof the "multiversity"played an importantrole in the similarandsomewhatearlierdevelopmentintheUnitedStates. Itwasnot the populace but rathercirclesof universityteacherswho promotedthat idea of the "multiversity"and, in doing so, laid the basis for its
These teachersand administratorcsontendedthat politicisation. university
scientifiacnd scholarlyanalysismustin thefirstinstancebe a critiqueofthe contemporarysociety. The criticismof certaincharacteristicsof their
-- respectivesocieties andalsotheaffirmatioonfitsbasicfeatures hasfora
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? long
TheAcademicEthicin Germany 163
timehad a intheuniversities. theAmericanRevolution place During
complaintswerealreadybeingheardthattheclergymenwithinand outside
theuniversitiehsad forgottentheologyand had setpoliticsinitsplace. What
wouldGuizot and Michelet,Treitschkeand Sybel have been had theynot
beencriticsor ofthesocietiesinwhich lived? panegyrists they
Social self-criticismin Westerncountrieshas not,moreover,had thesame advantagesas it has in the underdevelopedcountriesof Asia, Africaand Latin America. Unlikethe countriesof thesecontinentsit cannotcompare itselfwithanymoreadvancedcountriesI. t cannotmoreover,radicallyreject itsowncircumstancesT. herewere,itis true,certainapproximationsinthe firsthalfofthenineteenthcenturyto thesituationofthecriticismofsociety
-
intheunderdevelopedcountries intheattack,forexample,ofradical
on the"DeutscheMisere whentheGermanstateswerein a intellectuals, ",
backwardconditionincomparisonwithFranceand GreatBritain. By 1875,
however,the German Empire undoubtedlybelonged to the "advanced
countries". To citeanother inthenineteenth theFrench example, century,
made negativecomparisonsof the centralisedossificationof theireduca-
tionalsystemincomparisonwithGermaneducation;formanyEnglishmen
ofthelatterhalfofthenineteenthcenturyt,hehighdegree ofilliteracyin
theircountrywas a groundforshamewhentheyturnedtheireyestowards
Prussia. ButsocialcriticismwasneverinWesterncountriesa totalrejection
ofitsownsociety,and even whenitwas bitter,itdrewsustenancefromthe
traditionosfearlierand bettertimesinthehistoryofitsowncountriess,uch
as itdidwhenitinvokedthe"freedomoftheSaxon forefatherso"r "the
organicepoch" oftheMiddleAges or thegreatage ofthe"Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation". The criticismwhich developed in the
Germanuniversitieisn the 1960s and 1970s had no such constraints.
In theGerman the thatcriticismof
universities, postulate contemporary
societymustabove all be criticismon the basis of meticulousresearchhad
beenlargelyunquestioned;therewas no globalcriticismofsocietywiththe objectiveof itscompletetransformationO. f course,before1870, a danger fortheacademicethosoccurredwhenhistoriansand philologistsconsidered themselvesas forerunnerosfGermanunitya,nd thereforeconductedfierce polemicsagainstotherhistorianasndphilologistwshowereinclinedtowards thepreservationoftheseparatestatesora GreaterGerman-Austrianstate. Nevertheless,the range of variationamong the facultiesremainedsuffi-
cientlygreatandnothinglikea uniformandwhollynegativeideologygained completedominion.
DuringtheWeimarRepublicthedangerwas greaterbecause manymen oflearningweredeterminedto rejectbyanymeansthe"lie ofwar-guilt" embodiedin the VersaillesTreaty. But all these discussionswere inter- nationaland all contributiontso themwere to critical The
subject scrutiny. extremistisnthediscussionofwar-guilwteretheNationalSocialiststudents,
andthedisturbancesofacademiclifewhichtheycreatedwereopposedby rectorsand senateswithmuchgreaterfirmnestshantheyshowedtowardsthe
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? 164 ErnstNolte
agitationand disruptionswhichMarxistand anarchiststudentsconducted duringthe1960sand1970sintheFederalRepublic. Whoeverisinclinedto concludethattherewas a completeand negativeconsensuson a National Socialistoutlook,and thattheGermanuniversityafter1933 was a "brown
shouldexaminethe ofthefunctionarieosftheNational university", writings
Socialist students' organisations during this period. These writings demanded a "national-socialistuniversityrevolution"to obliteratethe
persisting",alien, liberalscience" and to destroytheprincipleof"objectiv- ity" which was offensiveand damaging to "the vital necessitiesof the
nation". 1The German ofthattimewere,itis struggling professors certainly
true,criticaolftheWeimarRepublic,butexceptfortheminorityofNational
Socialistsamong them,theydid not demand a completerejectionand a
completetransformationIt. isone ofthegreatparadoxesofGermanlifethat
the new "social engineers"of the 1960s and 1970s who abhorredthe
materialsuperiorityof the Federal Republic, of the Westernworld as a
wholeanditsinternalsocialstructurew,hodenounceditoninternationalist
andegalitariangrounds,andwhoassailedthealleged"ivorytower"ofthe
universityand the objectivitywhichtheycalled "bourgeois", were in fact continuingtheworkoftheirNational-Socialistenemiesand predecessorsin
certainrespects. Theytoo rejectedthescientificand academicethos;they wishedto make scientificand scholarlyworkinto a handmaidenof their
moralstandpoint.
Those whoenteredan academiccareerconceivedthemselvesprimarilyas
sternmoralistsand socialengineersintheserviceof"thetransformatioonf the world". They were willingto accept the elementaryroles of science whichhave been definedas "accuracyin detail and endeavorfortruthas a whole",2ontheconditionthattheydidnotinterferweiththerealisationof theirultimategoals. -
The great criticsof Western society Comte, Marx, Mill and Toc-
queville- were more than just scholarlysocial scientistsalthoughthey thoughtinthespiritofscholarshipandusedthemethodofsocialsciences; theless importantcriticshad theirplace in thefieldsofpublicisticand moral literature. Scientificand scholarlycriticismis above all criticismof the resultsofresearchon thebasisofnew ornewresearch. This
interpretations
featurehas been ignored,and the understandingof the natureof Western
societywhich,afterall, has made science and scholarshippossible and has
them has been concentrationon its protected institutionally, replaced by
defects.
The criticismofsocietycertainlycannotbe theforemostobligationofthe
universitiesT. he attemptoftheselatter-daymoralistsand socialengineersto
1See,e. g. ,FeickerAt,ndreaSst,udentgerneifean. NationalsozialistHisoccheschulrevolu-
tion HanseatiscVherlagsanst1a9lt3,4). 2 (Hamburg:
NolteE,rnst",WissenschaufntdPolitik"i,nNipperdeTyh,omas(ed. ),Hochschulen zwischePnolitikundWahrheSitin:ddieReformzeunverkrafte(Znu? richE:ditionInter- from1,981),pp. 63-93,esp. p. 71.
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? ? TheAcademicEthicin Germany 165
make science and scholarshipinto the instrumentof theirpoliticalgoals
mustbe resistedfromthestandpointoftheacademicethicwhichinsiststhat
scienceand are methodicalendeavoursto attainthe be it scholarship truth,
onlythetruthaboutparticulartopics,andmustnotbe subordinatedtoany
otherpurpose.
In thiscontroversythe academic scientistsand scholarsare not alone.
someoftheiralliescannotbe trustedN. o in Unfortunately, entirely society
theWesternworldcan idlyacceptthatsomeor mostofitsuniversitieshould turnintopoliticaldiscussionclubsand thatimportantsectionsshouldbe transformeidntofortressesforitsopponents. In theUnitedStatesas in
France,intheFederalRepublicofGermanyas wellas inItaly,governments whichoriginallyhad looked withmuchsympathyat the "protests"of the studentsagainstthe universitiesintervenedsooner or later,and found considerablesupportamongtheirrespectivelectorateswhentheydid so.
InGermany,theenactmentofthe"frameworklaw" forhighereducation did not fullysatisfythe radical students' desire for the tripartiteor
ofacademic it a bare quadripartitoerganisation authority; granted majority
to professorson all governingbodies and it officiallyleftall decisions
regarding"habilitations"and appointmentsin the hands of university teacherswho had themselveshabilitated. In some countriesthe govern- mentsmade concessionsto the studentswhichwere not beneficialto the universitieass academic intellectual but at the same time
institutions, they alsobegantowatchtheuniversitiemsorecloselyandsuspiciously. Every- wheretheshortageoffinancialresourcesmade itnecessaryto tryto apply
more rigorousstandards,whichwere more appropriateto scientificand
scholarlyresearch, and to apply such standards in making academic
But as a the of the was appointments. generalresult, autonomy university
severelycurtailed,especiallyin Germanywhere,aftertheend oftheSecond
WorldWar,ithad reachedan extraordinarhyighpointunknowninthegreat
days of the German universitiesin the nineteenthcentury. Something
similar ina differenftormeveninthe"elite" of happened universities the
UnitedStates.
