STRUGGLE WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 303
of June, 1774, that the flame, whereof Wentworth had
spoken, showed how defective were its incendiary proper-
ties.
of June, 1774, that the flame, whereof Wentworth had
spoken, showed how defective were its incendiary proper-
ties.
Arthur Schlesinger - Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution
.
" 2 The tea remained undis-
turbed in the government warehouse for three years, when
it was auctioned off for the benefit of the new revolutionary
government.
It is apparent from this recital of events that the British
government and its reluctant ally, the East India Company,
had been foiled in their attempt to effect the sale of dutied
tea, owned by the company, in the colonies. The results
of this politico-business venture were to be far reaching.
Meantime the radicals and merchants of America, having
beheld the fruits of their coalition, found time to reflect on
the situation in which they found themselves. Of the four
instances of opposition to the East India Company, the
Boston Tea Party was best calculated to enkindle the public
mind; but, to the surprise of the radicals, there was no burst-
ing forth of the flame that had swept over the country at
the time of the Stamp Act and again during the Townshend
1 Governor Bull believed that, if the merchants had been a little more
aggressive in showing disapprobation of the public meetings and the
consignees had shown a little more backbone, the plan of the East
India Company would have been put peaceably into operation. Drake,
op. cit. , pp. 339-341.
1 Ibid. , p. 342.
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? STRUGGLE WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
299
Acts, save in Massachusetts where the fuse had been care-
fully laid by the committees of correspondence.
Chant ass generallv wag
fry th<<^anarrhy that haH 1fljfj profane hands upon property
belonging to a private trading company; and many other
people, more liberally inclined, were of their cast of mind.
As a conservative Boston journal quoted with approval:
Whenever a factious set of People rise to such a Pitch of
Insolence, as to prevent the Execution of the Laws, or destroy
the Property of Individuals, just as their Caprice or Humour
leads them; there is an end of all Order and Government,
Riot and Confusion must be the natural Consequence of such
Measures. It is impossible for Trade to flourish where Prop-
erty is insecure: Whether this has not been the Case at Boston
for some time past, you are the best Judge. There is a strange
Spirit of Licentiousness gone forth into the World, which
shelters itself under the venerable and endearing Name of
LIBERTY, buti is as different from it as Folly is from Wisdom. 1
Furthermore, what right did the Bostonians have to pose
as the jealous guardians of the principle of local taxation, it
was asked in many parts of British America, when Boston-
ians had been the most notorious importers of dutied teas
during the last two or three years? Even Dr. Franklin.
who from his official position at London represented all
America more nearly than any other one man, called the
tea destruction "an Act of violent Injustice on nnr part. "
He wrote at length to the Massachusetts Committee of Cor-
respondence:
truly concern'd as I believe all considerate Men are with
you, that there should seem to any a Necessity for carrying
Matters to such Extremity, as, in a Dispute about Publick
1 Words of an Englishman writing to an American friend; Mass.
Gas. & Newz-Letter, Nov. 17, 1774-
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? 3oo
THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
Rights, to destroy private Property. . . . I cannot but wish
& hope that before any compulsive Measures are thought of
here, our General Court will have shewn a Disposition to re-
pair the Damage and make Compensation to the Company . J
As has been suggested, Sam Adams's committee system
taught the inhabitants of Massachusetts and the nearby
provinces to react differently, although even here the mari-
time town of Bristol, R. I. , saw fit to qualify its resolutions
against the East India Company by declaring:
Some may apprehend there is danger from another quarter,
generally unforeseen and unsuspected; that anarchy and con-
fusion, which may prevail, will as naturally establish tyranny
and arbitrary power, as one extreme leads to another; many
on the side of liberty, when they see it degenerating into an-
archy, fearing their persons are not safe, nor their property-
secure, will be likely to verge to the other extreme. . . . 2
From the moment of the sinking of the tea at Boston,
public sentiment in Massachusetts entirely escaped any
bounds that the mercantile element could have set for it. It
has been shown how, in the earlier months, the popular de-
mands, originally directed against the dutied shipments of
the British trading monopoly alone, were extended to in-
clude consignments to private merchants as well. Imme-
diately after the tea destruction, the radicals proceeded to
take the logical next step---the boycott of all {eas. whetfief
dutied (y smngg-fod. This may have been done to propitiate
the dealers in legal teas; but it also had the effect of pre-
venting the selling of customed teas to unsuspecting persons
who believed they were buying the contraband article. 8
1 Letter of Feb. 2, 1774; Writings (Smyth), vol. vi, pp. 178-180. Vide
also ibid. , p. 223.
1 R. I. Col. Recs. , vol. vii, pp. 274-275.
1 " Concordia" and "Deborah Doubtful" in Mass. Spy, Jan. 13, 27,
1774-
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? STRUGGLE WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
Many believed this step to be " chimerical;" ' certainly the
smugglers were robbed of their pecuniary interest in the
struggle, but they were too deeply involved to withdraw
their support now. Within a week after the tea destruc-
tion, the tea dealers of Boston agreed to suspend the sales
of all teas, dutied or otherwise, after January 20, 1774.
