And they fay,
forewarnd
fore-arm 'd, and
i
it
it,
by
!
i
it
it,
by
!
Rehearsal - v1 - 1750
But they came at last to loath this manna, which raind upon them from heaven ; and to long after the leeks and onions of Egypt ; to be like other people, under a constant angel
or ruler, and not immediately in the hands of God him self. But Moses thought far otherwise of this matter. For when God threatned Exod. xxxiii. 3. That he wou'd
not go up himselfin the midst of the people, because they were stiff-neck'd, only send an angel with them ; Moses cried and made supplication, ver. 15. Ifthy presence go not with me, carry us not up hence.
I have been the longer upon this, because some bring this state of the Jews, before Saul, as a pattern for the commonwealth government. And their asking a king, as an argument against monarchy : as ifthe theocrafit, or the immediate government of God himself were not the
most perfect and absolute monarchy. Besides that those captains and judges whom God sent, did all exercise, dur
ing their time, an absolute and despotick peitier oflife and death &c. But some will have even Moses chosen by the
petple.
The REHEARS AL.
399
people. And that they gave laws to him, and prescrib'd the rules of his government .
C, Moses gave laws to /A«h : and gave them all their laws, from the mouth of God himself. To which Mgi were not to add, nor to diminish ought from them, Z)«rf. sv. 2. So that the people were wholly precluded. Thus much I can understand. And popular government is hard put to when they bring this for an instance
(6. ) There hook preparing for the press, intituled,. A defence the natural rights of mankind, to be in two •volumes, consisting of forty sheets. Of which proposals are printed for subscriptions, wkh two-specimens, as
tast of the performance. In which the author exprefly battles these principles you have laid down.
He writes against book call'd Cassandra. And would put upon that author, as he thought the Jews, before they had kingsT to have been free people (which; that author neither thought nor said. ) But thence he
wou'd inser, that popular government was the institution of God to his own people. But that afterwards as he
fays, " God gave them kings as punishment for their wickedness. And to rob them of that liberty and
equality, which nature they might enjoy. And which he fays they did enjoy 400 years after their leaving Egypt. And that was dispenfation from the univerfal law of the rest of mankind. " Tho' he denies this p. 9.
and fays, that other people were free as well as the
Jews.
R. When he can shew, that ever any people were free
from government, he will be the great Apollo of the whigs And that the Jews did enjoy that liberty and equality he supposes in nature for 400 years after their
which he fays the author of Cassandra cou'd not deny, do absolutely deny for him, or that he ever faid any such thing. Pray did the Jews choose Moses? St. Stephen fays otherwise, Act. vii 35. This
Moses whom they refus7d, saying, who made thee a full er and a judge The same did God send to be a ruler.
So. that this was putting him upon the people, against their
leaving Egypt,
?
is Iitby a
it
if a
! p. 8.
it, it of
a
a
a
a
!
REHEARSAL;
their own inclinations. Imposing the very man to be their ruler, whom they refused. And when he was their ruler, did he ask their consent to the laws that he gave them ?
4oo
The
And were the Israelites less absolutely under the com mand of God their king, and of Moses his vicegerent, than other nations were under their kings ? Was God a more limited king than they ? And did the people limit him? It seems so, for at last they abdicated him ? And who
then can please them ? If a tbeacrafie will not please the y»»s of Belial or liberty, what human governor can satis fy them ? Who can be free from their complaints ? Whom
neither the government of Gorf in heaven, nor the fame
upon rar/£, cou'd s»« of their rebellious and mutinous temper !
And now they quote this very theocrasie, the absolute and unlimited government of the great God, as a pre
cedent against monarchy, and in favour of popular and mob-no-government, the invention of Belial, under the
theocrafie
of liberty !
shew I
Which is such a as Ged liberty
claim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to thesword, to the pestilence, and to the famine. This is the true mean ing, and natural effect of that liberty these fins of Belial
contend for, in placing the root and source of govern ment in the people ; it is a liberty to destruction, to devour and destroy one another, without end or remedy. By loos ing the foundation of all government whatsoever ; and making all settlement impracticable, upon their popular
scheme: for there is no decifion of popular contests but the sword, when one party of the people have thoroughly fubdu d and conquer d the And then every other party have as free liberty when they are able to attempt
it, to appeal to the fiaord again, and subdue the conque rors. Here is no obligation of conscience on either side,
but every thing govem'd by pure and might: which is a liberty, to nothing else indeed but to the
sword. But we call it the liberty of the /
And
to the
nate and rebellious Jews, Jer. xxxiv. 1 7. Behold pro
proclaimed
obsti
The REHEARSAL.
401
And it is a sure fign of God's indignation against any people, and of his purpose to destroy them, when he suf
fers Belial to take pofl'effion of them, and sill them with
this senseless as well as wickcd and pernicious notion of
liberty. When they are deas to demonstration : and tho' they cannot answer a word, yet still perfist, with the
greater obstinacy ! According to the old faying.
££uos perdcrc vult Jupiter, prius dement at. That when God has determin'd to destroy a people, he sirst takes away their sense and understanding. Or, in the scripture phrase, he hides their eyes, that they may not fee the things that
belong unto their peace.
Anil what can be more thus, than, first, to take away
all obligation of conscience to any government whatsoever,
as I have often heard them own in express terms ?
And indeed, there can be no obligation of conscience, upon the soot of the people, because every man is equally/w, and
equally the people ! I am as much the people as you, eve ry man may fay to another. You may knock me down indeed, or I you, if I can ; and so govern one another, as long as we can hold it. But where's the conscience on either side ? That's mere priest-crast ! And brought in to enslave us, by fixing, or settling us under any fort of
government! Whereas we hate settlement ! And would
be always at liberty to unhinge and overturn any govern ment, whenever we please ! Else there's an end of the liberty andfreedom of the people ! There's an utter end, if there be any thing of conscience in the case ! For then we are ty'd up, past any remedy.
And as for your Rom. xiii. 5. of being subject not only
for wrath, but also for conscience sake : 1 have read in some of our late whig pamphlets, that this was only be
cause the Christians then at Rome were not able to rebel, and so it was against their conscience to restst. But that if St. Paul were alive now, he would alter his command, and give all full liberty of conscience to restst, ifthey had power sufficient. This is persect burlesquing of the holy
scripture : and leaves no more of conscience in submiffion
to government, than in. a lesser army to fight a greater! So
1
402
The REHEARSAL.