For thesereasonsand others,therehas emergeda tendencytowardsthe
of the universitiesS. hould this "governmentalisation" tendencygo further,
academicsmightwellbe forcedintoa second,ratherdifferenatttitudeof
resistance. Fears of "governmentalisation"are, however, not wholly
rational. Indeed,itdoes notseemhopelesstothinkthatthestillsurviving
measureof willbe or thatsome ofthenewintrusions autonomy strengthened
willcease, once thetraumaticexperiencesofVietnamand Auschwitzhave
beenovercome,anda newgenerationhasgrownupwhichnolongersuffers fromthesetraumas.
GermanacademicdevelopmentsaftertheSecond WorldWarseemedto movetowardstheAmericanmodel. A greatmany"reforms"corresponded withAmericanideas. They seemed to be littlemore than the belated
realisationofideas offundamentasltructural reforms,
suchas wereoutlined
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? ? 166 ErnstNolte
inthefirstpost-waryearsinthe"blue report"undertheinfluenceofthe
occupyingpowers. (The so-called "blue report" of 1948, which was preparedat the commandof the militarygovernorof the Britishzone of occupation,was workedout by a committeeof expertswhichincludedas membersthe Master of Balliol College, Oxford,and a person like Carl FriedrichWeizsa? cker,on the Germanside. 3)
The new directionseemed verydesirable because it apparentlymoved away fromcertainfeaturesof the traditionalGerman universitysystem whichwere contraryto the new ideas. Among these traditionalfeatures whichthe firststirringsof reformwished to weaken were the god-like
of the German Ordinarius- full - and the professor "faculty"
position
system. The former appeared as an offensive emanation of the
authoritarianismwhichhad led to Germany'sfatefulSonderweg; the "faculties"hadnorealanalogyinAmerica,sinceeachincludeda largerange
offieldsinwhich,apartfromthefullprofessorso,nlya fewrepresentatives ofteacherswhowerenotonpermanentappointmenthada seatandvoice.
The sovereignpositionof the Ordinariushad been acceptable,giventhe rathersmall size of the German universitiesbefore the war. But by the
beginningof the 1960s, large fieldslike modernhistorywere stillrepre- sentedbyonlyone professorandwholefacultiess,uchas the"philosophical faculty"m,ighthaveonly20or30members. Aslongastheuniversitiewsere small,a certainmeasureofmutualcontroloftherepresentativeosfthe
But as a resultoftheincrease possiblethrough faculty.
variousfieldswas the
inthenumberofstudentsand theunavoidable ofthenumbers multiplication
ofprofessoriaclhairs,theOrdinarius-systemwas underminedW. henitwas finallyabolished, it was withthe applause of public opinion; it and the correspondingfaculty-systemwerereplacedbya systemofFachbereich,e i. e. , departments.
The changeswereinconsiderablepartaffectedbytheearlysympathies
oftheAmericansfora "structuralreform". Had itnotbeenforthese
theweaknessesofthenew wouldhave been into sympathies, system brought
theGermandiscussionearlier. Amongtheweaknessesweretheconfine-
mentofscientistswithintheirownrespectivefields,withan ensuinglossof
contact-s atthe timethat was interdisciplinary very "interdisciplinarity"
muchdemanded. Anotherdeficiencyof the new patternwas the loss of a sense of communityon the part of the professors,who henceforthwere
representedin their"departments"by elected members.
44
membersofthe arrangements, younger teachingbody,
Underthenew the
3"Gutachtzeunr vomStudienausschfuu? srHsochschulrefo(r1m94"8). Hochschulreform
themost recommendatoifotnhsecommittweeretheintroductoifotnhe Among important
studium thebroadenionfgtheteachinsgtaftfhrougsoh-calleSdtudienprofes,soren generale
andthefurtheraonfceontacbtetweetnheuniversitainedsothesrphereosfsociettyhrougthe HochschulbeiArat. setofrecommendatinotnhseAmericaznoneofoccupatiownas
" parallel
inthe SchwalbachReirchtlinienwhichincludeadmongitsmemberWsalter prepared
Hallsteinw,howaslatersecretaroyf stateforforeiganffairasndthenpresidenoft the CommissiofntheEuropeaCnommunity.
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? ? TheAcademic Ethicin Germany 167
above all theassistants withthe had had who,together Privatdozenten, long
tocarrya considerablepartoftheteachingload,finallyobtaineda voice.
Theyweregiventhepossibilityofparticipatingindecisionsabout theirown academic fate. A situationof open conflictand the formationof cliques
In theold German studentshad had no voice. The university, supervision
of professorsby the studentswas totallyinconceivable. In Germany,one
emerged.
werenot opposite. Henceforth, departments only
extremeturnedintoits the
obligedto consulton certainquestionswiththe representativesof the studentsb,utitwasnotconsideredenoughthatindividualstudentscould
-- becomemembersoftheFachbereichsra? te councils inorder
departmental topresentheirviewsand to gainapprovalforthemiftheywereusefuland made sense. Studentsenteredthe Fachbereichsra? tien blocs. In the new
ofa of - -
system tripartitoerganisation authority Drittelparita? tprofessors,
assistantsand studentswere expected to representtheirown interests througha balance of power in whichno single"group" could outvotethe others.
Thus thereoriginatedthe "group university"whichin its beginnings, beforeit spread to other European countries,was regarded as only a German peculiarity. It was a new thingto conceive of a universityas
consistingof "groups", each representingan interestin conflictwiththe
interestosftheothers. Professorsa,ssistantsand studentsweresaid to have
differenitnterestsand were expected to learn to settle theirconflictsby
compromises. The inevitableconsequences could easily have been pre-
dicted; the professorswere looked upon as the "ruling class", as the
"possessing class", and a permanent coalition of the "progressives"
some establisheditself. wantedto transformthe (including professors) They
universityinto an arena of "discussion free of authority"-withoutany
demandsfor withoutdifferentiationfstatusor achievement, authorityand,
ifpossible,evenwithoutany"advantageinthepossessionofknowledge"on thesideoftheprofessorsT. hebattlebetween"progressives"and"reac- tionaries"could,sotheproponentsoftheschemethoughtb,efoughtouton thebasisofequality.
The wouldindeedhavebeen a harmless "groupuniversity" only curiosity
haditsintentionjustbeentogivetheassistantsandthestudentsa sharein
the decisionsof a Instead it found and even everyday university. strong
fanatical whoconceivedofthe as an arenaof"class protagonists university
struggle"in whicha groupof "parasites" and "culprits"could be attacked
andreducedto Thissituationreachedits whencertain insignificance. peak
studentsestablisheda parallelbetweentheirsuccessesinoverwhelmingthe
- of whom had withdrawnin or reactionaryprofessors many - disgust
resignationfrom co-operation in the various councils with certain
momentsin the French Revolution. They looked on the professorsas
Girondistes beforetheirdownfallT. hesituationdidnot
when Drittelparita? t
just changebasically
could notbe made to workand chaoticconditionscalled
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? ? 168 ErnstNolte
forinterventionbythestate. In themeantime,ithad become clearthatthis
wasnotjusta contestamonginterestgroups,butratherwasoneinwhichan
ideologicalmovementwas attemptingto pursueitsgoals in a mannerwhich showedno concernfortheuniversityas a place oflearningand research.