When that day arrived, two barrels of Bohea still unsold
were publicly burned in front of the custom house. 2
The nearby town of Charlestown co-operated with the
Boston measures; and the Boston plan was also adopted by
Worcester, Acton, Lunenburgh, and perhaps by other towns. 2
Most Massachusetts towns, however, were content to de-
cree merely the abstention from dutied teas. Up until the
first of April, 1774, forty towns had passed resolutions;*
most of them affixed a boycott as the sanction of the re-
solves; and several towns appointed belated committees of
correspondence. The height of radical fervor was reached
in a resolution of the town of Windham, which declared:
"That neither the Parliament of Britain nor the Parlia-
ment of France nor any other Parliament but that which
sits supreme in our Province has a Right to lay any Taxes
? Mass. Spy, Jan. 13, 20, 1774.
1 Seventy-nine dealers agreed to the resolutions; nine would oppose
dutied tea only; and four refused even a qualified assent. Mass. Spy,
Dec. 30, 1773, Jan. 20, 1774; Bos. Eve. Post, Jan. 24, Feb. 7, 1774-
? Mass. Spy, Dec. 30, 1773, Jan. 6, Feb. 10, 1774; Bos. Com. Cor. Mss. ,
vol. viii, pp. 644-649, 681-683.
? Abington, Bedford, Berwick, Beverly, Bolton, Boxford, Braintree,
Cape Elisabeth, Colerain, Concord, Dedham, Dorchester, Eastham, Fal-
mouth, Framingham, Gorham, Grafton, Harvard, Hull, Ipswich, Lin-
coln, Medfield, Medway, Newton, Newbury, Pembrooke, Salem, Sand-
wich, Scarborough, Shirley, Shrewsbury, Sudbury, Topsfield, Town-
shend, Truro, Watertown, WellHeet, Wells, Westford, Windham. For
these resolutions, vide the current newspapers and Bos. Com. Cor.
Mss. , vols. vi, vii and viii, passim. The towns italicized included the
boycott.
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? 302
THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763. 1776
on us for the purpose of Raising a Revenue. " Only a few-
towns took unfavorable action, Marshfield hoping to see the
perpetrators of the Boston violence brought to justice, and
Littleton discharging its committee of correspondence. 1 At
Sandwich the radicals defeated unfriendly action by re-
fusing to hold a meeting; and at Eastham they succeeded
in rescinding the condemnatory resolves of an earlier meet-
ing. 8
The excitement over the tea was utilized by the Boston
radicals, though with only partial success, in an attempt to
stir up the nearby provinces to protest and action. Accord-
ing to Governor Wentworth, of New Hampshire, "the un-
wearied applications from Boston communicated the flame
here. " * A town meeting met at Portsmouth on December
16, 1773, and passed strong resolutions against the impor-
tation of dutied teas similar to the Philadelphia resolutions
of October 16. 4 Shortly after, several other towns fol-
lowed the example of the capital. 5 It was not until the end
1 In both cases the radicals signed their names to published protests.
Mass. Spy, Feb. 10, 24, 1774.
1Mass. Spy, Apr. 7, 1774; Bos. Com. Cor. Papers, vol. iii, pp. 307-310.
The sincerity of the widespread resolutions was quickly evidenced by
a number of instances of enforcement. E. g. , vide Mass. Spy, Jan. 13,
Feb. 17, Mch. 17, 31, Apr. 7, July 21, 1774. The country peddler proved
to be the most persistent offender. At Boston the determination to
prevent the shipment of customed teas to private merchants led to a
second Tea Party on March 8, 1774, when 28% chests of tea on board
the brig Fortune were cast into the harbor by the omnipresent "In-
dians. " The Boston Committee declared in a letter that "this event
must convince the Merchants in England that the extorted duty on
that Article is as disagreeable to the good People of this Province as
the intended monopoly of the East India Company. " Bos. Com. Cor.
Mss. , vol. ix, pp. 726-729; Mass. Spy, Mch. 10, 17, 1774.
1 Brit. Papers ("Sparks Mss. "), vol. i, p. 21.
4 N. H. Gas. , Dec. 24, 1773.
? Barrington, Exeter, Hampton, Haverhill, Newcastle. Mass. Spy,
Jan. 13, 1774; Mass. Gas. & Post-Boy, Jan. 10; N. H. Gas. , Feb. 25,
Mch. 4.
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?