So that these men have laid aside all conscience in the matter of government : which is the only band and secu rity ofgovernment. For where this is not, there all laws
and constitution will prove too weak to support any govern ment, as we have seen by woful experience.
And as this of taking away the obligation of consci ence from government, is a directly hiding our eyes from
the things that belong to our peace ; so, secondly, there can not be a greateryTj» of infatuation, than, as our author
here does, to bring the theocrafee, and most absolute mo narchy of God over the Jews, when he named their
I fay to bring this as a. pattern for limited government, and the power of the people in choofing their own govern
captains and their judges, the proper office of a king ;
ors, and making their own knoe! When this is the strongest instance against it that ever was, or can be in the world; is not this infatuation to the degree of
madness ?
(7. ) C. But to go on with our author. He objects,
in the fame p. 8. against him whom he opposes, l* that
he had recourse to an obscure text of canonical
scrip ture join'd with an apocryphal, nothing to his purpose. '*
These are the two texts you have quoted of Deut. xxxii.
8. And Eccluf. xvii. 17. which were quoted in that boot
he pretends to answer, call'd Ca£andra.
R. There were more quoted in that book than these tina
texts, even what we have been speaking of, the di
vifion of nations, brought to pass by the divifion of lan
guages.
And this is not only spoke of in one text; but
the whole history of it is particularly related in several
chapters, expresly upon that subject. To which these
two texts he mentions do reser.
In the next place, these are not obscure texts : but
their meaning very plain and easy. And I believe it will trouble all his skill, to put any other meaning up on them than what I have given. And moreover that text, Deut. xxxii. 8. is part of Moses's song, which was commande"d to be taught the children of Israel, Deut.
xxxi. 19. Now therefore (says God) write ye this song
The REHEARSAL.
403 for you and teach it the children of Israel, put it in their mouth that this song may be a witness for me against the children of Israel. " And ver. z1. " It shall not be
forgotten out of the mouth of their seed. " So that of
all the whole law, this song was most known to the -peo ple. And the sirst instance therein given of God's great regard to that people, is in the fame ver. 8. And it is
introdue'd with a preface, commanding great attention:
and fhewing, that what it spoke of was a constant, and rwell-known tradition, that had descended from father to son among the 'Jews. Thus it ver. " Remem- fcer the days of old, consider the years of many genera tions ask thy father, and he will shew thee, thy elders, and they will tell thee; when the most High divided to the nations their inheritance—"and so forth, as before quoted, ver. 8. So that was the most unlucky thing cou'd be to put off this text as obscure or primate text
For as this song ef Moses was the most conspicuous and best- known part of the law, being put in every body's mouth and to remain witness to God for ever. So this ver. was the most remarkable part of that song, being the be
ginning of and the greatest instance of God's high re gard andfavour to that people, above all others upon the
face of the earth.
From
it,
a
8,; !
a
is, 7.
it
;
4Q4
The REHEARSAL.
From &at. Oct. 13, to IBeD. Oct. 17, 1705. N° 65.
Another play day. 1 . The deer- stealerV last plea of sea sonable! k. z'A& his threat to withdraw his money, 2.
Just suspicion of his joining with the common adverfary, if he lays any stress upon his threat, or his plea. 3. Hi joined with this adverfary once before. 4. The advei
fary more a friend to the deer-stealer than to the park- keeper, against whom both combine, as they always hai/e done. 5 . By seasonable is meant never. And the
grossness of thinking otherwise in the present case. 6. Comprehension turns the park into a common. 7. The
persecution of turning pigs out of the corn ! 8. The old whig plot new vamp'd by a churchman. 9. Tie snare by which some churchmen ha•ve been drawn in. With the master-reason against the occasional bill. And
the design of making the church the catVfoot again I
\J
Coun. f~\ N E more play-day, pray master, I have not
yet quite done with my park-keeper and deer-
I must not make the deer-stealer more unreasonable
stealer,
than he was. He made this offer more to the park-keeper ; That he would let him set up the pales of his park again, only desired that he might not do it now, not at thisjunc ture of time, for 'twas not seasonable ! '
R. Why not seasonable? And why not at this junc ture ?
C. Because the park-keeper was then engaged in a trou blesome lawsuit with a potent neighbour. The deer- slealer was equally engag'd in the fame suit, for it was against them both, as to ajoint concern they had in the
country ; and the deer-stealer did contribute his share in the expences of the suit. Now, faid he, why should we
have hinder'd you to do you know three or four times,
quarrel at this time ? and it will be a certain quarrel
already) if you ofser to set up the pales of your park again, at this time, to take this advantage of me, after
it
it,
I
(as
is
The REHEARSAL.
405 and if you attempt it any more, I will withdraw my mo
ney, and contribute no more to the expences of ourjoint-
suit.
R. Did the park-keeper allow him any interest or confix
deration for what money he advanc'd towards carrying on
the suit?
C. Tho' the cteer-stealer paid but his proportion accord
ing to the share he had in the land; yet the park-keeper paid him more than double interest for and gave him greater advantages than he could have made any other
way ofhis money.
R. Then he need not be asraid of him for tho' a
deer-stealer be true to nothing else, he'll never be false to
himself, that to his interest.
Besides, can any one think that he would be content to
lose his own share of the land meerly out ofspite to the park-keeper? These are but vain threats.
(2. ) And there be anything in the world in them,
gives justsuspicion, that the dter-stealer deals underhand with their joint adversary, and will take care to secure his own stake, whatever becomes of the park-keeper. No body
can put better construction upon therefore the park- keeper had need to be more upon his guard, and take
good heed how he entrusts the deer-stealer with the ma
nagement of the suit.
But however that goes, he certainly destgns to worm
out the park-keeper, and then manage thesuit wholly for himself, which he knows well enough how to compound, when he's once got rid of the park-keeper, and then alfa
his own!
(3. ) C. prosess, master, there must be something in this for well remember that in a former suit betwixt
this park-keeper and deer-stealer, this fame deer-stealer call'd in this fame adversarys^his aid against the park- ketper, and was detected in and the very letters taken
which he wrote to the now plaintiff-adversary, craving his assistance to oust the park-keeper. And this fame plaintiffs assistance did at last, and got the whole park
to himself.
And they fay, forewarnd fore-arm 'd, and
i
it
it,
by
!
II
a
if
is,
it,
it
it, ;
406
The REHEARSAL.
he's a fool that's cheated twice by the fame hand! at least by the fame trick !
