No More Learning

I
fear that to decline may be perilous [to accept] an offense with
all good citizens. Ah, you exclaim, what a difficult, what an


## p. 3710 (#66) ############################################

3710
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
insoluble problem! Yet the solution must be found; for what
can one do? And lest you should have formed the idea that I
am rather inclined towards staying because I have argued more
on that side of the question, it is quite possible, as is so fre-
quently the case in debates, that one side has more words, the
other more worth. Therefore I should be glad if when you give
me your opinion you would look upon me as making up my
mind quite dispassionately on a most important question. I have
a ship both at Caieta and at Brundisium.
But lo and behold, while I am writing you these very lines
by night in my house at Cales, in come the couriers, and here is
a letter to say that Cæsar is before Corfinium, and that in Cor-
finium is Domitius, with an army resolute and even eager for
battle. I do not think our chief will go so far as to be guilty
of abandoning Domitius, though it is true he had already sent
Scipio on before with two cohorts to Brundisium, and written a
dispatch to the consuls ordering that the legion enrolled by
Faustus should go under the command of one consul to Sicily:
but it is a scandal that Domitius should be left to his fate when
he is imploring him for help. There is some hope, not in my
opinion a very good one, but strong in these parts, that there
has been a battle in the Pyrenees between Afranius and Tre-
bonius; that Trebonius has been beaten off; that your friend
Fabius also has come over to us with all his troops; and to
crown it all, that Afranius is advancing with a strong force. If
this be so, we shall perhaps make a stand in Italy. As for me,
since Cæsar's route is uncertain - he is expected about equally by
way of Capua and of Luceria-I have sent Lepta to Pompeius
with a letter, while I myself, for fear of falling in with him any-
where, have started again for Formiæ. I thought it best to let
you know this, and am writing with more composure than I have
written of late; not inserting any opinion of my own, but trying
to elicit yours.


## p. 3711 (#67) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3711
CICERO'S CORRESPONDENTS
IT SEEMS desirable to add a few letters by other hands than
Cicero's, to indicate the manifold side-lights thrown on the inner his-
tory of this intensely interesting period. Sulpicius's famous attempt
at consolation has already been given above. Two brief letters by
Cæsar will illustrate the dictator's marvelous ability to comprehend
and control other men. Pompey's gruff rudeness forms a contrast
which is hardly accidental on the editor's part. Cælius's wit is bit-
ing as ever; and lastly, Matius's protest against being persecuted
merely because he, who loved Cæsar, openly mourned for his dead
friend, has an unconscious tone of simple heroism unequaled in the
entire correspondence.
W. C. L.
CÆSAR TO CICERO
know me too well not to keep up your character as an
Yugur by divining that nothing is more entirely alien from
my nature than cruelty: I will add that while my decision
is in itself a great source of pleasure to me, to find my conduct
approved by you is a triumph of gratification. Nor does the fact
at all disturb me that those people whom I have set at liberty
are reported to have gone their ways only to renew the attack
upon me; because there is nothing I wish more than that I may
ever be as true to my own character as they to theirs.
May I hope that you will be near town when I am there, so
that I may as usual avail myself in everything of your advice
and means of assistance? Let me assure you that I am charmed
beyond everything with your relation Dolabella, to whom I shall
acknowledge myself indeed indebted for this obligation; for his
kindliness is so great, and his feeling and affection for me are
such, that he cannot possibly do otherwise.
CÆSAR TO CICERO
HOUGH I had fully made up my mind that you would do
nothing rashly, nothing imprudently, still I was so far im-
pressed by the rumors in some quarters as to think it my
duty to write to you, and ask it as a favor due to our mutual
regard that you will not take any step, now that the scale is so
decisively turned, which you would not have thought it necessary