STRUGGLE WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 303
of June, 1774, that the flame, whereof Wentworth had
spoken, showed how defective were its incendiary proper-
ties. On the twenty-fifth, a vessel arrived at Portsmouth
with a consignment of twenty-seven chests of dutied tea for
a private merchant. The tea was landed; the town meeting
which assembled to consider the situation was temperate
beyond the hope of the governor. A committee, composed
chiefly of "discreet men who . . . detested every idea of
violating property," was appointed to treat with the con-
signee, while the town meeting chose "a guard of free-
holders to protect and defend the Custom House and the
tea from any attempt or interruption. " The merchant
readily accepted the committee's offer to export the tea to
any market he chose at the town's expense; and thereupon
the duty was openly paid and the tea publicly carted back
to the vessel. The whole episode passed off without dis-
turbance, an incipient attempt being quelled by the towns-
men themselves. 1
The people at Newport, R. I. , were even more belated in
adopting resolutions, although urged to do so by a letter
from the Boston Committee of Correspondence. Finally,
on Saturday, January 1, 1774, a notice was mysteriously
posted at the Brick Market, signed by "Legion," and
threatening that the town officials would surely be opposed
in any office in town or colony to which they might aspire,
unless a town meeting were called to adopt resolutions like
Boston and the other towns. The notice had its effect: a
town meeting was held on the following Tuesday, and at
an adjournment on January 12 the town adopted the Phila-
delphia resolutions verbatim and appointed a committee of
correspondence. 2 This prompted the smaller towns to pass
1 N. H. Gas. , July 1, 8, 1774; 4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 512-513.
? Mow. Gos. & Post-Boy, Jan. 17, 1774; Bos. Eve. Post, Jan. 24.
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? 304 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
similar resolutions and became a signal for the establish-
ment of the committee of correspondence system through-
out Rhode Island. 1 Onlv one New England province re-
mained silent; and no amount of urging from Boston was
sufficient to arouse the people of Connecticut to a sense of
danger. 2
(2j[t New York we have seen that news of the Boston
vandalism had, for the moment, turned the tide in favor of
the radicals, and that at Philadelphia resolutions of ap-
proval had been impulsively adopted contrary to the judg-
ment of the " substantial thinking part. '^J Nevertheless, the
sober judgment of both towns and of the remaining prov-
inces was against the action of the Bostonians. Several
meetings of the people of Charleston, S. C. , prompted by
the radicals in January and March, 1774, proved futile in
their outcome. 8 The ebbing of the radical movement seemed
apparent on . almost pvfry hand.
1 By the end of March, Providence, Bristol, Richmond, New Shore-
ham, Cumberland and Barrington had acted. R. I. Col. Recs. , voL vii,
pp. 272-280, 283. The town of Scituate chose a committee in Sep-
tember.
1 Bos. Com. Cor. Mss. , vol. ix, pp. 717-718.
*S. C. Gas. , Jan. 24, Mch. 7, 21, 28, 1774; Drayton, Memoirs, vol. i,
p. IOO. At the Charleston meeting of Mch. 16, a standing committee
of forty-five was appointed with power to act as executive body and to
call the inhabitants together upon occasion.
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? CHAPTER VIII
CONTEST OF MERCHANTS AND RADICALS FOR DOMINANCE
IN THE COMMERCIAL PROVINCES (MARCH-AUGUST,
1774)
THE ena^tmn? * "f tht "^r^1'yp af. tg fay Parliament called
forth_ the union of interests and action in America, which
the opposition to fhp FJS^ TnHia Company in the leading
sey! 2rts h. 5^-? iu! ? i,t? ~? xpke? The chief of these laws were
intended to deal with the lawless conditions which had
arisen in the province of Massachusetts Bay out of the tea
commotions. The first of the series, the Boston Port Act.
received the royal assent on the last day of March, 1774. *
This act provided for the closing 9f the harbor of Boston
to commerce from and after June 1 and the transfer of the
custom house to Marblehead and the capital to Salem. The
port of Boston was to be re-opened when the East India
Company and the customs officers and others had been re-
imbursed for the losses sustained by them during the riots,
and when the king in privy council was satisfied that trade
might be safely carried on there and the customs duly col-
lected.
After an interval of two months, two other acts were
passed which provided for thorough-going alterations^ . of
the constitution of the j^pyince. * The governor's council,
which, being elective by the Assembly, had hitherto ob-
1 14 George III, c. 19. For the parliamentary debates on this and the
following acts, vide Parliamentary History, vol. xvii, pp. 1159-1325.
* 14 George III, c. 45, c. 39-
305
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? 306 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1703. 1776
structed all efforts to suppress rioting, was now made ap-
pointive by the king, as in all other royal provinces. A
direct blow was aimed at the system of committees of cor-
respondence by the provision placing town meetings under
the immediate control of the governor from and after
August 1, and permitting only the annual meeting for the
election of officers to be held without his express authoriza-
tion. The way was prepared for a rigorous execution of
the customs laws by providing that a person might be tried
in another province or in Great Britain, who was charged
with a capital crime committed " either in the execution of
his duty as a magistrate, for the suppression of riots or in
the support of the laws of revenue, or in acting in his duty
as an officer of revenue," or as acting in a subordinate
capacity in either case. The three acts passed with great
majorities. 1 A motion to rescind the tea duty called forth
a remarkable speech in favor of repeal by Edmund Burke;
but the motion was lost by a large vote.