{4. } R. The plaintiff has ten times more/pi te against
the park-keeper than the decr-stealtr, and ever has had ; for the park-keeper knows the law, and is vers''d in it much more than the deer-stealer, and has all along wor-
Jled the plaintiff at law, while the deer-stealer only
ters at him, and calls him ill names ; but he's afraid of
thepark-keeper, knowing he has substantial skill, and has
often made use of the felly and boisterous deer-stealer, to plague and torment the park-keeper, and hopes some time or other to ruin him by it. Thisplaintiffand the deer- stealer never fail'd to take each other's afpstance, when
they needed against the park-keeper, who equally danger from them both, he's the eye-fore of both, and he willsecure himself against both, he must trust neither.
(5. ) But the deer-stealer fays not seasonable for the park-keeper to mend his pales now, when does he lay
will be seasonable
C. He fays he'll tell the park-keeper that! and bids him
stay till he tells him
Æ. Then he may stay long enough but hear some
of his pretended friends would have him stay till the
law-suit be over, and let the deer-stealer get power and grow great in the mean time.
C. Then this his only time to get Intopower, and d'ye think, master, that when he has more power, he will be more willing to part with than now when he has not so much
R. Now ifthis be the only time for the deer-stealer to get into power, the only time for the park-keeper to keep him from Nor would the deer-stealer reckon those to be hisfriends who should vote for letting him into power now, he thought they meant only to trick
him by that they might take from him more curely afterwards. He too sagacious to court andfiat ter these men as he does, if he were not well ajfurd that
they mean something else than they fay, and that sea sonable they mean never.
Or
2
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is
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it is
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if ?
it,
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it
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is
The REHEARSAL.
407
Or if you suppose them impos'd upon, to believe and trust the decr-stealer, that he means no more by getting into power now, than freely and -willingly to part with
whenever shall please the park-keeper to ask to quit all the advantages he has got, and give himself in-
tirely up, to be govern the park-keeper, with whom he nas maintained so many years war to let him set up his pales then, and shut the deer-stealer for ever out of his park, you must suppose such counsellors to be weak indeed and to rescue them from being meer tools, you must conclude them to be errant managers for the decr-
stealer to be in league with him, and in his defign to have ihtpark turn'd into common.
(6. ) C. Some of them do not stick to own and think little comprehenfion may reconcile the park and the common, that is, only to have the pales of the park pull'd down, or rather let them drop down now they are so crazy, which will make less noise, and shew more ofmo deration
R. park without pales no sark at all, and ipfo
fafto common that the common will gain by this com
prehenfion, and swallow up the park.
C. But does not meddle with the deer, nor take
away the park-keepers property in them, and then what barm done him they are his deer still.
R. That as long as the deer-stealer pleases only after that, will not be called stealing, tut taking
C. How so man may steal horse ont of common,
for many beasts grazing there does not alter the property of the several owners.
And the forest-laws secure the deer there, though the
not impair
R. But are they as secure as in park? We sind, that
men use to put loch upon horses that graze in common,
and have other guards to keep their horses from being
stofn, because eafily done.
And when common thieves and deer-stealers would pull
down the pales of fork, what other defigns can they
have, than to make their access eaiier to their prey but for
forest
a
it ? ;
is a ? so so so d.
a
a.
a
is is aA! a
!
it is, it
it
a
? ! f is it,
a
is
;
'd by
it,
it ;
4o8
The REHEARSAL.
for a park-keeper to be argued into and to give his con sent persect slupidity as well as treachery to his lord and master, who entrusted him with the keeping of his
(7. ) And to fay there any injury or injustice, far less persecution, in any man's impailing his park, and secuang his property, or in restraining all house-breakers or park- breakers, and bringing them to justice, to banish all justice and property out of the world, and turning all
into great common
When /sjs are turned out of the rar« they squeak
persecution! persecution! because they are not jw/fer' ——. which cures both their dinn, and their mischief.
(8. ) C. But master, here's another mischief, of another ,/&/-/, just now come to my hand piping hot. Now look to your hits, or we're all untwisted! our papers now have discovered new they all o^? » upon bringing over
the princess Sophia, ot young prince of Hanover over hi ther immediately in all haste and which mazes me, master, this comes from some of high-church the Mer- curius Politicks, which called tory-paper, has broacWd it. What can be the meaning of this
I'm sure you told me formerly, that this was •whig- plot, arid you shew'd me the books wrote on that side, sirst to defeat the successlon of our now gracious queen, and
that failing, then as second best, to bring over the prin cess Dowager or prince of Hanover, or both, upon her
majesty.
R. was the whig-plot, and the whig-plot still,
but now manag'd with fineness -peculiar to them! They found would not go, while appear'd in it, there fore seems have found ways to draw in some of the /^gv£-sWs/;toespousethematter; whichthey will seem to oppose, tostxthokofthehigh-church the more; and then, uponashorU«/-»rwi! l give in to them, or, by absenting such
number (for they can tell noses) to let them carry, Kf and then the whigs gain their point two ways sirst, as to the queen (against whom the whole intended) shall
appear the ac? of the high-church, and so put them into
'
the
2
a
is
; it
; a
a
itit It
is
a
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!
! is
it is
a
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,
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is
it,
bufiness
The REHEARSAL.
489
the greatest suspicion with her mcjesty, or rather, as declar ing themselves open enemies to her. And then as to the c. ourt of Hanover they are ^Tittysure of their interest there, which they have cultivated from the beginning, aud Can / isuade them th. it there was no other way poffible to bring their
about; and they can easily distinguish betwixt those who are their friends in principle and interest, and those who would now make use of them, only to serve a turn, betwixt those to whom they owe their succession, and the upholding of their interest ; and those who, to serve themselves, came in late to them, and would expect to be
preferrd to those who have born the burden and heat of the day !
C. Now, master, I understand what I heard lately
among some top-whigs, who knew me not to be your
countryman. They laugtid in their sleeves and hugg'd themselves to think how they had drawn in some of the heads of the high-church-party to do their work for them f and to rivet t\ie. yoke upon their own necks, for ever with out retrieve! But how came they to get any of the high- thurch thus drawn in ? What snare did they lay for them ?
(9. ) R. They bausd it about, and threw it oat in all their papers, that these high-fliers were all papists and ja- cobites. This was the reason given by several who would be thought friends to the church, why they voted against the occasional bill, because* as they pretended, the bottom of that bill was to bring in the P. of Wales and popery !
C. They might as well have faid the Czar of Muscovy! or Luther! What relation had that bill to the P. of Wales ? Or if they were afraid of him, or any other, was not securing the church by all means possible, the most
proper method to be taken ?