The Federal Republic of Germanydifferedfromall otherstatesin two basic aspects: it considereditselfthe successorof the GermanReich and
thereforehad to accept the responsibilityfor the consequences of the NationalSocialistera; geographicallyitwas onlya fragmenotfthisReich,
confronted another intheformofthe"Marxist-Leninist" being by fragment
German Democratic Republic. Committed to liberal democracy,the FederalRepublichadenactedaconstitutionablasiclawwhichrepudiated both the National Socialist past as well as the Communistpresentin the "zone". Butas a liberaldemocraticstateofthistype,itcouldmakeneithera "cleansweep"- whichnotonlythesocialistshadexpectedinthefirstyears after1945- nor could it bringabout, despite some weak attempts,the "liberation"ofthepartofGermanyheldinbondagebytheSovietoccupying power. Many"fellow-travellersa"nd moderateNationalSocialistsreturned
toimportanotfficesS. upportedbytheGermanDemocraticRepublic,many of the fellow-travei? lerasnd theiryoungersuccessorsbitterlyattacked "imperialist"and "fascisttendencies"intheFederal Republic. TTieradical studentsoftheSocialistGermanStudentUnion- theSDS- of1968,under the influenceof the "criticaltheory"of the FrankfurtProfessorsHork- heimer,Adorno, Friedeburgand Habermas and of "old Marxist"profes- sorslikeAbendroth,made muchofthechargethattheFederal Republichad not attemptedto settleits accounts withthe "unmasteredpast". They declaredthattherewas directcontinuitybetweentheFederal Republicand theThirdReich. Theybehavedas iftheywerefightingagainstthe"brown
and its heirs. demandedtheformal ofthe
university" living GermanDemocraticRepublic. Althoughatfirstheyalso criticised"real socialism"intheEasternEuropean countriesas sharplyas theycriticisedthe
They recognition
"capitalistWest",by1971,manymembersoftheSDS becameattached tothe"Spartakus"group. The orthodoxMarxist-Leninistbsecamethemost activepowerin a studentmovementwhich,a decade earlier,had believed
itselfobliged to fightagainstthe weakeningof the parliamentarysystem resultingfromthe "grand coalition" of the Social Democrats and the ChristianDemocratsof 1966, and againsttheallegedlyimminentransfor- mationoftheFederalRepublicintoa totalitarianstate. Theirvehement declarationsthattherewas a "fascistdanger"read moreand morelikethe
propagandisticslogans of the German Democratic Republic. It produced theblack-and-whitpeictureof the worldwhichthe mostactivepartof this
generationobviouslyneeded, just as it needed to exploitthe misdeedsof National Socialism to serve the purposes of its conflictwiththe allegedly
authoritarianand in factincreasinglypermissiveolder generation. Duringthistime,certainuniversityinstitutesand someofthenewly foundeduniversitieswere being turnedinto seats of orthodoxMarx-
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? ? TheAcademicEthicin Germany 169
ism-LeninismY. etwhiletheMarxist-Leninistsw,howeredevotedtothe GermanDemocraticRepublic,were achievingconsiderablesuccess,they werealso arousingoppositionfromsome of theirerstwhilefriendsamong the students. Among the latter,there emerged an anarchistmovement
whichviewed the strictlydisciplinedand hierarchicallyorganised East Germanywithas muchanimosityas it had forthe allegedlyauthoritarian
and police-dominatedFederal Republic. At manyuniversities"Spontis"
- - the "Spontaneisten" gained
the numerous erswithterrorismwerealso at odds withtheGermanDemocraticRepublic
upper hand;
sympathis-
and itsdevoteesamongthestudents.
The worst of the German and of the Free years university, especially
Universityof Berlin,were 1976 and 1977, when manyinstitutebuildings wereregardedbytheradicalstudentsas"liberatedterritories"N. oofficial
of the government,and certainlyno policeman, dared to enter these buildingsS. omeoftheprofessorsincertaindepartmentsdidtheirteaching in roomsplasteredwith"wall-newspapers"and posters. Pamphletswere freelydistributedin the class-roomsand some teachers yielded to the clamorousdemandthatthecoursesbe transformedintopoliticaldiscus- sions.
The overthrowofthe"Gang ofFour" inthePeople's RepublicofChina
contributedmuchto end thissituation. In a markedlychangedatmos-
phere-changed by diminishedfinancialresourcesand the prospectsof
constrictedopportunitiesforthe employmentof graduates- generalcriti- cismof modernWesterncivilisationremainedat the forefronotf student
agitation. Nuclearenergyengagedattentionas an especiallycharacteristic
deformationofmodernsociety. ButwhileequallycondemningEast and
West,thefinalgoal oftheradicalsneverthelessremainedtheattainmentof
a socialist albeitan socialism". The ofthethesis society, "ecological fragility
of the "equidistance" between East and West was soon apparentwhen "peace" becamethedominanttopic. AlthoughdisarmamentbybothEast
andWestwascalledfor,theemphasislayentirelyon thecampaignagainst thefulfilmenotfthe"doubletrackdecision"of1979. "Peace propaganda",
especiallyin the autumnof 1983, dominatedthe atmosphereof the
universities,accompanied by passionate denunciation of the "war- engendering"social systemof capitalism. A neutralistnationalismalso
appeared. Among its spokesmenwere certainprofessorswho had dis- tinguishedthemselvesin the 1950s by passionatelycondemning"the
divisionof Germany"which,it was alleged, had been broughtabout by Adenauerand theAmericans. The outwardlyrelativelystablestateofthe FederalRepublictodayobscuresthefundamentahlostilityofradicalyoung Germansto theliberaldemocraticinstitutionosftheircountry.
ProspectsoftheAcademicEthicin WestGermanUniversities
What has all thisforthe and conditionof significance present prospective
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? ? 170 ErnstNolte
theacademicethicin Germanuniversitietsoday? The firstrequirementof theacademicethicistheobligationofmethodicallystrivingfortruthT. hisis
the same everywhere,but in its concreteexpressionit is veryclosely connectedwiththepoliticaland mentalsituationofeach particularcountry
andwithorganisationofitsuniversitiesT. hisbecomesespeciallyevident whenwe taketheFederal Republicas an example. The universityreformosf the late 1960s did not bringabout the triumphof the radical leftand Marxism,buttheydidcontributetothefurtherancoefitscause. University reformturnedintoa "universityrevolution". This"revolution",itistrue, didnotachieveitsultimategoal butitseriouslyaffectedthestructureand spiritoftheuniversitiesT. he"reconstructiono"funiversitiewshichisahead ofus,andwhichisalreadyunderwayinsomerespects,hastosee itsfinal objectiveas makingscienceand scholarshiponce morethecentralfocusof theuniversitiesI. tsethicalfoundationwouldnot,however,be adequate ifit tried to reconstituttehesituationbefore1968 without on the only ithaslived inthelast15 reflecting
experience
through years.
The
chairswillnever be administrativuenits. The role professorial again -
of chance when creatingor fillingC-4 professorialposts as the former Ordinariiarecalledtoday- hasbecomesoobvious,and"participation"has
become so mucha basic tendencyin contemporarydemocracies,thatall "habilitated"teachersand not only the fullprofessorsare bound to be involvedin governingbodies in thefuture.
The influenceoftheassistantshouldnotbe eliminatedbutanykindof self-nominatioannd self-promotionshould be made impossible,as should the disruptivealliance of fanatical studentsand assistantsseeking to obtainpermanenceof tenure.
In recentyears,legislativeactionsand judicialdecisionshave puta stopto
the worstabuses.
Author(s): ERNST NOLTE
Source: Minerva, Vol. 21, No. 2/3 (June 1983), pp. 161-171
Published by: Springer
Stable URL: http://www. jstor. org/stable/41820525 .
Accessed: 14/11/2014 03:37
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? ? Thoughts on the Academic
of the Federal
the State Ethic in
and Prospects of the Universities
of Germany
Republic ERNST NOLTE
During the last fifteenyears the universitiesof the Federal Republic of
have - in thehumanitiesand Germany undergonedevelopments especially
thesocialsciences- whichareparallel,withonlysomeslightdifferences, withthose experiencedin othercountriesof the Westernworld. Certain otherdevelopmentsare moredistinctiveto theFederal Republicand are consequencesof specificconditionsprevailingthere. The differencebe- tweenthetwosetsofdevelopmentswas hardlyperceptiblefora longtime, sinceitwasconcealedbya thirdtendencywhichseemedtosuggestthatthe Germanuniversitysystemwas merelybecominglike the Americanone. Thesedevelopmentsalllead totheconclusionthattheonlyseriousobjective inGermanuniversitietsodaymustbe"reconstruction"w,hichshouldbe carefullydistinguishedfrom "restoration". An essential part of this reconstructionhas to consistin an applicationor elaborationof a set of ethicalstandardsforthe academic profession. I shall illustratethe three developmentsbygivingexamplesforeach; atthesametime,I shalltryto makeclearwhattheacademicethicshouldlook likeifthereconstruction,
whichin manyrespectshas alreadybegun,is to be broughtto a fruitful conclusion.
The Germanuniversityd,uringthelast 15 years,has become a mass
In 1968 theFree ofBerlinhad
university. University 15,000 studentst,oday
it counts more than 50,000. The figurefor the universitiesof Munich,
Cologne,Hamburgand Frankfuratre comparable. In 1968, 8 percentofthe relevantage-groupentereduniversityi;n 1983 more than 21 per cent.
Anyonewhowalksthroughthehallsofa largeuniversitynowadaysfinds
himselfpushed along by crowds which differfromthose who jam the
stations in their alertfacesare underground only averageage. Intellectually
rarelytobeseen;someoftheolderpersons- asaruleasnegligentlydressed
as almostall the ones- be assistantsor In fact younger may professors. many
ofthemembersofthecrowdintheundergroundare infactstudents. What one overhearsintheconversationosfpassengersintheundergroundisvery oftentalkaboutuniversityexaminationsandcoursesofstudy- orabout thoseoftheirsonsanddaughters.