The receipt of the news of the Boston Port Act put a
new face on public affairs in America. It changed com-
pletely the nature of the contest with Parliament which had
been going on intermittently since 1764. It created the
basis for a realignment of forces and strength, the impor-
tance of which was to be a fundamental factor in the later
development of events. Hitherto the struggle with Parlia-
ment had twn if| large part, inspired and guided by_ tht
demand of the mercantile r1a. ';s for trade reforms. Each
new act of Parliament had accentuated or ameliorated busi-
ness distress in the colonies; and in proportion to the reme-
dial character of the legislation, the barometer of American
discontent had risen or fallen. To carry on their propa-
1 In June, the Quebec Act and the Quartering Act were added to the
trilogy of measures already enacted. These acts merely added fuel to
the blaze that had already started in the colonies.
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? CONTEST IN COMMERCIAL PROVINCES 307
ganda successfully, the merchants had found it necessary to
form alliances with their natural enemies in society--with
the intelligent, hopeful radicals who dreamed of a semi-
independent American nation or something better, and with
the innumerable and nameless individuals whose brains
were in their biceps, men who were useful as long as they
could be held in leash. The passage of the Boston Port Act
and the other laws brought things to an issue between these
two elements, already grown suspicious of each other. The
question in controversy between Parliament and the colo-
nies was changed in an instant from a difference over
trade reforms to a political dispute, pure and simple, over
the right of Parliament to punish and prevent mob violence
through blockading Boston and expurgating the Massachu-
setts constitution. 1
1 Gouverneur Morris flippantly described the development of events
in New York in these terms: "It is needless to premise, that the lower
orders of mankind are more easily led by specious appearances than
those of a more exalted station. . . . The troubles in America, during
Grenville's administration, put our gentry upon this finesse. They
stimulated some daring coxcombs to rouse the mob into an attack upon
the bounds of order and decency. These fellows became the Jack
Cades of the day, the leaders in all the riots, the belwethers of the
flock. The reason of the manoeuvre in those who wished to keep fair
with the Government, and at the same time to receive the incense of
popular applause, you will readily perceive. On the whole, the shep-
herds were not much to blame in a politic point of view. The bel-
wethers jingled merrily, and roared out liberty, and property, and re-
ligion, and a multitude of cant terms, which every one thought he un-
derstood, and was egregiously mistaken. For you must know the shep-
herds kept the dictionary of the day; and, like the mysteries of the
ancient mythology, it was not for profane eyes or ears. This answered
many purposes; the simple flock put themselves entirely under the
protection of these most excellent shepherds. By and bye behold a great
metamorphosis, without the help of Ovid or his divinities but entirely
effectuated by two modern Genii, the god of Ambition and the god-
dess of Faction. The first of these prompted the shepherds to shear
some of their flock, and then, in conjunction with the other, converted
the belwethers into shepherds. That we have been in hot water with.
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? 308 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
In this new aspect of the controversy the merchants
found themselves instinctively siding with the home gov-
ernment. No commercial principle was at stake in the co-
ercive acts; and the Boston violence was a manifestation of
mob rule which every self-respecting merchant abhorred
from his very soul. Nor could he see any commercial ad-
vantage which might accrue from pursuing the will-o'-the-
wisp ideas of the radicals. The uncertain prospect which
the radical jlans h,eld forth was not comparable with the
tangible benefits which came f rornjB&mbershipjnjthe British
emp1re under py^t1"fffnnd't"iTS even absolute freedom of
trade meant little in view of the restrictive trade systems
of the leading nations of the world, the comparative ease
with which the most objectionable parliamentary regulations
continued to be evaded, and the insecure, if not dangerous,
character of any independent government which the rad-
icals might establish. When all was said and done, the mer-
chants knew that their welfare depended upon their con-
nection with Great Britain--upon the protection afforded
by the British navy, upon the acquisition of new markets by
the British Parliament since every body knows. Consequently these
new shepherds had their hands full of employment. The old ones kept
themselves least in sight, and a want of confidence in each other was
not the least evil which followed. The port of Boston has been shut
up. These sheep, simple as they are, cannot be gulled as heretofore.
In short, there is no ruling them; and now, to change the metaphor,
the heads of the mobility grow dangerous to the gentry, and how to
keep them down is the question. " Letter to Penn, May 20, 1774;
Sparks, J. , Life of Gouverneur Morris (Boston, 1832), vol. i, pp. 23-26;
also 4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 342-343. Vide also an unsigned letter in
ibid. , 302 n. , and Governor Martin's letter in N. C. Col. Recs. , vol. ix,
pp. 1083-1087. In the case of Massachusetts, vide the statement of "A
Converted Whig" who, although a member of the Boston Committee
of Correspondence, began to desert the radical cause after the Boston
Tea Party. 4 Am. Arch. , vol. ii, pp. 103-106. For a similar view in
the case of Pennsylvania, vide Charles Thomson's letter to Drayton,
Stille, Life of Dickinson, p. 345.