To barr doors the your
faster, if you fuspect any attack upon you! And when is that to be done, if not in the reign of our gracious queen, Whose heart 13 entirely English, and her love to the church rooted in her, by her education in it ? Or does any think, that a bill to secure the church, is in favour of the P. of Walts ? This is new doflrine indeed! and does in ser, that both their interests are the fame ! and the one asaf-
part' to the other. T R. They
The REHEARSAL.
4'o
R. They did not mean that, but if they could make
it be believed, that those who promoted that hill were Ja cohites in their hearts ; then they could tack the P. of Wales to any hill whatsoever that such men brought in,
which they did not like, tho' it were the cafe of the Ailf-
C. Ifevery thing brings him in, he must come in ! But
bury-men ! or to make the river Ex navigable
P. of W. might come some time or other up that river ! Every thing they don't like brings in the P. of Wales !
master, I understand your meaning, that for sear of this
cry of popery and jacohitism, these higb-churchmen who are
concerned (if any be concerned) thought they could not clear themselves from it any other way than this of pro
spect to her majesty no doubt, I suppose that must be their meaning ! and that the prince of Hanover, if he mould come over, would only help the queen how to govern ! and if she and the nation should be blest with any issue of her body, would dutifully retire again to his former post in Ger many ! and make no dispute about hirths, or bring over an army of High-Dutch to argue the cafe with high- church, and see that no wrong was done to his succession !
parliament (without her majesty & leave and approbation sirst had) and be not thrown out with as much contempt as the occafional hill was by the lords ; we may conclude the hand of Joab is in because they that did the one may more eafily do the other.
But we hope that the whigs will have no handle
given them to shew their loyalty upon this occafion and
that the church will not be made the cafs-foot, now the second or third time, to draw their chestnuts for them out
of the fire
And from this single paper of Mercury not just to
draw an accusation against any party. little time will discover whether was not nostrum of his own. How ever he's man ofsense, and will treat him with all
moting the house of Hanover taking immediate possession of the government ; but still under, and with all due re-
! for
the
In short, if any thing of this matter be brought unto
vility, wherein happen to differ from him.
AD
a
!
I
it
it,
Ia
ci
A it is
!
The REHEARSAL.
411
Great clamours having been raised against a book called The cafe of the regale and ,pontificate, and the Flying- Post having spent one of Yi\s papers upon to represent at veering towards popery, in proposing our reconciliation with the church of France, occasioned my vindication of that hock, as to that particular, in the Rehearsal of last Marc the loth, Num. 32. wherein the gross misrepre
sentation of that book shew'd, and that the union there
proposed wholly upon the foot of their receding from their errors, and coming over to us, but not of our going into them, no, not in any outpoint. This was so apparent as stopt the clamour, at that time, or any reply from that day to this.
But in hopes that this forgot, the Review has now again set up the fame clamour, with open throat, and be stowed sive or six of his last papers upon it, with all the thunder and lightning he can raise of representing the high- church, as all papists in their hearts, and expofing them to the fury of the mob
He takes no notice of the former vindication, nor pre tends to give any one instance wherein that book proposes our going over to their popery, and not their coming into what we have reform But clamour clamour still that goes with mob instead of truth
This the method of these men, never to mind conviction or the plainest demonstration! but carry on the CrY still
Letflander run
Of which this author has given us fresh and astonishing
instance (we thank him in his Review of the 4th of this month, Vol. II. N. 92. for his malicious and wicked lye about the weather-cock at Oxford having been fully con
futed in Rehiars. N. 46. stopt his mouth from any reply, but not from impudently trumping up the fame again for which admoni/Pd him Num. 55, and he mentioned this admonition in his Num. 76. and (by way of repentance) repeats the fame without ossering one word tojustisy it. For this correfted him more severely Num. 58. yet
ADVERTISEMENT.
T he
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;
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is
!
it
it,
The REHEARSAL
he mentions it again insultingly in his N. 92. calling a* excellent sermon at Oxford, another Oxford weather-cock. 'Tis a good jrst still ! which therefore he often reseats
I expect not (aftei this) to bring him, or his scandahus club to Jhame ! But I hope to make all men of sense a-
shamd of them.
! [ ae a>
From ^at. Oct. 1 i, to &at. Oct. 20, 1 705. N° 66.
1 . 77 •s/ God abolished an univerfal monarchy. And that the succefficn of the 70 nations was by the rule of
4i2
like hio Jkcrtejl way.
And that was instituted of God. 2. Ansiuer to in objection That the division of nations
was brfire the division languages. 3. Mr. Lock argument from Go to, let us build, That the builders f/' Babel wcre a commonwealth, or all independent. 4. That the poflestbr has the right, where none claims
a better right. With an answer to the objections against, this in a certain specimen.
&M. X70U have fully clear'd to me, master, last &-
firms the rights of the primogeniture else when Cod gave that to any, he gave them nothing.
(1. ) Hence likewise plain to me, that, instead of an universal monarchy over the whole earth, in the person of the eldest son of Noah, and of his eldest, and on, to the end of the world pleased God to interpose his
authority, and to divide the world into 70 independent nations, and to set ra/ur over every one of them. And this he did without the intervention of any human
means, by the miraculous divifion of languages, that
might appear to be his own act; and marvellous in in our eyes. But
mogeniture.
•
how that God Lard pv£r his own.
turday,
institutions, can alter and dispense with them at pleasure can make the youngest the eldest, and give the rights of the primogeniture to whom he pleases which still con
a
it
; it
is
;
it ;
is
js
it
;s
pri
so
X
of it
The RE HEAR SAL,
Bat now, master, after the earth was thus divided, in,
their nations, after their languages, how did the fuccession. .
ofgovernment go in these particular nations ?
R. When there is an exception from a general rule,. the rule stands in all cafes not excepted. The exception
here is only as to an universal monarchy, in which they propos'd mighty things to themselves. To make them a name, and that they shou'd not be dispersed abroad up
on the face of the whole earth, but live all together, and to be one people. As it is faid, Gen. xi. 6. Behold the •
people is one ■ And this they begin to do ; and now no
thing will be restrained from them, which they have ima gined to do. Therefore God divided them into several nations, by means of the several languages, as I have faid before, N. 62. This was all the alteration was made:
therefore the succession, in these several nations went on
C. But I wou'd have a positive text commanding the succession to be in the first-born, and so to continue to the end of the world, and this given to Adam. That it was
the receiv'd notion then, you have shew'd plain enough,
N. 57. from the instance of Cain and Abel. And that-
it was the fact and practice univerfally over all the earth. But this is but practice still. I would see the sirst command and institution given to Adam.