Yet,whensmallerorlargergroupsofstudentscome togetherinseminars, itis notunusualfortheteacherto be pleasantlysurprisedbythediligence,
intelligenceandtheindividualityofnota fewparticipantsI. tistruethat "basic educational qualifications"are often deficientsince instruction duringthelastyearsofsecondaryschoolhas tendedto concentratemainly
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? ? 162 ErnstNolte
on verydemandingand oftenveryspecialisedcourses. Still,itcan hardlybe denied thatin manycases examinationpapers and especiallydissertations showan amountofworkand care whichbyfarsurpassthosewhichwere submitted50 or 60 years ago at what have recentlybeen called "elite" universities.
The "intellectualisationoflife"impingesinmanywaysuponthepeople as a wholeand italso entersintotheuniversitieisntowhichthisgreatnumber
ofyoungpersonsstream. Itwouldbe wrongtodenytherightsandqualities ofthemassesofthepopulation;itwouldbe no lesswrongfortheuniversities
toallowtheirmasssocietytoimposeon themitsowntendencies,suchas the
ofsocial and an undifferentiated It anonymity relationships egalitarianism.
wouldbe wrongto denythelegitimacyoftheaspirationsofthepeople at large, but the universitiesmust conduct themselvesin a way which is appropriateto theirnature and tasks. This means that certaincounter- tendenciesmustbe strengthenedby,forexample,theformationofsmaller
the of serious the universities, encouragement participationespeciallyby
older and more distinguishedprofessorsin the teachingof courses for
beginners,the arrangementof fairlysmall seminarsforadvanced students
and doctoral candidates, the cultivation of closer relations among
teachers- andnotleasttheopportunityforperiodicleavefromtheheavy
obligationsof teachingin the mass universitythroughsabbaticalyearsand special leaves for research which would foster the renewal of their
intellectuarlesources.
One of the gravestconsequences of the mass universityhas been the "politicisation"whichsetinatthebeginningofthe1960s; thiscanbe seenin varyingdegreesin all the universitiesof the Westernworld. The increased popularinterestinpoliticsinthisage oftelevisionismuchgreaterthanthe interestin science; it has penetratednot only the corridorsof university buildingsbuteventheseminar-roomwsherestudentstalkmoreaboutthe
of the ofthe"third and theremedies ravages imperialism, sufferings world",
forsocial injusticethanabout the scientificand scholarlyinvestigationof thosesubjects. In theFederal Republic,thepoliticisationoftheuniversities
was largelytheachievementof thegenerationof 1968, whichdisplayedso much indignationagainst "technocraticeducational reform",the short- sightededucatorsand thenarrow-mindednesosfthepopulace,whichthey claimedhad been deliberatelydeceivedand manipulatedintotheirerrone- ous, apoliticalattitudes.
The promotionof the "multiversity"played an importantrole in the similarandsomewhatearlierdevelopmentintheUnitedStates. Itwasnot the populace but rathercirclesof universityteacherswho promotedthat idea of the "multiversity"and, in doing so, laid the basis for its
These teachersand administratorcsontendedthat politicisation. university
scientifiacnd scholarlyanalysismustin thefirstinstancebe a critiqueofthe contemporarysociety. The criticismof certaincharacteristicsof their
-- respectivesocieties andalsotheaffirmatioonfitsbasicfeatures hasfora
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? ? long
TheAcademicEthicin Germany 163
timehad a intheuniversities. theAmericanRevolution place During
complaintswerealreadybeingheardthattheclergymenwithinand outside
theuniversitiehsad forgottentheologyand had setpoliticsinitsplace. What
wouldGuizot and Michelet,Treitschkeand Sybel have been had theynot
beencriticsor ofthesocietiesinwhich lived? panegyrists they
Social self-criticismin Westerncountrieshas not,moreover,had thesame advantagesas it has in the underdevelopedcountriesof Asia, Africaand Latin America. Unlikethe countriesof thesecontinentsit cannotcompare itselfwithanymoreadvancedcountriesI. t cannotmoreover,radicallyreject itsowncircumstancesT. herewere,itis true,certainapproximationsinthe firsthalfofthenineteenthcenturyto thesituationofthecriticismofsociety
-
intheunderdevelopedcountries intheattack,forexample,ofradical
on the"DeutscheMisere whentheGermanstateswerein a intellectuals, ",
backwardconditionincomparisonwithFranceand GreatBritain. By 1875,
however,the German Empire undoubtedlybelonged to the "advanced
countries". To citeanother inthenineteenth theFrench example, century,
made negativecomparisonsof the centralisedossificationof theireduca-
tionalsystemincomparisonwithGermaneducation;formanyEnglishmen
ofthelatterhalfofthenineteenthcenturyt,hehighdegree ofilliteracyin
theircountrywas a groundforshamewhentheyturnedtheireyestowards
Prussia. ButsocialcriticismwasneverinWesterncountriesa totalrejection
ofitsownsociety,and even whenitwas bitter,itdrewsustenancefromthe
traditionosfearlierand bettertimesinthehistoryofitsowncountriess,uch
as itdidwhenitinvokedthe"freedomoftheSaxon forefatherso"r "the
organicepoch" oftheMiddleAges or thegreatage ofthe"Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation". The criticismwhich developed in the
Germanuniversitieisn the 1960s and 1970s had no such constraints.
In theGerman the thatcriticismof
universities, postulate contemporary
societymustabove all be criticismon the basis of meticulousresearchhad
beenlargelyunquestioned;therewas no globalcriticismofsocietywiththe objectiveof itscompletetransformationO. f course,before1870, a danger fortheacademicethosoccurredwhenhistoriansand philologistsconsidered themselvesas forerunnerosfGermanunitya,nd thereforeconductedfierce polemicsagainstotherhistorianasndphilologistwshowereinclinedtowards thepreservationoftheseparatestatesora GreaterGerman-Austrianstate. Nevertheless,the range of variationamong the facultiesremainedsuffi-
cientlygreatandnothinglikea uniformandwhollynegativeideologygained completedominion.
DuringtheWeimarRepublicthedangerwas greaterbecause manymen oflearningweredeterminedto rejectbyanymeansthe"lie ofwar-guilt" embodiedin the VersaillesTreaty. But all these discussionswere inter- nationaland all contributiontso themwere to critical The
subject scrutiny. extremistisnthediscussionofwar-guilwteretheNationalSocialiststudents,
andthedisturbancesofacademiclifewhichtheycreatedwereopposedby rectorsand senateswithmuchgreaterfirmnestshantheyshowedtowardsthe
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? ? 164 ErnstNolte
agitationand disruptionswhichMarxistand anarchiststudentsconducted duringthe1960sand1970sintheFederalRepublic. Whoeverisinclinedto concludethattherewas a completeand negativeconsensuson a National Socialistoutlook,and thattheGermanuniversityafter1933 was a "brown
shouldexaminethe ofthefunctionarieosftheNational university", writings
Socialist students' organisations during this period. These writings demanded a "national-socialistuniversityrevolution"to obliteratethe
persisting",alien, liberalscience" and to destroytheprincipleof"objectiv- ity" which was offensiveand damaging to "the vital necessitiesof the
nation". 1The German ofthattimewere,itis struggling professors certainly
true,criticaolftheWeimarRepublic,butexceptfortheminorityofNational
Socialistsamong them,theydid not demand a completerejectionand a
completetransformationIt. isone ofthegreatparadoxesofGermanlifethat
the new "social engineers"of the 1960s and 1970s who abhorredthe
materialsuperiorityof the Federal Republic, of the Westernworld as a
wholeanditsinternalsocialstructurew,hodenounceditoninternationalist
andegalitariangrounds,andwhoassailedthealleged"ivorytower"ofthe
universityand the objectivitywhichtheycalled "bourgeois", were in fact continuingtheworkoftheirNational-Socialistenemiesand predecessorsin
certainrespects. Theytoo rejectedthescientificand academicethos;they wishedto make scientificand scholarlyworkinto a handmaidenof their
moralstandpoint.
Those whoenteredan academiccareerconceivedthemselvesprimarilyas
sternmoralistsand socialengineersintheserviceof"thetransformatioonf the world". They were willingto accept the elementaryroles of science whichhave been definedas "accuracyin detail and endeavorfortruthas a whole",2ontheconditionthattheydidnotinterferweiththerealisationof theirultimategoals. -
The great criticsof Western society Comte, Marx, Mill and Toc-
queville- were more than just scholarlysocial scientistsalthoughthey thoughtinthespiritofscholarshipandusedthemethodofsocialsciences; theless importantcriticshad theirplace in thefieldsofpublicisticand moral literature. Scientificand scholarlycriticismis above all criticismof the resultsofresearchon thebasisofnew ornewresearch. This
interpretations
featurehas been ignored,and the understandingof the natureof Western
societywhich,afterall, has made science and scholarshippossible and has
them has been concentrationon its protected institutionally, replaced by
defects.