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turbed in the government warehouse for three years, when
it was auctioned off for the benefit of the new revolutionary
government.
It is apparent from this recital of events that the British
government and its reluctant ally, the East India Company,
had been foiled in their attempt to effect the sale of dutied
tea, owned by the company, in the colonies. The results
of this politico-business venture were to be far reaching.
Meantime the radicals and merchants of America, having
beheld the fruits of their coalition, found time to reflect on
the situation in which they found themselves. Of the four
instances of opposition to the East India Company, the
Boston Tea Party was best calculated to enkindle the public
mind; but, to the surprise of the radicals, there was no burst-
ing forth of the flame that had swept over the country at
the time of the Stamp Act and again during the Townshend
1 Governor Bull believed that, if the merchants had been a little more
aggressive in showing disapprobation of the public meetings and the
consignees had shown a little more backbone, the plan of the East
India Company would have been put peaceably into operation. Drake,
op. cit. , pp. 339-341.
1 Ibid. , p. 342.
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? STRUGGLE WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
299
Acts, save in Massachusetts where the fuse had been care-
fully laid by the committees of correspondence.
Chant ass generallv wag
fry th<<^anarrhy that haH 1fljfj profane hands upon property
belonging to a private trading company; and many other
people, more liberally inclined, were of their cast of mind.
As a conservative Boston journal quoted with approval:
Whenever a factious set of People rise to such a Pitch of
Insolence, as to prevent the Execution of the Laws, or destroy
the Property of Individuals, just as their Caprice or Humour
leads them; there is an end of all Order and Government,
Riot and Confusion must be the natural Consequence of such
Measures. It is impossible for Trade to flourish where Prop-
erty is insecure: Whether this has not been the Case at Boston
for some time past, you are the best Judge. There is a strange
Spirit of Licentiousness gone forth into the World, which
shelters itself under the venerable and endearing Name of
LIBERTY, buti is as different from it as Folly is from Wisdom. 1
Furthermore, what right did the Bostonians have to pose
as the jealous guardians of the principle of local taxation, it
was asked in many parts of British America, when Boston-
ians had been the most notorious importers of dutied teas
during the last two or three years? Even Dr. Franklin.
who from his official position at London represented all
America more nearly than any other one man, called the
tea destruction "an Act of violent Injustice on nnr part. "
He wrote at length to the Massachusetts Committee of Cor-
respondence:
truly concern'd as I believe all considerate Men are with
you, that there should seem to any a Necessity for carrying
Matters to such Extremity, as, in a Dispute about Publick
1 Words of an Englishman writing to an American friend; Mass.
Gas. & Newz-Letter, Nov. 17, 1774-
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? 3oo
THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
Rights, to destroy private Property. . . . I cannot but wish
& hope that before any compulsive Measures are thought of
here, our General Court will have shewn a Disposition to re-
pair the Damage and make Compensation to the Company . J
As has been suggested, Sam Adams's committee system
taught the inhabitants of Massachusetts and the nearby
provinces to react differently, although even here the mari-
time town of Bristol, R. I. , saw fit to qualify its resolutions
against the East India Company by declaring:
Some may apprehend there is danger from another quarter,
generally unforeseen and unsuspected; that anarchy and con-
fusion, which may prevail, will as naturally establish tyranny
and arbitrary power, as one extreme leads to another; many
on the side of liberty, when they see it degenerating into an-
archy, fearing their persons are not safe, nor their property-
secure, will be likely to verge to the other extreme. . . . 2
From the moment of the sinking of the tea at Boston,
public sentiment in Massachusetts entirely escaped any
bounds that the mercantile element could have set for it. It
has been shown how, in the earlier months, the popular de-
mands, originally directed against the dutied shipments of
the British trading monopoly alone, were extended to in-
clude consignments to private merchants as well. Imme-
diately after the tea destruction, the radicals proceeded to
take the logical next step---the boycott of all {eas. whetfief
dutied (y smngg-fod. This may have been done to propitiate
the dealers in legal teas; but it also had the effect of pre-
venting the selling of customed teas to unsuspecting persons
who believed they were buying the contraband article. 8
1 Letter of Feb. 2, 1774; Writings (Smyth), vol. vi, pp. 178-180. Vide
also ibid. , p. 223.
1 R. I. Col. Recs. , vol. vii, pp. 274-275.
1 " Concordia" and "Deborah Doubtful" in Mass. Spy, Jan. 13, 27,
1774-
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? STRUGGLE WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY
Many believed this step to be " chimerical;" ' certainly the
smugglers were robbed of their pecuniary interest in the
struggle, but they were too deeply involved to withdraw
their support now. Within a week after the tea destruc-
tion, the tea dealers of Boston agreed to suspend the sales
of all teas, dutied or otherwise, after January 20, 1774.