R. The history of Genefis before the Flood is very 'short, and gives onlyfacts. The institutions are sup-
pos'd, and were generally receiv'd as such by the Jews.
or ruler, and not immediately in the hands of God him self. But Moses thought far otherwise of this matter. For when God threatned Exod. xxxiii. 3. That he wou'd
not go up himselfin the midst of the people, because they were stiff-neck'd, only send an angel with them ; Moses cried and made supplication, ver. 15. Ifthy presence go not with me, carry us not up hence.
I have been the longer upon this, because some bring this state of the Jews, before Saul, as a pattern for the commonwealth government. And their asking a king, as an argument against monarchy : as ifthe theocrafit, or the immediate government of God himself were not the
most perfect and absolute monarchy. Besides that those captains and judges whom God sent, did all exercise, dur
ing their time, an absolute and despotick peitier oflife and death &c. But some will have even Moses chosen by the
petple.
The REHEARS AL.
399
people. And that they gave laws to him, and prescrib'd the rules of his government .
C, Moses gave laws to /A«h : and gave them all their laws, from the mouth of God himself. To which Mgi were not to add, nor to diminish ought from them, Z)«rf. sv. 2. So that the people were wholly precluded. Thus much I can understand. And popular government is hard put to when they bring this for an instance
(6. ) There hook preparing for the press, intituled,. A defence the natural rights of mankind, to be in two •volumes, consisting of forty sheets. Of which proposals are printed for subscriptions, wkh two-specimens, as
tast of the performance. In which the author exprefly battles these principles you have laid down.
He writes against book call'd Cassandra. And would put upon that author, as he thought the Jews, before they had kingsT to have been free people (which; that author neither thought nor said. ) But thence he
wou'd inser, that popular government was the institution of God to his own people. But that afterwards as he
fays, " God gave them kings as punishment for their wickedness. And to rob them of that liberty and
equality, which nature they might enjoy. And which he fays they did enjoy 400 years after their leaving Egypt. And that was dispenfation from the univerfal law of the rest of mankind. " Tho' he denies this p. 9.
and fays, that other people were free as well as the
Jews.
R. When he can shew, that ever any people were free
from government, he will be the great Apollo of the whigs And that the Jews did enjoy that liberty and equality he supposes in nature for 400 years after their
which he fays the author of Cassandra cou'd not deny, do absolutely deny for him, or that he ever faid any such thing. Pray did the Jews choose Moses? St. Stephen fays otherwise, Act. vii 35. This
Moses whom they refus7d, saying, who made thee a full er and a judge The same did God send to be a ruler.
So. that this was putting him upon the people, against their
leaving Egypt,
?
is Iitby a
it
if a
! p. 8.
it, it of
a
a
a
a
!
REHEARSAL;
their own inclinations. Imposing the very man to be their ruler, whom they refused. And when he was their ruler, did he ask their consent to the laws that he gave them ?
4oo
The
And were the Israelites less absolutely under the com mand of God their king, and of Moses his vicegerent, than other nations were under their kings ? Was God a more limited king than they ? And did the people limit him? It seems so, for at last they abdicated him ? And who
then can please them ? If a tbeacrafie will not please the y»»s of Belial or liberty, what human governor can satis fy them ? Who can be free from their complaints ? Whom
neither the government of Gorf in heaven, nor the fame
upon rar/£, cou'd s»« of their rebellious and mutinous temper !
And now they quote this very theocrasie, the absolute and unlimited government of the great God, as a pre
cedent against monarchy, and in favour of popular and mob-no-government, the invention of Belial, under the
theocrafie
of liberty !
shew I
Which is such a as Ged liberty
claim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to thesword, to the pestilence, and to the famine. This is the true mean ing, and natural effect of that liberty these fins of Belial
contend for, in placing the root and source of govern ment in the people ; it is a liberty to destruction, to devour and destroy one another, without end or remedy. By loos ing the foundation of all government whatsoever ; and making all settlement impracticable, upon their popular
scheme: for there is no decifion of popular contests but the sword, when one party of the people have thoroughly fubdu d and conquer d the And then every other party have as free liberty when they are able to attempt
it, to appeal to the fiaord again, and subdue the conque rors. Here is no obligation of conscience on either side,
but every thing govem'd by pure and might: which is a liberty, to nothing else indeed but to the
sword. But we call it the liberty of the /
And
to the
nate and rebellious Jews, Jer. xxxiv. 1 7. Behold pro
proclaimed
obsti
The REHEARSAL.
401
And it is a sure fign of God's indignation against any people, and of his purpose to destroy them, when he suf
fers Belial to take pofl'effion of them, and sill them with
this senseless as well as wickcd and pernicious notion of
liberty. When they are deas to demonstration : and tho' they cannot answer a word, yet still perfist, with the
greater obstinacy ! According to the old faying.
££uos perdcrc vult Jupiter, prius dement at. That when God has determin'd to destroy a people, he sirst takes away their sense and understanding. Or, in the scripture phrase, he hides their eyes, that they may not fee the things that
belong unto their peace.
Anil what can be more thus, than, first, to take away
all obligation of conscience to any government whatsoever,
as I have often heard them own in express terms ?
And indeed, there can be no obligation of conscience, upon the soot of the people, because every man is equally/w, and
equally the people ! I am as much the people as you, eve ry man may fay to another. You may knock me down indeed, or I you, if I can ; and so govern one another, as long as we can hold it. But where's the conscience on either side ? That's mere priest-crast ! And brought in to enslave us, by fixing, or settling us under any fort of
government! Whereas we hate settlement ! And would
be always at liberty to unhinge and overturn any govern ment, whenever we please ! Else there's an end of the liberty andfreedom of the people ! There's an utter end, if there be any thing of conscience in the case ! For then we are ty'd up, past any remedy.
And as for your Rom. xiii. 5. of being subject not only
for wrath, but also for conscience sake : 1 have read in some of our late whig pamphlets, that this was only be
cause the Christians then at Rome were not able to rebel, and so it was against their conscience to restst. But that if St. Paul were alive now, he would alter his command, and give all full liberty of conscience to restst, ifthey had power sufficient. This is persect burlesquing of the holy
scripture : and leaves no more of conscience in submiffion
to government, than in. a lesser army to fight a greater! So
1
402
The REHEARSAL.
So that these men have laid aside all conscience in the matter of government : which is the only band and secu rity ofgovernment. For where this is not, there all laws
and constitution will prove too weak to support any govern ment, as we have seen by woful experience.