The criticismofsocietycertainlycannotbe theforemostobligationofthe
universitiesT. he attemptoftheselatter-daymoralistsand socialengineersto
1See,e. g. ,FeickerAt,ndreaSst,udentgerneifean. NationalsozialistHisoccheschulrevolu-
tion HanseatiscVherlagsanst1a9lt3,4). 2 (Hamburg:
NolteE,rnst",WissenschaufntdPolitik"i,nNipperdeTyh,omas(ed. ),Hochschulen zwischePnolitikundWahrheSitin:ddieReformzeunverkrafte(Znu? richE:ditionInter- from1,981),pp. 63-93,esp. p. 71.
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? TheAcademicEthicin Germany 165
make science and scholarshipinto the instrumentof theirpoliticalgoals
mustbe resistedfromthestandpointoftheacademicethicwhichinsiststhat
scienceand are methodicalendeavoursto attainthe be it scholarship truth,
onlythetruthaboutparticulartopics,andmustnotbe subordinatedtoany
otherpurpose.
In thiscontroversythe academic scientistsand scholarsare not alone.
someoftheiralliescannotbe trustedN. o in Unfortunately, entirely society
theWesternworldcan idlyacceptthatsomeor mostofitsuniversitieshould turnintopoliticaldiscussionclubsand thatimportantsectionsshouldbe transformeidntofortressesforitsopponents. In theUnitedStatesas in
France,intheFederalRepublicofGermanyas wellas inItaly,governments whichoriginallyhad looked withmuchsympathyat the "protests"of the studentsagainstthe universitiesintervenedsooner or later,and found considerablesupportamongtheirrespectivelectorateswhentheydid so.
InGermany,theenactmentofthe"frameworklaw" forhighereducation did not fullysatisfythe radical students' desire for the tripartiteor
ofacademic it a bare quadripartitoerganisation authority; granted majority
to professorson all governingbodies and it officiallyleftall decisions
regarding"habilitations"and appointmentsin the hands of university teacherswho had themselveshabilitated. In some countriesthe govern- mentsmade concessionsto the studentswhichwere not beneficialto the universitieass academic intellectual but at the same time
institutions, they alsobegantowatchtheuniversitiemsorecloselyandsuspiciously. Every- wheretheshortageoffinancialresourcesmade itnecessaryto tryto apply
more rigorousstandards,whichwere more appropriateto scientificand
scholarlyresearch, and to apply such standards in making academic
But as a the of the was appointments. generalresult, autonomy university
severelycurtailed,especiallyin Germanywhere,aftertheend oftheSecond
WorldWar,ithad reachedan extraordinarhyighpointunknowninthegreat
days of the German universitiesin the nineteenthcentury. Something
similar ina differenftormeveninthe"elite" of happened universities the
UnitedStates.
For thesereasonsand others,therehas emergeda tendencytowardsthe
of the universitiesS. hould this "governmentalisation" tendencygo further,
academicsmightwellbe forcedintoa second,ratherdifferenatttitudeof
resistance. Fears of "governmentalisation"are, however, not wholly
rational. Indeed,itdoes notseemhopelesstothinkthatthestillsurviving
measureof willbe or thatsome ofthenewintrusions autonomy strengthened
willcease, once thetraumaticexperiencesofVietnamand Auschwitzhave
beenovercome,anda newgenerationhasgrownupwhichnolongersuffers fromthesetraumas.
GermanacademicdevelopmentsaftertheSecond WorldWarseemedto movetowardstheAmericanmodel. A greatmany"reforms"corresponded withAmericanideas. They seemed to be littlemore than the belated
realisationofideas offundamentasltructural reforms,
suchas wereoutlined
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? 166 ErnstNolte
inthefirstpost-waryearsinthe"blue report"undertheinfluenceofthe
occupyingpowers. (The so-called "blue report" of 1948, which was preparedat the commandof the militarygovernorof the Britishzone of occupation,was workedout by a committeeof expertswhichincludedas membersthe Master of Balliol College, Oxford,and a person like Carl FriedrichWeizsa? cker,on the Germanside. 3)
The new directionseemed verydesirable because it apparentlymoved away fromcertainfeaturesof the traditionalGerman universitysystem whichwere contraryto the new ideas. Among these traditionalfeatures whichthe firststirringsof reformwished to weaken were the god-like
of the German Ordinarius- full - and the professor "faculty"
position
system. The former appeared as an offensive emanation of the
authoritarianismwhichhad led to Germany'sfatefulSonderweg; the "faculties"hadnorealanalogyinAmerica,sinceeachincludeda largerange
offieldsinwhich,apartfromthefullprofessorso,nlya fewrepresentatives ofteacherswhowerenotonpermanentappointmenthada seatandvoice.
The sovereignpositionof the Ordinariushad been acceptable,giventhe rathersmall size of the German universitiesbefore the war. But by the
beginningof the 1960s, large fieldslike modernhistorywere stillrepre- sentedbyonlyone professorandwholefacultiess,uchas the"philosophical faculty"m,ighthaveonly20or30members. Aslongastheuniversitiewsere small,a certainmeasureofmutualcontroloftherepresentativeosfthe
But as a resultoftheincrease possiblethrough faculty.
variousfieldswas the
inthenumberofstudentsand theunavoidable ofthenumbers multiplication
ofprofessoriaclhairs,theOrdinarius-systemwas underminedW. henitwas finallyabolished, it was withthe applause of public opinion; it and the correspondingfaculty-systemwerereplacedbya systemofFachbereich,e i. e. , departments.
The changeswereinconsiderablepartaffectedbytheearlysympathies
oftheAmericansfora "structuralreform". Had itnotbeenforthese
theweaknessesofthenew wouldhave been into sympathies, system brought
theGermandiscussionearlier. Amongtheweaknessesweretheconfine-
mentofscientistswithintheirownrespectivefields,withan ensuinglossof
contact-s atthe timethat was interdisciplinary very "interdisciplinarity"
muchdemanded. Anotherdeficiencyof the new patternwas the loss of a sense of communityon the part of the professors,who henceforthwere
representedin their"departments"by elected members.
44
membersofthe arrangements, younger teachingbody,
Underthenew the
3"Gutachtzeunr vomStudienausschfuu? srHsochschulrefo(r1m94"8). Hochschulreform
themost recommendatoifotnhsecommittweeretheintroductoifotnhe Among important
studium thebroadenionfgtheteachinsgtaftfhrougsoh-calleSdtudienprofes,soren generale
andthefurtheraonfceontacbtetweetnheuniversitainedsothesrphereosfsociettyhrougthe HochschulbeiArat. setofrecommendatinotnhseAmericaznoneofoccupatiownas
" parallel
inthe SchwalbachReirchtlinienwhichincludeadmongitsmemberWsalter prepared
Hallsteinw,howaslatersecretaroyf stateforforeiganffairasndthenpresidenoft the CommissiofntheEuropeaCnommunity.
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? TheAcademic Ethicin Germany 167
above all theassistants withthe had had who,together Privatdozenten, long
tocarrya considerablepartoftheteachingload,finallyobtaineda voice.
Theyweregiventhepossibilityofparticipatingindecisionsabout theirown academic fate. A situationof open conflictand the formationof cliques
In theold German studentshad had no voice. The university, supervision
of professorsby the studentswas totallyinconceivable. In Germany,one
emerged.
werenot opposite. Henceforth, departments only
extremeturnedintoits the
obligedto consulton certainquestionswiththe representativesof the studentsb,utitwasnotconsideredenoughthatindividualstudentscould
-- becomemembersoftheFachbereichsra? te councils inorder
departmental topresentheirviewsand to gainapprovalforthemiftheywereusefuland made sense. Studentsenteredthe Fachbereichsra? tien blocs. In the new
ofa of - -
system tripartitoerganisation authority Drittelparita? tprofessors,
assistantsand studentswere expected to representtheirown interests througha balance of power in whichno single"group" could outvotethe others.
Thus thereoriginatedthe "group university"whichin its beginnings, beforeit spread to other European countries,was regarded as only a German peculiarity. It was a new thingto conceive of a universityas
consistingof "groups", each representingan interestin conflictwiththe
interestosftheothers. Professorsa,ssistantsand studentsweresaid to have
differenitnterestsand were expected to learn to settle theirconflictsby
compromises. The inevitableconsequences could easily have been pre-
dicted; the professorswere looked upon as the "ruling class", as the
"possessing class", and a permanent coalition of the "progressives"
some establisheditself. wantedto transformthe (including professors) They
universityinto an arena of "discussion free of authority"-withoutany
demandsfor withoutdifferentiationfstatusor achievement, authorityand,
ifpossible,evenwithoutany"advantageinthepossessionofknowledge"on thesideoftheprofessorsT. hebattlebetween"progressives"and"reac- tionaries"could,sotheproponentsoftheschemethoughtb,efoughtouton thebasisofequality.