When that day arrived, two barrels of Bohea still unsold
were publicly burned in front of the custom house. 2
The nearby town of Charlestown co-operated with the
Boston measures; and the Boston plan was also adopted by
Worcester, Acton, Lunenburgh, and perhaps by other towns. 2
Most Massachusetts towns, however, were content to de-
cree merely the abstention from dutied teas. Up until the
first of April, 1774, forty towns had passed resolutions;*
most of them affixed a boycott as the sanction of the re-
solves; and several towns appointed belated committees of
correspondence. The height of radical fervor was reached
in a resolution of the town of Windham, which declared:
"That neither the Parliament of Britain nor the Parlia-
ment of France nor any other Parliament but that which
sits supreme in our Province has a Right to lay any Taxes
? Mass. Spy, Jan. 13, 20, 1774.
1 Seventy-nine dealers agreed to the resolutions; nine would oppose
dutied tea only; and four refused even a qualified assent. Mass. Spy,
Dec. 30, 1773, Jan. 20, 1774; Bos. Eve. Post, Jan. 24, Feb. 7, 1774-
? Mass. Spy, Dec. 30, 1773, Jan. 6, Feb. 10, 1774; Bos. Com. Cor. Mss. ,
vol. viii, pp. 644-649, 681-683.
? Abington, Bedford, Berwick, Beverly, Bolton, Boxford, Braintree,
Cape Elisabeth, Colerain, Concord, Dedham, Dorchester, Eastham, Fal-
mouth, Framingham, Gorham, Grafton, Harvard, Hull, Ipswich, Lin-
coln, Medfield, Medway, Newton, Newbury, Pembrooke, Salem, Sand-
wich, Scarborough, Shirley, Shrewsbury, Sudbury, Topsfield, Town-
shend, Truro, Watertown, WellHeet, Wells, Westford, Windham. For
these resolutions, vide the current newspapers and Bos. Com. Cor.
Mss. , vols. vi, vii and viii, passim. The towns italicized included the
boycott.
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? 302
THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763. 1776
on us for the purpose of Raising a Revenue. " Only a few-
towns took unfavorable action, Marshfield hoping to see the
perpetrators of the Boston violence brought to justice, and
Littleton discharging its committee of correspondence. 1 At
Sandwich the radicals defeated unfriendly action by re-
fusing to hold a meeting; and at Eastham they succeeded
in rescinding the condemnatory resolves of an earlier meet-
ing. 8
The excitement over the tea was utilized by the Boston
radicals, though with only partial success, in an attempt to
stir up the nearby provinces to protest and action. Accord-
ing to Governor Wentworth, of New Hampshire, "the un-
wearied applications from Boston communicated the flame
here. " * A town meeting met at Portsmouth on December
16, 1773, and passed strong resolutions against the impor-
tation of dutied teas similar to the Philadelphia resolutions
of October 16. 4 Shortly after, several other towns fol-
lowed the example of the capital. 5 It was not until the end
1 In both cases the radicals signed their names to published protests.
Mass. Spy, Feb. 10, 24, 1774.
1Mass. Spy, Apr. 7, 1774; Bos. Com. Cor. Papers, vol. iii, pp. 307-310.
The sincerity of the widespread resolutions was quickly evidenced by
a number of instances of enforcement. E. g. , vide Mass. Spy, Jan. 13,
Feb. 17, Mch. 17, 31, Apr. 7, July 21, 1774. The country peddler proved
to be the most persistent offender. At Boston the determination to
prevent the shipment of customed teas to private merchants led to a
second Tea Party on March 8, 1774, when 28% chests of tea on board
the brig Fortune were cast into the harbor by the omnipresent "In-
dians. " The Boston Committee declared in a letter that "this event
must convince the Merchants in England that the extorted duty on
that Article is as disagreeable to the good People of this Province as
the intended monopoly of the East India Company. " Bos. Com. Cor.
Mss. , vol. ix, pp. 726-729; Mass. Spy, Mch. 10, 17, 1774.
1 Brit. Papers ("Sparks Mss. "), vol. i, p. 21.
4 N. H. Gas. , Dec. 24, 1773.
? Barrington, Exeter, Hampton, Haverhill, Newcastle. Mass. Spy,
Jan. 13, 1774; Mass. Gas. & Post-Boy, Jan. 10; N. H. Gas. , Feb. 25,
Mch. 4.
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?