And as this of taking away the obligation of consci ence from government, is a directly hiding our eyes from
the things that belong to our peace ; so, secondly, there can not be a greateryTj» of infatuation, than, as our author
here does, to bring the theocrafee, and most absolute mo narchy of God over the Jews, when he named their
I fay to bring this as a. pattern for limited government, and the power of the people in choofing their own govern
captains and their judges, the proper office of a king ;
ors, and making their own knoe! When this is the strongest instance against it that ever was, or can be in the world; is not this infatuation to the degree of
madness ?
(7. ) C. But to go on with our author. He objects,
in the fame p. 8. against him whom he opposes, l* that
he had recourse to an obscure text of canonical
scrip ture join'd with an apocryphal, nothing to his purpose. '*
These are the two texts you have quoted of Deut. xxxii.
8. And Eccluf. xvii. 17. which were quoted in that boot
he pretends to answer, call'd Ca£andra.
R. There were more quoted in that book than these tina
texts, even what we have been speaking of, the di
vifion of nations, brought to pass by the divifion of lan
guages.
And this is not only spoke of in one text; but
the whole history of it is particularly related in several
chapters, expresly upon that subject. To which these
two texts he mentions do reser.
In the next place, these are not obscure texts : but
their meaning very plain and easy. And I believe it will trouble all his skill, to put any other meaning up on them than what I have given. And moreover that text, Deut. xxxii. 8. is part of Moses's song, which was commande"d to be taught the children of Israel, Deut.
xxxi. 19. Now therefore (says God) write ye this song
The REHEARSAL.
403 for you and teach it the children of Israel, put it in their mouth that this song may be a witness for me against the children of Israel. " And ver. z1. " It shall not be
forgotten out of the mouth of their seed. " So that of
all the whole law, this song was most known to the -peo ple. And the sirst instance therein given of God's great regard to that people, is in the fame ver. 8. And it is
introdue'd with a preface, commanding great attention:
and fhewing, that what it spoke of was a constant, and rwell-known tradition, that had descended from father to son among the 'Jews. Thus it ver. " Remem- fcer the days of old, consider the years of many genera tions ask thy father, and he will shew thee, thy elders, and they will tell thee; when the most High divided to the nations their inheritance—"and so forth, as before quoted, ver. 8. So that was the most unlucky thing cou'd be to put off this text as obscure or primate text
For as this song ef Moses was the most conspicuous and best- known part of the law, being put in every body's mouth and to remain witness to God for ever. So this ver. was the most remarkable part of that song, being the be
ginning of and the greatest instance of God's high re gard andfavour to that people, above all others upon the
face of the earth.
From
it,
a
8,; !
a
is, 7.
it
;
4Q4
The REHEARSAL.
From &at. Oct. 13, to IBeD. Oct. 17, 1705. N° 65.
Another play day. 1 . The deer- stealerV last plea of sea sonable! k. z'A& his threat to withdraw his money, 2.
Just suspicion of his joining with the common adverfary, if he lays any stress upon his threat, or his plea. 3. Hi joined with this adverfary once before. 4. The advei
fary more a friend to the deer-stealer than to the park- keeper, against whom both combine, as they always hai/e done. 5 . By seasonable is meant never. And the
grossness of thinking otherwise in the present case. 6. Comprehension turns the park into a common. 7. The
persecution of turning pigs out of the corn ! 8. The old whig plot new vamp'd by a churchman. 9. Tie snare by which some churchmen ha•ve been drawn in. With the master-reason against the occasional bill. And
the design of making the church the catVfoot again I
\J
Coun. f~\ N E more play-day, pray master, I have not
yet quite done with my park-keeper and deer-
I must not make the deer-stealer more unreasonable
stealer,
than he was. He made this offer more to the park-keeper ; That he would let him set up the pales of his park again, only desired that he might not do it now, not at thisjunc ture of time, for 'twas not seasonable ! '
R. Why not seasonable? And why not at this junc ture ?
C. Because the park-keeper was then engaged in a trou blesome lawsuit with a potent neighbour. The deer- slealer was equally engag'd in the fame suit, for it was against them both, as to ajoint concern they had in the
country ; and the deer-stealer did contribute his share in the expences of the suit. Now, faid he, why should we
have hinder'd you to do you know three or four times,
quarrel at this time ? and it will be a certain quarrel
already) if you ofser to set up the pales of your park again, at this time, to take this advantage of me, after
it
it,
I
(as
is
The REHEARSAL.
405 and if you attempt it any more, I will withdraw my mo
ney, and contribute no more to the expences of ourjoint-
suit.
R. Did the park-keeper allow him any interest or confix
deration for what money he advanc'd towards carrying on
the suit?
C. Tho' the cteer-stealer paid but his proportion accord
ing to the share he had in the land; yet the park-keeper paid him more than double interest for and gave him greater advantages than he could have made any other
way ofhis money.
R. Then he need not be asraid of him for tho' a
deer-stealer be true to nothing else, he'll never be false to
himself, that to his interest.
Besides, can any one think that he would be content to
lose his own share of the land meerly out ofspite to the park-keeper? These are but vain threats.
(2. ) And there be anything in the world in them,
gives justsuspicion, that the dter-stealer deals underhand with their joint adversary, and will take care to secure his own stake, whatever becomes of the park-keeper. No body
can put better construction upon therefore the park- keeper had need to be more upon his guard, and take
good heed how he entrusts the deer-stealer with the ma
nagement of the suit.
But however that goes, he certainly destgns to worm
out the park-keeper, and then manage thesuit wholly for himself, which he knows well enough how to compound, when he's once got rid of the park-keeper, and then alfa
his own!
(3. ) C. prosess, master, there must be something in this for well remember that in a former suit betwixt
this park-keeper and deer-stealer, this fame deer-stealer call'd in this fame adversarys^his aid against the park- ketper, and was detected in and the very letters taken
which he wrote to the now plaintiff-adversary, craving his assistance to oust the park-keeper. And this fame plaintiffs assistance did at last, and got the whole park
to himself.
And they fay, forewarnd fore-arm 'd, and
i
it
it,
by
!
II
a
if
is,
it,
it
it, ;
406
The REHEARSAL.
he's a fool that's cheated twice by the fame hand! at least by the fame trick !