The wouldindeedhavebeen a harmless "groupuniversity" only curiosity
haditsintentionjustbeentogivetheassistantsandthestudentsa sharein
the decisionsof a Instead it found and even everyday university. strong
fanatical whoconceivedofthe as an arenaof"class protagonists university
struggle"in whicha groupof "parasites" and "culprits"could be attacked
andreducedto Thissituationreachedits whencertain insignificance. peak
studentsestablisheda parallelbetweentheirsuccessesinoverwhelmingthe
- of whom had withdrawnin or reactionaryprofessors many - disgust
resignationfrom co-operation in the various councils with certain
momentsin the French Revolution. They looked on the professorsas
Girondistes beforetheirdownfallT. hesituationdidnot
when Drittelparita? t
just changebasically
could notbe made to workand chaoticconditionscalled
? This content downloaded from 128. 135.
wouldbe wrongto denythelegitimacyoftheaspirationsofthepeople at large, but the universitiesmust conduct themselvesin a way which is appropriateto theirnature and tasks. This means that certaincounter- tendenciesmustbe strengthenedby,forexample,theformationofsmaller
the of serious the universities, encouragement participationespeciallyby
older and more distinguishedprofessorsin the teachingof courses for
beginners,the arrangementof fairlysmall seminarsforadvanced students
and doctoral candidates, the cultivation of closer relations among
teachers- andnotleasttheopportunityforperiodicleavefromtheheavy
obligationsof teachingin the mass universitythroughsabbaticalyearsand special leaves for research which would foster the renewal of their
intellectuarlesources.
One of the gravestconsequences of the mass universityhas been the "politicisation"whichsetinatthebeginningofthe1960s; thiscanbe seenin varyingdegreesin all the universitiesof the Westernworld. The increased popularinterestinpoliticsinthisage oftelevisionismuchgreaterthanthe interestin science; it has penetratednot only the corridorsof university buildingsbuteventheseminar-roomwsherestudentstalkmoreaboutthe
of the ofthe"third and theremedies ravages imperialism, sufferings world",
forsocial injusticethanabout the scientificand scholarlyinvestigationof thosesubjects. In theFederal Republic,thepoliticisationoftheuniversities
was largelytheachievementof thegenerationof 1968, whichdisplayedso much indignationagainst "technocraticeducational reform",the short- sightededucatorsand thenarrow-mindednesosfthepopulace,whichthey claimedhad been deliberatelydeceivedand manipulatedintotheirerrone- ous, apoliticalattitudes.
The promotionof the "multiversity"played an importantrole in the similarandsomewhatearlierdevelopmentintheUnitedStates. Itwasnot the populace but rathercirclesof universityteacherswho promotedthat idea of the "multiversity"and, in doing so, laid the basis for its
These teachersand administratorcsontendedthat politicisation. university
scientifiacnd scholarlyanalysismustin thefirstinstancebe a critiqueofthe contemporarysociety. The criticismof certaincharacteristicsof their
-- respectivesocieties andalsotheaffirmatioonfitsbasicfeatures hasfora
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? long
TheAcademicEthicin Germany 163
timehad a intheuniversities. theAmericanRevolution place During
complaintswerealreadybeingheardthattheclergymenwithinand outside
theuniversitiehsad forgottentheologyand had setpoliticsinitsplace. What
wouldGuizot and Michelet,Treitschkeand Sybel have been had theynot
beencriticsor ofthesocietiesinwhich lived? panegyrists they
Social self-criticismin Westerncountrieshas not,moreover,had thesame advantagesas it has in the underdevelopedcountriesof Asia, Africaand Latin America. Unlikethe countriesof thesecontinentsit cannotcompare itselfwithanymoreadvancedcountriesI. t cannotmoreover,radicallyreject itsowncircumstancesT. herewere,itis true,certainapproximationsinthe firsthalfofthenineteenthcenturyto thesituationofthecriticismofsociety
-
intheunderdevelopedcountries intheattack,forexample,ofradical
on the"DeutscheMisere whentheGermanstateswerein a intellectuals, ",
backwardconditionincomparisonwithFranceand GreatBritain. By 1875,
however,the German Empire undoubtedlybelonged to the "advanced
countries". To citeanother inthenineteenth theFrench example, century,
made negativecomparisonsof the centralisedossificationof theireduca-
tionalsystemincomparisonwithGermaneducation;formanyEnglishmen
ofthelatterhalfofthenineteenthcenturyt,hehighdegree ofilliteracyin
theircountrywas a groundforshamewhentheyturnedtheireyestowards
Prussia. ButsocialcriticismwasneverinWesterncountriesa totalrejection
ofitsownsociety,and even whenitwas bitter,itdrewsustenancefromthe
traditionosfearlierand bettertimesinthehistoryofitsowncountriess,uch
as itdidwhenitinvokedthe"freedomoftheSaxon forefatherso"r "the
organicepoch" oftheMiddleAges or thegreatage ofthe"Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation". The criticismwhich developed in the
Germanuniversitieisn the 1960s and 1970s had no such constraints.
In theGerman the thatcriticismof
universities, postulate contemporary
societymustabove all be criticismon the basis of meticulousresearchhad
beenlargelyunquestioned;therewas no globalcriticismofsocietywiththe objectiveof itscompletetransformationO. f course,before1870, a danger fortheacademicethosoccurredwhenhistoriansand philologistsconsidered themselvesas forerunnerosfGermanunitya,nd thereforeconductedfierce polemicsagainstotherhistorianasndphilologistwshowereinclinedtowards thepreservationoftheseparatestatesora GreaterGerman-Austrianstate. Nevertheless,the range of variationamong the facultiesremainedsuffi-
cientlygreatandnothinglikea uniformandwhollynegativeideologygained completedominion.
DuringtheWeimarRepublicthedangerwas greaterbecause manymen oflearningweredeterminedto rejectbyanymeansthe"lie ofwar-guilt" embodiedin the VersaillesTreaty. But all these discussionswere inter- nationaland all contributiontso themwere to critical The
subject scrutiny. extremistisnthediscussionofwar-guilwteretheNationalSocialiststudents,
andthedisturbancesofacademiclifewhichtheycreatedwereopposedby rectorsand senateswithmuchgreaterfirmnestshantheyshowedtowardsthe
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? 164 ErnstNolte
agitationand disruptionswhichMarxistand anarchiststudentsconducted duringthe1960sand1970sintheFederalRepublic. Whoeverisinclinedto concludethattherewas a completeand negativeconsensuson a National Socialistoutlook,and thattheGermanuniversityafter1933 was a "brown
shouldexaminethe ofthefunctionarieosftheNational university", writings
Socialist students' organisations during this period. These writings demanded a "national-socialistuniversityrevolution"to obliteratethe
persisting",alien, liberalscience" and to destroytheprincipleof"objectiv- ity" which was offensiveand damaging to "the vital necessitiesof the
nation". 1The German ofthattimewere,itis struggling professors certainly
true,criticaolftheWeimarRepublic,butexceptfortheminorityofNational
Socialistsamong them,theydid not demand a completerejectionand a
completetransformationIt. isone ofthegreatparadoxesofGermanlifethat
the new "social engineers"of the 1960s and 1970s who abhorredthe
materialsuperiorityof the Federal Republic, of the Westernworld as a
wholeanditsinternalsocialstructurew,hodenounceditoninternationalist
andegalitariangrounds,andwhoassailedthealleged"ivorytower"ofthe
universityand the objectivitywhichtheycalled "bourgeois", were in fact continuingtheworkoftheirNational-Socialistenemiesand predecessorsin
certainrespects. Theytoo rejectedthescientificand academicethos;they wishedto make scientificand scholarlyworkinto a handmaidenof their
moralstandpoint.
Those whoenteredan academiccareerconceivedthemselvesprimarilyas
sternmoralistsand socialengineersintheserviceof"thetransformatioonf the world". They were willingto accept the elementaryroles of science whichhave been definedas "accuracyin detail and endeavorfortruthas a whole",2ontheconditionthattheydidnotinterferweiththerealisationof theirultimategoals. -
The great criticsof Western society Comte, Marx, Mill and Toc-
queville- were more than just scholarlysocial scientistsalthoughthey thoughtinthespiritofscholarshipandusedthemethodofsocialsciences; theless importantcriticshad theirplace in thefieldsofpublicisticand moral literature. Scientificand scholarlycriticismis above all criticismof the resultsofresearchon thebasisofnew ornewresearch. This
interpretations
featurehas been ignored,and the understandingof the natureof Western
societywhich,afterall, has made science and scholarshippossible and has
them has been concentrationon its protected institutionally, replaced by
defects.