STRUGGLE WITH THE EAST INDIA COMPANY 303
of June, 1774, that the flame, whereof Wentworth had
spoken, showed how defective were its incendiary proper-
ties. On the twenty-fifth, a vessel arrived at Portsmouth
with a consignment of twenty-seven chests of dutied tea for
a private merchant. The tea was landed; the town meeting
which assembled to consider the situation was temperate
beyond the hope of the governor. A committee, composed
chiefly of "discreet men who . . . detested every idea of
violating property," was appointed to treat with the con-
signee, while the town meeting chose "a guard of free-
holders to protect and defend the Custom House and the
tea from any attempt or interruption. " The merchant
readily accepted the committee's offer to export the tea to
any market he chose at the town's expense; and thereupon
the duty was openly paid and the tea publicly carted back
to the vessel. The whole episode passed off without dis-
turbance, an incipient attempt being quelled by the towns-
men themselves. 1
The people at Newport, R. I. , were even more belated in
adopting resolutions, although urged to do so by a letter
from the Boston Committee of Correspondence. Finally,
on Saturday, January 1, 1774, a notice was mysteriously
posted at the Brick Market, signed by "Legion," and
threatening that the town officials would surely be opposed
in any office in town or colony to which they might aspire,
unless a town meeting were called to adopt resolutions like
Boston and the other towns. The notice had its effect: a
town meeting was held on the following Tuesday, and at
an adjournment on January 12 the town adopted the Phila-
delphia resolutions verbatim and appointed a committee of
correspondence. 2 This prompted the smaller towns to pass
1 N. H. Gas. , July 1, 8, 1774; 4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 512-513.
? Mow. Gos. & Post-Boy, Jan. 17, 1774; Bos. Eve. Post, Jan. 24.
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? 304 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
similar resolutions and became a signal for the establish-
ment of the committee of correspondence system through-
out Rhode Island. 1 Onlv one New England province re-
mained silent; and no amount of urging from Boston was
sufficient to arouse the people of Connecticut to a sense of
danger. 2
(2j[t New York we have seen that news of the Boston
vandalism had, for the moment, turned the tide in favor of
the radicals, and that at Philadelphia resolutions of ap-
proval had been impulsively adopted contrary to the judg-
ment of the " substantial thinking part. '^J Nevertheless, the
sober judgment of both towns and of the remaining prov-
inces was against the action of the Bostonians. Several
meetings of the people of Charleston, S. C. , prompted by
the radicals in January and March, 1774, proved futile in
their outcome. 8 The ebbing of the radical movement seemed
apparent on . almost pvfry hand.
1 By the end of March, Providence, Bristol, Richmond, New Shore-
ham, Cumberland and Barrington had acted. R. I. Col. Recs. , voL vii,
pp. 272-280, 283. The town of Scituate chose a committee in Sep-
tember.
1 Bos. Com. Cor. Mss. , vol. ix, pp. 717-718.
*S. C. Gas. , Jan. 24, Mch. 7, 21, 28, 1774; Drayton, Memoirs, vol. i,
p. IOO. At the Charleston meeting of Mch. 16, a standing committee
of forty-five was appointed with power to act as executive body and to
call the inhabitants together upon occasion.
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? CHAPTER VIII
CONTEST OF MERCHANTS AND RADICALS FOR DOMINANCE
IN THE COMMERCIAL PROVINCES (MARCH-AUGUST,
1774)
THE ena^tmn? * "f tht "^r^1'yp af. tg fay Parliament called
forth_ the union of interests and action in America, which
the opposition to fhp FJS^ TnHia Company in the leading
sey! 2rts h. 5^-? iu! ? i,t? ~? xpke? The chief of these laws were
intended to deal with the lawless conditions which had
arisen in the province of Massachusetts Bay out of the tea
commotions. The first of the series, the Boston Port Act.
received the royal assent on the last day of March, 1774. *
This act provided for the closing 9f the harbor of Boston
to commerce from and after June 1 and the transfer of the
custom house to Marblehead and the capital to Salem. The
port of Boston was to be re-opened when the East India
Company and the customs officers and others had been re-
imbursed for the losses sustained by them during the riots,
and when the king in privy council was satisfied that trade
might be safely carried on there and the customs duly col-
lected.
After an interval of two months, two other acts were
passed which provided for thorough-going alterations^ . of
the constitution of the j^pyince. * The governor's council,
which, being elective by the Assembly, had hitherto ob-
1 14 George III, c. 19. For the parliamentary debates on this and the
following acts, vide Parliamentary History, vol. xvii, pp. 1159-1325.
* 14 George III, c. 45, c. 39-
305
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? 306 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1703. 1776
structed all efforts to suppress rioting, was now made ap-
pointive by the king, as in all other royal provinces. A
direct blow was aimed at the system of committees of cor-
respondence by the provision placing town meetings under
the immediate control of the governor from and after
August 1, and permitting only the annual meeting for the
election of officers to be held without his express authoriza-
tion. The way was prepared for a rigorous execution of
the customs laws by providing that a person might be tried
in another province or in Great Britain, who was charged
with a capital crime committed " either in the execution of
his duty as a magistrate, for the suppression of riots or in
the support of the laws of revenue, or in acting in his duty
as an officer of revenue," or as acting in a subordinate
capacity in either case. The three acts passed with great
majorities. 1 A motion to rescind the tea duty called forth
a remarkable speech in favor of repeal by Edmund Burke;
but the motion was lost by a large vote.