{4. } R. The plaintiff has ten times more/pi te against
the park-keeper than the decr-stealtr, and ever has had ; for the park-keeper knows the law, and is vers''d in it much more than the deer-stealer, and has all along wor-
Jled the plaintiff at law, while the deer-stealer only
ters at him, and calls him ill names ; but he's afraid of
thepark-keeper, knowing he has substantial skill, and has
often made use of the felly and boisterous deer-stealer, to plague and torment the park-keeper, and hopes some time or other to ruin him by it. Thisplaintiffand the deer- stealer never fail'd to take each other's afpstance, when
they needed against the park-keeper, who equally danger from them both, he's the eye-fore of both, and he willsecure himself against both, he must trust neither.
(5. ) But the deer-stealer fays not seasonable for the park-keeper to mend his pales now, when does he lay
will be seasonable
C. He fays he'll tell the park-keeper that! and bids him
stay till he tells him
Æ. Then he may stay long enough but hear some
of his pretended friends would have him stay till the
law-suit be over, and let the deer-stealer get power and grow great in the mean time.
C. Then this his only time to get Intopower, and d'ye think, master, that when he has more power, he will be more willing to part with than now when he has not so much
R. Now ifthis be the only time for the deer-stealer to get into power, the only time for the park-keeper to keep him from Nor would the deer-stealer reckon those to be hisfriends who should vote for letting him into power now, he thought they meant only to trick
him by that they might take from him more curely afterwards. He too sagacious to court andfiat ter these men as he does, if he were not well ajfurd that
they mean something else than they fay, and that sea sonable they mean never.
Or
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The REHEARSAL.
407
Or if you suppose them impos'd upon, to believe and trust the decr-stealer, that he means no more by getting into power now, than freely and -willingly to part with
whenever shall please the park-keeper to ask to quit all the advantages he has got, and give himself in-
tirely up, to be govern the park-keeper, with whom he nas maintained so many years war to let him set up his pales then, and shut the deer-stealer for ever out of his park, you must suppose such counsellors to be weak indeed and to rescue them from being meer tools, you must conclude them to be errant managers for the decr-
stealer to be in league with him, and in his defign to have ihtpark turn'd into common.
(6. ) C. Some of them do not stick to own and think little comprehenfion may reconcile the park and the common, that is, only to have the pales of the park pull'd down, or rather let them drop down now they are so crazy, which will make less noise, and shew more ofmo deration
R. park without pales no sark at all, and ipfo
fafto common that the common will gain by this com
prehenfion, and swallow up the park.
C. But does not meddle with the deer, nor take
away the park-keepers property in them, and then what barm done him they are his deer still.
R. That as long as the deer-stealer pleases only after that, will not be called stealing, tut taking
C. How so man may steal horse ont of common,
for many beasts grazing there does not alter the property of the several owners.
And the forest-laws secure the deer there, though the
not impair
R. But are they as secure as in park? We sind, that
men use to put loch upon horses that graze in common,
and have other guards to keep their horses from being
stofn, because eafily done.
And when common thieves and deer-stealers would pull
down the pales of fork, what other defigns can they
have, than to make their access eaiier to their prey but for
forest
a
it ? ;
is a ? so so so d.
a
a.
a
is is aA! a
!
it is, it
it
a
? ! f is it,
a
is
;
'd by
it,
it ;
4o8
The REHEARSAL.
for a park-keeper to be argued into and to give his con sent persect slupidity as well as treachery to his lord and master, who entrusted him with the keeping of his
(7. ) And to fay there any injury or injustice, far less persecution, in any man's impailing his park, and secuang his property, or in restraining all house-breakers or park- breakers, and bringing them to justice, to banish all justice and property out of the world, and turning all
into great common
When /sjs are turned out of the rar« they squeak
persecution! persecution! because they are not jw/fer' ——. which cures both their dinn, and their mischief.
(8. ) C. But master, here's another mischief, of another ,/&/-/, just now come to my hand piping hot. Now look to your hits, or we're all untwisted! our papers now have discovered new they all o^? » upon bringing over
the princess Sophia, ot young prince of Hanover over hi ther immediately in all haste and which mazes me, master, this comes from some of high-church the Mer- curius Politicks, which called tory-paper, has broacWd it. What can be the meaning of this
I'm sure you told me formerly, that this was •whig- plot, arid you shew'd me the books wrote on that side, sirst to defeat the successlon of our now gracious queen, and
that failing, then as second best, to bring over the prin cess Dowager or prince of Hanover, or both, upon her
majesty.
R. was the whig-plot, and the whig-plot still,
but now manag'd with fineness -peculiar to them! They found would not go, while appear'd in it, there fore seems have found ways to draw in some of the /^gv£-sWs/;toespousethematter; whichthey will seem to oppose, tostxthokofthehigh-church the more; and then, uponashorU«/-»rwi! l give in to them, or, by absenting such
number (for they can tell noses) to let them carry, Kf and then the whigs gain their point two ways sirst, as to the queen (against whom the whole intended) shall
appear the ac? of the high-church, and so put them into
'
the
2
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; it
; a
a
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is
a
is
!
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it is
a
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,
it
is
it,
bufiness
The REHEARSAL.
489
the greatest suspicion with her mcjesty, or rather, as declar ing themselves open enemies to her. And then as to the c. ourt of Hanover they are ^Tittysure of their interest there, which they have cultivated from the beginning, aud Can / isuade them th. it there was no other way poffible to bring their
about; and they can easily distinguish betwixt those who are their friends in principle and interest, and those who would now make use of them, only to serve a turn, betwixt those to whom they owe their succession, and the upholding of their interest ; and those who, to serve themselves, came in late to them, and would expect to be
preferrd to those who have born the burden and heat of the day !
C. Now, master, I understand what I heard lately
among some top-whigs, who knew me not to be your
countryman. They laugtid in their sleeves and hugg'd themselves to think how they had drawn in some of the heads of the high-church-party to do their work for them f and to rivet t\ie. yoke upon their own necks, for ever with out retrieve! But how came they to get any of the high- thurch thus drawn in ? What snare did they lay for them ?
(9. ) R. They bausd it about, and threw it oat in all their papers, that these high-fliers were all papists and ja- cobites. This was the reason given by several who would be thought friends to the church, why they voted against the occasional bill, because* as they pretended, the bottom of that bill was to bring in the P. of Wales and popery !
C. They might as well have faid the Czar of Muscovy! or Luther! What relation had that bill to the P. of Wales ? Or if they were afraid of him, or any other, was not securing the church by all means possible, the most
proper method to be taken ?