The criticismofsocietycertainlycannotbe theforemostobligationofthe
universitiesT. he attemptoftheselatter-daymoralistsand socialengineersto
1See,e. g. ,FeickerAt,ndreaSst,udentgerneifean. NationalsozialistHisoccheschulrevolu-
tion HanseatiscVherlagsanst1a9lt3,4). 2 (Hamburg:
NolteE,rnst",WissenschaufntdPolitik"i,nNipperdeTyh,omas(ed. ),Hochschulen zwischePnolitikundWahrheSitin:ddieReformzeunverkrafte(Znu? richE:ditionInter- from1,981),pp. 63-93,esp. p. 71.
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? TheAcademicEthicin Germany 165
make science and scholarshipinto the instrumentof theirpoliticalgoals
mustbe resistedfromthestandpointoftheacademicethicwhichinsiststhat
scienceand are methodicalendeavoursto attainthe be it scholarship truth,
onlythetruthaboutparticulartopics,andmustnotbe subordinatedtoany
otherpurpose.
In thiscontroversythe academic scientistsand scholarsare not alone.
someoftheiralliescannotbe trustedN. o in Unfortunately, entirely society
theWesternworldcan idlyacceptthatsomeor mostofitsuniversitieshould turnintopoliticaldiscussionclubsand thatimportantsectionsshouldbe transformeidntofortressesforitsopponents. In theUnitedStatesas in
France,intheFederalRepublicofGermanyas wellas inItaly,governments whichoriginallyhad looked withmuchsympathyat the "protests"of the studentsagainstthe universitiesintervenedsooner or later,and found considerablesupportamongtheirrespectivelectorateswhentheydid so.
InGermany,theenactmentofthe"frameworklaw" forhighereducation did not fullysatisfythe radical students' desire for the tripartiteor
ofacademic it a bare quadripartitoerganisation authority; granted majority
to professorson all governingbodies and it officiallyleftall decisions
regarding"habilitations"and appointmentsin the hands of university teacherswho had themselveshabilitated. In some countriesthe govern- mentsmade concessionsto the studentswhichwere not beneficialto the universitieass academic intellectual but at the same time
institutions, they alsobegantowatchtheuniversitiemsorecloselyandsuspiciously. Every- wheretheshortageoffinancialresourcesmade itnecessaryto tryto apply
more rigorousstandards,whichwere more appropriateto scientificand
scholarlyresearch, and to apply such standards in making academic
But as a the of the was appointments. generalresult, autonomy university
severelycurtailed,especiallyin Germanywhere,aftertheend oftheSecond
WorldWar,ithad reachedan extraordinarhyighpointunknowninthegreat
days of the German universitiesin the nineteenthcentury. Something
similar ina differenftormeveninthe"elite" of happened universities the
UnitedStates.
For thesereasonsand others,therehas emergeda tendencytowardsthe
of the universitiesS. hould this "governmentalisation" tendencygo further,
academicsmightwellbe forcedintoa second,ratherdifferenatttitudeof
resistance. Fears of "governmentalisation"are, however, not wholly
rational. Indeed,itdoes notseemhopelesstothinkthatthestillsurviving
measureof willbe or thatsome ofthenewintrusions autonomy strengthened
willcease, once thetraumaticexperiencesofVietnamand Auschwitzhave
beenovercome,anda newgenerationhasgrownupwhichnolongersuffers fromthesetraumas.
GermanacademicdevelopmentsaftertheSecond WorldWarseemedto movetowardstheAmericanmodel. A greatmany"reforms"corresponded withAmericanideas. They seemed to be littlemore than the belated
realisationofideas offundamentasltructural reforms,
suchas wereoutlined
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? 166 ErnstNolte
inthefirstpost-waryearsinthe"blue report"undertheinfluenceofthe
occupyingpowers. (The so-called "blue report" of 1948, which was preparedat the commandof the militarygovernorof the Britishzone of occupation,was workedout by a committeeof expertswhichincludedas membersthe Master of Balliol College, Oxford,and a person like Carl FriedrichWeizsa? cker,on the Germanside. 3)
The new directionseemed verydesirable because it apparentlymoved away fromcertainfeaturesof the traditionalGerman universitysystem whichwere contraryto the new ideas. Among these traditionalfeatures whichthe firststirringsof reformwished to weaken were the god-like
of the German Ordinarius- full - and the professor "faculty"
position
system. The former appeared as an offensive emanation of the
authoritarianismwhichhad led to Germany'sfatefulSonderweg; the "faculties"hadnorealanalogyinAmerica,sinceeachincludeda largerange
offieldsinwhich,apartfromthefullprofessorso,nlya fewrepresentatives ofteacherswhowerenotonpermanentappointmenthada seatandvoice.
The sovereignpositionof the Ordinariushad been acceptable,giventhe rathersmall size of the German universitiesbefore the war. But by the
beginningof the 1960s, large fieldslike modernhistorywere stillrepre- sentedbyonlyone professorandwholefacultiess,uchas the"philosophical faculty"m,ighthaveonly20or30members. Aslongastheuniversitiewsere small,a certainmeasureofmutualcontroloftherepresentativeosfthe
But as a resultoftheincrease possiblethrough faculty.
variousfieldswas the
inthenumberofstudentsand theunavoidable ofthenumbers multiplication
ofprofessoriaclhairs,theOrdinarius-systemwas underminedW. henitwas finallyabolished, it was withthe applause of public opinion; it and the correspondingfaculty-systemwerereplacedbya systemofFachbereich,e i. e. , departments.
The changeswereinconsiderablepartaffectedbytheearlysympathies
oftheAmericansfora "structuralreform". Had itnotbeenforthese
theweaknessesofthenew wouldhave been into sympathies, system brought
theGermandiscussionearlier. Amongtheweaknessesweretheconfine-
mentofscientistswithintheirownrespectivefields,withan ensuinglossof
contact-s atthe timethat was interdisciplinary very "interdisciplinarity"
muchdemanded. Anotherdeficiencyof the new patternwas the loss of a sense of communityon the part of the professors,who henceforthwere
representedin their"departments"by elected members.
44
membersofthe arrangements, younger teachingbody,
Underthenew the
3"Gutachtzeunr vomStudienausschfuu? srHsochschulrefo(r1m94"8). Hochschulreform
themost recommendatoifotnhsecommittweeretheintroductoifotnhe Among important
studium thebroadenionfgtheteachinsgtaftfhrougsoh-calleSdtudienprofes,soren generale
andthefurtheraonfceontacbtetweetnheuniversitainedsothesrphereosfsociettyhrougthe HochschulbeiArat. setofrecommendatinotnhseAmericaznoneofoccupatiownas
" parallel
inthe SchwalbachReirchtlinienwhichincludeadmongitsmemberWsalter prepared
Hallsteinw,howaslatersecretaroyf stateforforeiganffairasndthenpresidenoft the CommissiofntheEuropeaCnommunity.
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? TheAcademic Ethicin Germany 167
above all theassistants withthe had had who,together Privatdozenten, long
tocarrya considerablepartoftheteachingload,finallyobtaineda voice.
Theyweregiventhepossibilityofparticipatingindecisionsabout theirown academic fate. A situationof open conflictand the formationof cliques
In theold German studentshad had no voice. The university, supervision
of professorsby the studentswas totallyinconceivable. In Germany,one
emerged.
werenot opposite. Henceforth, departments only
extremeturnedintoits the
obligedto consulton certainquestionswiththe representativesof the studentsb,utitwasnotconsideredenoughthatindividualstudentscould
-- becomemembersoftheFachbereichsra? te councils inorder
departmental topresentheirviewsand to gainapprovalforthemiftheywereusefuland made sense. Studentsenteredthe Fachbereichsra? tien blocs. In the new
ofa of - -
system tripartitoerganisation authority Drittelparita? tprofessors,
assistantsand studentswere expected to representtheirown interests througha balance of power in whichno single"group" could outvotethe others.
Thus thereoriginatedthe "group university"whichin its beginnings, beforeit spread to other European countries,was regarded as only a German peculiarity. It was a new thingto conceive of a universityas
consistingof "groups", each representingan interestin conflictwiththe
interestosftheothers. Professorsa,ssistantsand studentsweresaid to have
differenitnterestsand were expected to learn to settle theirconflictsby
compromises. The inevitableconsequences could easily have been pre-
dicted; the professorswere looked upon as the "ruling class", as the
"possessing class", and a permanent coalition of the "progressives"
some establisheditself. wantedto transformthe (including professors) They
universityinto an arena of "discussion free of authority"-withoutany
demandsfor withoutdifferentiationfstatusor achievement, authorityand,
ifpossible,evenwithoutany"advantageinthepossessionofknowledge"on thesideoftheprofessorsT. hebattlebetween"progressives"and"reac- tionaries"could,sotheproponentsoftheschemethoughtb,efoughtouton thebasisofequality.