The receipt of the news of the Boston Port Act put a
new face on public affairs in America. It changed com-
pletely the nature of the contest with Parliament which had
been going on intermittently since 1764. It created the
basis for a realignment of forces and strength, the impor-
tance of which was to be a fundamental factor in the later
development of events. Hitherto the struggle with Parlia-
ment had twn if| large part, inspired and guided by_ tht
demand of the mercantile r1a. ';s for trade reforms. Each
new act of Parliament had accentuated or ameliorated busi-
ness distress in the colonies; and in proportion to the reme-
dial character of the legislation, the barometer of American
discontent had risen or fallen. To carry on their propa-
1 In June, the Quebec Act and the Quartering Act were added to the
trilogy of measures already enacted. These acts merely added fuel to
the blaze that had already started in the colonies.
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? CONTEST IN COMMERCIAL PROVINCES 307
ganda successfully, the merchants had found it necessary to
form alliances with their natural enemies in society--with
the intelligent, hopeful radicals who dreamed of a semi-
independent American nation or something better, and with
the innumerable and nameless individuals whose brains
were in their biceps, men who were useful as long as they
could be held in leash. The passage of the Boston Port Act
and the other laws brought things to an issue between these
two elements, already grown suspicious of each other. The
question in controversy between Parliament and the colo-
nies was changed in an instant from a difference over
trade reforms to a political dispute, pure and simple, over
the right of Parliament to punish and prevent mob violence
through blockading Boston and expurgating the Massachu-
setts constitution. 1
1 Gouverneur Morris flippantly described the development of events
in New York in these terms: "It is needless to premise, that the lower
orders of mankind are more easily led by specious appearances than
those of a more exalted station. . . . The troubles in America, during
Grenville's administration, put our gentry upon this finesse. They
stimulated some daring coxcombs to rouse the mob into an attack upon
the bounds of order and decency. These fellows became the Jack
Cades of the day, the leaders in all the riots, the belwethers of the
flock. The reason of the manoeuvre in those who wished to keep fair
with the Government, and at the same time to receive the incense of
popular applause, you will readily perceive. On the whole, the shep-
herds were not much to blame in a politic point of view. The bel-
wethers jingled merrily, and roared out liberty, and property, and re-
ligion, and a multitude of cant terms, which every one thought he un-
derstood, and was egregiously mistaken. For you must know the shep-
herds kept the dictionary of the day; and, like the mysteries of the
ancient mythology, it was not for profane eyes or ears. This answered
many purposes; the simple flock put themselves entirely under the
protection of these most excellent shepherds. By and bye behold a great
metamorphosis, without the help of Ovid or his divinities but entirely
effectuated by two modern Genii, the god of Ambition and the god-
dess of Faction. The first of these prompted the shepherds to shear
some of their flock, and then, in conjunction with the other, converted
the belwethers into shepherds. That we have been in hot water with.
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? 308 THE COLONIAL MERCHANTS: 1763-1776
In this new aspect of the controversy the merchants
found themselves instinctively siding with the home gov-
ernment. No commercial principle was at stake in the co-
ercive acts; and the Boston violence was a manifestation of
mob rule which every self-respecting merchant abhorred
from his very soul. Nor could he see any commercial ad-
vantage which might accrue from pursuing the will-o'-the-
wisp ideas of the radicals. The uncertain prospect which
the radical jlans h,eld forth was not comparable with the
tangible benefits which came f rornjB&mbershipjnjthe British
emp1re under py^t1"fffnnd't"iTS even absolute freedom of
trade meant little in view of the restrictive trade systems
of the leading nations of the world, the comparative ease
with which the most objectionable parliamentary regulations
continued to be evaded, and the insecure, if not dangerous,
character of any independent government which the rad-
icals might establish. When all was said and done, the mer-
chants knew that their welfare depended upon their con-
nection with Great Britain--upon the protection afforded
by the British navy, upon the acquisition of new markets by
the British Parliament since every body knows. Consequently these
new shepherds had their hands full of employment. The old ones kept
themselves least in sight, and a want of confidence in each other was
not the least evil which followed. The port of Boston has been shut
up. These sheep, simple as they are, cannot be gulled as heretofore.
In short, there is no ruling them; and now, to change the metaphor,
the heads of the mobility grow dangerous to the gentry, and how to
keep them down is the question. " Letter to Penn, May 20, 1774;
Sparks, J. , Life of Gouverneur Morris (Boston, 1832), vol. i, pp. 23-26;
also 4 Am. Arch. , vol. i, pp. 342-343. Vide also an unsigned letter in
ibid. , 302 n. , and Governor Martin's letter in N. C. Col. Recs. , vol. ix,
pp. 1083-1087. In the case of Massachusetts, vide the statement of "A
Converted Whig" who, although a member of the Boston Committee
of Correspondence, began to desert the radical cause after the Boston
Tea Party. 4 Am. Arch. , vol. ii, pp. 103-106. For a similar view in
the case of Pennsylvania, vide Charles Thomson's letter to Drayton,
Stille, Life of Dickinson, p. 345.
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