To barr doors the your
faster, if you fuspect any attack upon you! And when is that to be done, if not in the reign of our gracious queen, Whose heart 13 entirely English, and her love to the church rooted in her, by her education in it ? Or does any think, that a bill to secure the church, is in favour of the P. of Walts ? This is new doflrine indeed! and does in ser, that both their interests are the fame ! and the one asaf-
part' to the other. T R. They
The REHEARSAL.
4'o
R. They did not mean that, but if they could make
it be believed, that those who promoted that hill were Ja cohites in their hearts ; then they could tack the P. of Wales to any hill whatsoever that such men brought in,
which they did not like, tho' it were the cafe of the Ailf-
C. Ifevery thing brings him in, he must come in ! But
bury-men ! or to make the river Ex navigable
P. of W. might come some time or other up that river ! Every thing they don't like brings in the P. of Wales !
master, I understand your meaning, that for sear of this
cry of popery and jacohitism, these higb-churchmen who are
concerned (if any be concerned) thought they could not clear themselves from it any other way than this of pro
spect to her majesty no doubt, I suppose that must be their meaning ! and that the prince of Hanover, if he mould come over, would only help the queen how to govern ! and if she and the nation should be blest with any issue of her body, would dutifully retire again to his former post in Ger many ! and make no dispute about hirths, or bring over an army of High-Dutch to argue the cafe with high- church, and see that no wrong was done to his succession !
parliament (without her majesty & leave and approbation sirst had) and be not thrown out with as much contempt as the occafional hill was by the lords ; we may conclude the hand of Joab is in because they that did the one may more eafily do the other.
But we hope that the whigs will have no handle
given them to shew their loyalty upon this occafion and
that the church will not be made the cafs-foot, now the second or third time, to draw their chestnuts for them out
of the fire
And from this single paper of Mercury not just to
draw an accusation against any party. little time will discover whether was not nostrum of his own. How ever he's man ofsense, and will treat him with all
moting the house of Hanover taking immediate possession of the government ; but still under, and with all due re-
! for
the
In short, if any thing of this matter be brought unto
vility, wherein happen to differ from him.
AD
a
!
I
it
it,
Ia
ci
A it is
!
The REHEARSAL.
411
Great clamours having been raised against a book called The cafe of the regale and ,pontificate, and the Flying- Post having spent one of Yi\s papers upon to represent at veering towards popery, in proposing our reconciliation with the church of France, occasioned my vindication of that hock, as to that particular, in the Rehearsal of last Marc the loth, Num. 32. wherein the gross misrepre
sentation of that book shew'd, and that the union there
proposed wholly upon the foot of their receding from their errors, and coming over to us, but not of our going into them, no, not in any outpoint. This was so apparent as stopt the clamour, at that time, or any reply from that day to this.
But in hopes that this forgot, the Review has now again set up the fame clamour, with open throat, and be stowed sive or six of his last papers upon it, with all the thunder and lightning he can raise of representing the high- church, as all papists in their hearts, and expofing them to the fury of the mob
He takes no notice of the former vindication, nor pre tends to give any one instance wherein that book proposes our going over to their popery, and not their coming into what we have reform But clamour clamour still that goes with mob instead of truth
This the method of these men, never to mind conviction or the plainest demonstration! but carry on the CrY still
Letflander run
Of which this author has given us fresh and astonishing
instance (we thank him in his Review of the 4th of this month, Vol. II. N. 92. for his malicious and wicked lye about the weather-cock at Oxford having been fully con
futed in Rehiars. N. 46. stopt his mouth from any reply, but not from impudently trumping up the fame again for which admoni/Pd him Num. 55, and he mentioned this admonition in his Num. 76. and (by way of repentance) repeats the fame without ossering one word tojustisy it. For this correfted him more severely Num. 58. yet
ADVERTISEMENT.
T he
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it
it,
The REHEARSAL
he mentions it again insultingly in his N. 92. calling a* excellent sermon at Oxford, another Oxford weather-cock. 'Tis a good jrst still ! which therefore he often reseats
I expect not (aftei this) to bring him, or his scandahus club to Jhame ! But I hope to make all men of sense a-
shamd of them.
! [ ae a>
From ^at. Oct. 1 i, to &at. Oct. 20, 1 705. N° 66.
1 . 77 •s/ God abolished an univerfal monarchy. And that the succefficn of the 70 nations was by the rule of
4i2
like hio Jkcrtejl way.
And that was instituted of God. 2. Ansiuer to in objection That the division of nations
was brfire the division languages. 3. Mr. Lock argument from Go to, let us build, That the builders f/' Babel wcre a commonwealth, or all independent. 4. That the poflestbr has the right, where none claims
a better right. With an answer to the objections against, this in a certain specimen.
&M. X70U have fully clear'd to me, master, last &-
firms the rights of the primogeniture else when Cod gave that to any, he gave them nothing.
(1. ) Hence likewise plain to me, that, instead of an universal monarchy over the whole earth, in the person of the eldest son of Noah, and of his eldest, and on, to the end of the world pleased God to interpose his
authority, and to divide the world into 70 independent nations, and to set ra/ur over every one of them. And this he did without the intervention of any human
means, by the miraculous divifion of languages, that
might appear to be his own act; and marvellous in in our eyes. But
mogeniture.
•
how that God Lard pv£r his own.
turday,
institutions, can alter and dispense with them at pleasure can make the youngest the eldest, and give the rights of the primogeniture to whom he pleases which still con
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The RE HEAR SAL,
Bat now, master, after the earth was thus divided, in,
their nations, after their languages, how did the fuccession. .
ofgovernment go in these particular nations ?
R. When there is an exception from a general rule,. the rule stands in all cafes not excepted. The exception
here is only as to an universal monarchy, in which they propos'd mighty things to themselves. To make them a name, and that they shou'd not be dispersed abroad up
on the face of the whole earth, but live all together, and to be one people. As it is faid, Gen. xi. 6. Behold the •
people is one ■ And this they begin to do ; and now no
thing will be restrained from them, which they have ima gined to do. Therefore God divided them into several nations, by means of the several languages, as I have faid before, N. 62. This was all the alteration was made:
therefore the succession, in these several nations went on
C. But I wou'd have a positive text commanding the succession to be in the first-born, and so to continue to the end of the world, and this given to Adam. That it was
the receiv'd notion then, you have shew'd plain enough,
N. 57. from the instance of Cain and Abel. And that-
it was the fact and practice univerfally over all the earth. But this is but practice still. I would see the sirst command and institution given to Adam.
R. The history of Genefis before the Flood is very 'short, and gives onlyfacts. The institutions are sup-
pos'd, and were generally receiv'd as such by the Jews.