## p. 3712 (#68) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3712
to take even though the balance still stood firm. For it will
really be both a heavier blow to our friendship, and a step on
your part still less judicious for yourself, if you are to be thought
not even to have bowed the knee to success for things seem to
have fallen out as entirely favorably for us as disastrously for
them; nor yet to have been drawn by attachment to a particu-
lar cause for that has undergone no change since you decided
to remain aloof from their counsels; - but to have passed a stern
judgment on some act of mine, than which, from you, no more
painful thing could befall me; and I claim the right of our
friendship to entreat that you will not take this course.
Finally, what more suitable part is there for a good peace-
loving man, and a good citizen, than to keep aloof from civil
dissensions? There were not a few who admired this course, but
could not adopt it by reason of its danger: you, after having
duly weighed both the conclusions of friendship and the unmis-
takable evidence of my whole life, will find that there is no
safer nor
more honorable course than to keep entirely aloof
from the struggle.
-
POMPEY TO CICERO
-
TOD
O-DAY, the 10th of February, Fabius Vergilianus has joined
me. From him I learn that Domitius with his eleven
cohorts, and fourteen cohorts that Vibullius has brought
up, is on his way to me. His intention was to start from Cor-
finium on the 13th, Hirrus to follow soon after with five of the
cohorts. I decide that you are to come to us at Luceria; here,
I think, you will be most in safety.
CELIUS IN ROME TO CICERO IN CILICIA
THE
HE capture of his Parthian Majesty and the storming of Se-
leuceia itself had not been enough to compensate for missing
the sight of our doings here. Your eyes would never have
ached again if you had only seen the face of Domitius when he
was not elected! The election was important, and it was quite
clear that party feeling determined the side which people took:
only a few could be brought to acknowledge the claims of friend-
ship. Consequently Domitius is so furious with me that he
arcely hates any of his most intimate friends as much as he
scar


## p. 3713 (#69) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3713
does me; and all the more because he thinks that it was to do
him wrong that his hopes of being in the College of Augurs are
snatched away, and that I am responsible for it. He is savage
now to see everybody so delighted at his mortification, and
myself more active than anybody, with one exception, on behalf
of Antonius.
As to political prospects, I have often mentioned to you that
I do not see any chance of peace lasting a year; and the nearer
that struggle which must infallibly take place, is drawing to us,
the more manifest does its danger become. The point at issue
about which our lords and masters are going to fight is this:
Pompeius has absolutely determined not to allow Cæsar to be
elected consul on any terms except a previous resignation of his
army and his government, while Cæsar is convinced that he
must inevitably fall if he separates himself from his army. He
offers however this compromise, that they should both of them
resign their armies. So you see their great affection for one
another and their much-abused alliance has not even dwindled
down into suppressed jealousy, but has broken out into open
war. Nor can I discover what is the wisest course to take in
my own interests: a question which I make no doubt will give
much trouble to you also. For while I have both interest and
connections among those who are on one side, on the other too it
is the cause and not the men themselves I dislike. You are not, I
feel sure, blind to the fact that where parties are divided within
a country, we are bound, so long as the struggle is carried on
with none but constitutional weapons, to support the more honor-
able cause, but when we come to blows and to open war, then
the safer one; and to count that cause the better which is the
less likely to be dangerous. In the present division of feeling I
see that Pompeius will have the Senate and all judicially minded
people on his side; those who have everything to dread and little
to hope for will flock to Cæsar: the army is not to be compared.
On the whole, we have plenty of time for balancing the strength
of parties and making our decision.
I had all but forgotten my principal reason for writing. Have
you heard of the wonderful doings of our censor Appius-how
he is rigorously inquiring into our statues and pictures, our
amount of land, and our debts? He has persuaded himself that
his censorship is a moral soap or toilet powder. He is wrong, I
take it; for while he only wants to wash off the dirt, he is really
Vi-233