The wouldindeedhavebeen a harmless "groupuniversity" only curiosity
haditsintentionjustbeentogivetheassistantsandthestudentsa sharein
the decisionsof a Instead it found and even everyday university. strong
fanatical whoconceivedofthe as an arenaof"class protagonists university
struggle"in whicha groupof "parasites" and "culprits"could be attacked
andreducedto Thissituationreachedits whencertain insignificance. peak
studentsestablisheda parallelbetweentheirsuccessesinoverwhelmingthe
- of whom had withdrawnin or reactionaryprofessors many - disgust
resignationfrom co-operation in the various councils with certain
momentsin the French Revolution. They looked on the professorsas
Girondistes beforetheirdownfallT. hesituationdidnot
when Drittelparita? t
just changebasically
could notbe made to workand chaoticconditionscalled
? This content downloaded from 128. 135. 12. 127 on Fri, 14 Nov 2014 03:37:56 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
? ? 168 ErnstNolte
forinterventionbythestate. In themeantime,ithad become clearthatthis
wasnotjusta contestamonginterestgroups,butratherwasoneinwhichan
ideologicalmovementwas attemptingto pursueitsgoals in a mannerwhich showedno concernfortheuniversityas a place oflearningand research.
The Federal Republic of Germanydifferedfromall otherstatesin two basic aspects: it considereditselfthe successorof the GermanReich and
thereforehad to accept the responsibilityfor the consequences of the NationalSocialistera; geographicallyitwas onlya fragmenotfthisReich,
confronted another intheformofthe"Marxist-Leninist" being by fragment
German Democratic Republic. Committed to liberal democracy,the FederalRepublichadenactedaconstitutionablasiclawwhichrepudiated both the National Socialist past as well as the Communistpresentin the "zone". Butas a liberaldemocraticstateofthistype,itcouldmakeneithera "cleansweep"- whichnotonlythesocialistshadexpectedinthefirstyears after1945- nor could it bringabout, despite some weak attempts,the "liberation"ofthepartofGermanyheldinbondagebytheSovietoccupying power. Many"fellow-travellersa"nd moderateNationalSocialistsreturned
toimportanotfficesS. upportedbytheGermanDemocraticRepublic,many of the fellow-travei? lerasnd theiryoungersuccessorsbitterlyattacked "imperialist"and "fascisttendencies"intheFederal Republic. TTieradical studentsoftheSocialistGermanStudentUnion- theSDS- of1968,under the influenceof the "criticaltheory"of the FrankfurtProfessorsHork- heimer,Adorno, Friedeburgand Habermas and of "old Marxist"profes- sorslikeAbendroth,made muchofthechargethattheFederal Republichad not attemptedto settleits accounts withthe "unmasteredpast". They declaredthattherewas directcontinuitybetweentheFederal Republicand theThirdReich. Theybehavedas iftheywerefightingagainstthe"brown
and its heirs. demandedtheformal ofthe
university" living GermanDemocraticRepublic. Althoughatfirstheyalso criticised"real socialism"intheEasternEuropean countriesas sharplyas theycriticisedthe
They recognition
"capitalistWest",by1971,manymembersoftheSDS becameattached tothe"Spartakus"group. The orthodoxMarxist-Leninistbsecamethemost activepowerin a studentmovementwhich,a decade earlier,had believed
itselfobliged to fightagainstthe weakeningof the parliamentarysystem resultingfromthe "grand coalition" of the Social Democrats and the ChristianDemocratsof 1966, and againsttheallegedlyimminentransfor- mationoftheFederalRepublicintoa totalitarianstate. Theirvehement declarationsthattherewas a "fascistdanger"read moreand morelikethe
propagandisticslogans of the German Democratic Republic. It produced theblack-and-whitpeictureof the worldwhichthe mostactivepartof this
generationobviouslyneeded, just as it needed to exploitthe misdeedsof National Socialism to serve the purposes of its conflictwiththe allegedly
authoritarianand in factincreasinglypermissiveolder generation. Duringthistime,certainuniversityinstitutesand someofthenewly foundeduniversitieswere being turnedinto seats of orthodoxMarx-
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? ? TheAcademicEthicin Germany 169
ism-LeninismY. etwhiletheMarxist-Leninistsw,howeredevotedtothe GermanDemocraticRepublic,were achievingconsiderablesuccess,they werealso arousingoppositionfromsome of theirerstwhilefriendsamong the students. Among the latter,there emerged an anarchistmovement
whichviewed the strictlydisciplinedand hierarchicallyorganised East Germanywithas muchanimosityas it had forthe allegedlyauthoritarian
and police-dominatedFederal Republic. At manyuniversities"Spontis"
- - the "Spontaneisten" gained
the numerous erswithterrorismwerealso at odds withtheGermanDemocraticRepublic
upper hand;
sympathis-
and itsdevoteesamongthestudents.
The worst of the German and of the Free years university, especially
Universityof Berlin,were 1976 and 1977, when manyinstitutebuildings wereregardedbytheradicalstudentsas"liberatedterritories"N. oofficial
of the government,and certainlyno policeman, dared to enter these buildingsS. omeoftheprofessorsincertaindepartmentsdidtheirteaching in roomsplasteredwith"wall-newspapers"and posters. Pamphletswere freelydistributedin the class-roomsand some teachers yielded to the clamorousdemandthatthecoursesbe transformedintopoliticaldiscus- sions.
The overthrowofthe"Gang ofFour" inthePeople's RepublicofChina
contributedmuchto end thissituation. In a markedlychangedatmos-
phere-changed by diminishedfinancialresourcesand the prospectsof
constrictedopportunitiesforthe employmentof graduates- generalcriti- cismof modernWesterncivilisationremainedat the forefronotf student
agitation. Nuclearenergyengagedattentionas an especiallycharacteristic
deformationofmodernsociety. ButwhileequallycondemningEast and
West,thefinalgoal oftheradicalsneverthelessremainedtheattainmentof
a socialist albeitan socialism". The ofthethesis society, "ecological fragility
of the "equidistance" between East and West was soon apparentwhen "peace" becamethedominanttopic. AlthoughdisarmamentbybothEast
andWestwascalledfor,theemphasislayentirelyon thecampaignagainst thefulfilmenotfthe"doubletrackdecision"of1979. "Peace propaganda",
especiallyin the autumnof 1983, dominatedthe atmosphereof the
universities,accompanied by passionate denunciation of the "war- engendering"social systemof capitalism. A neutralistnationalismalso
appeared. Among its spokesmenwere certainprofessorswho had dis- tinguishedthemselvesin the 1950s by passionatelycondemning"the
divisionof Germany"which,it was alleged, had been broughtabout by Adenauerand theAmericans. The outwardlyrelativelystablestateofthe FederalRepublictodayobscuresthefundamentahlostilityofradicalyoung Germansto theliberaldemocraticinstitutionosftheircountry.
ProspectsoftheAcademicEthicin WestGermanUniversities
What has all thisforthe and conditionof significance present prospective
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? ? 170 ErnstNolte
theacademicethicin Germanuniversitietsoday? The firstrequirementof theacademicethicistheobligationofmethodicallystrivingfortruthT. hisis
the same everywhere,but in its concreteexpressionit is veryclosely connectedwiththepoliticaland mentalsituationofeach particularcountry
andwithorganisationofitsuniversitiesT. hisbecomesespeciallyevident whenwe taketheFederal Republicas an example. The universityreformosf the late 1960s did not bringabout the triumphof the radical leftand Marxism,buttheydidcontributetothefurtherancoefitscause. University reformturnedintoa "universityrevolution". This"revolution",itistrue, didnotachieveitsultimategoal butitseriouslyaffectedthestructureand spiritoftheuniversitiesT. he"reconstructiono"funiversitiewshichisahead ofus,andwhichisalreadyunderwayinsomerespects,hastosee itsfinal objectiveas makingscienceand scholarshiponce morethecentralfocusof theuniversitiesI. tsethicalfoundationwouldnot,however,be adequate ifit tried to reconstituttehesituationbefore1968 without on the only ithaslived inthelast15 reflecting
experience
through years.
The
chairswillnever be administrativuenits. The role professorial again -
of chance when creatingor fillingC-4 professorialposts as the former Ordinariiarecalledtoday- hasbecomesoobvious,and"participation"has
become so mucha basic tendencyin contemporarydemocracies,thatall "habilitated"teachersand not only the fullprofessorsare bound to be involvedin governingbodies in thefuture.
The influenceoftheassistantshouldnotbe eliminatedbutanykindof self-nominatioannd self-promotionshould be made impossible,as should the disruptivealliance of fanatical studentsand assistantsseeking to obtainpermanenceof tenure.
In recentyears,legislativeactionsand judicialdecisionshave puta stopto
the worstabuses.