## p. 3714 (#70) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3714
laying bare his veins and his flesh. Heaven and earth! you
must run, and come to laugh at the things here - Appius ques-
tioning about pictures and statues. You must make haste, I
assure you.
Our friend Curio is thought to have acted wisely in giving
way about the pay of Pompeius's troops. If I must sum up my
opinion, as you ask, about what will happen-unless one or
other of them consents to go and fight the Parthians, I see a
great split impending, which will be settled by the sword and
by force; each is well inclined for this and well equipped. If it
could only be without danger to yourself, you would find this a
great and most attractive drama which Fortune is rehearsing.
MATIUS TO CICERO
I
RECEIVED great pleasure from your letter, because I found that
your opinion of me was what I had hoped and wished it to
be; not that I was in any doubt about it, but for the very
reason that I valued it so highly, I was most anxious that it
should remain unimpaired. Conscious however that I had done
nothing which could give offense to the feelings of any good.
citizen, I was naturally the less inclined to believe that you,
adorned as you are with so many excellences of the most admi-
rable kind, could have allowed yourself to be convinced of any-
thing on mere idle report; particularly seeing that you were a
friend for whom my spontaneous attachment had been and still
was unbroken. And knowing now that it has been as I hoped,
I will answer those attacks which you have often opposed on my
behalf, as was fairly to be expected from your well-known gen-
erosity and the friendship existing between us.
For I am well aware of all they have been heaping on me
since Cæsar's death. They make it a reproach against me that I
go heavily for the loss of a friend, and think it cruel that one
whom I loved should have fallen, because, say they, country
must be put before friends-as though they have hitherto been
successful in proving that his death really was the gain of the
commonwealth. But I will not enter any subtle plea; I admit
that I have not attained to your higher grades of philosophy: for
I have neither been a partisan of Cæsar in our civil dissensions,
-
- though I did not abandon my friend even when his action


## p. 3715 (#71) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3715
was a stumbling-block to me,- nor did I ever give my approval
to the civil war, or even to the actual ground of quarrel, of
which indeed I earnestly desired that the first sparks should be
trampled out. And so in the triumph of a personal friend I
was never ensnared by the charms either of place or of money;
prizes which have been recklessly abused by the rest, though they
had less influence with him than I had. I may even say that
my own private property was impaired by that act of Cæsar,
thanks to which many of those who are rejoicing at Cæsar's
death continued to live in their own country. That our defeated
fellow countrymen should be spared was as much an object to
me as my own safety. Is it possible then for me, who wanted
all to be left uninjured, not to feel indignation that he by whom
this was secured is dead? above all when the very same men
were the cause at once of his unpopularity and his untimely end.
You shall smart then, say they, since you dare to disapprove of
our deed. What unheard-of insolence! One man then may
boast of a deed, which another is not even allowed to lament
without punishment. Why, even slaves have always been free
of this - to feel their fears, their joys, their sorrows as their
own, and not at anybody else's dictation; and these are the very
things which now, at least according to what your "liberators »
have always in their mouths, they are trying to wrest from us
by terrorism. But they try in vain. There is no danger which
has terrors enough ever to make me desert the side of gratitude
or humanity; for never have I thought that death in a good
cause is to be shunned, often indeed that it deserves to be
courted. But why are they inclined to be enraged with me, if
my wishes are simply that they may come to regret their deed,
desiring as I do that Cæsar's death may be felt to be untimely
by us all? It is my duty as a citizen to desire the preservation
of the constitution? Well, unless both my life in the past and
all my hopes for the future prove without any words of mine
that I do earnestly desire this, I make no demand to prove it
by my professions.
-
To you therefore I make a specially earnest appeal to let
facts come before assertions, and to take my word for it that, if
you feel that honesty is the best policy, it is impossible I should
have any association with lawless villains.
Or can you
believe
that the principles I pursued in the days of my youth, when
even error could pass with some excuse, I shall renounce now


## p. 3716 (#72) ############################################

3716
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
that I am going down the hill, and with my own hands unravel
all the web of my life? That I will not do; nor yet will I com-
mit any act that could give offense, beyond the fact that I do
lament the sad fall of one who was to me the dearest friend
and the most illustrious of men. But were I otherwise disposed,
I would never deny what I was doing, lest it should be thought
I was at once shameless in doing wrong and false and cowardly
in dissembling it.
But then I undertook the management of those games which
Cæsar's heir celebrated for Cæsar's victory? Well, this is a mat-
ter which belongs to one's private obligations, not to any politi-
cal arrangement; it was however in the first place a tribute of
respect which I was called upon to pay to the memory and the
eminent position of a man whom I dearly loved, even though he
was dead, and also one that I could not refuse at the request of
a young man so thoroughly promising, and so worthy in every
way of Cæsar as he is.
Again, I have frequently paid visits of compliment to the con-
sul Antonius. And you will find that the very men who think
me but a lukewarm patriot are constantly going to his house
in crowds, actually for the purpose of soliciting or carrying away
some favor. But what a monstrous claim it is, that while Cæsar
never laid any such embargo as this to prevent me from associ-
ating freely with anybody I pleased, even if they were people
whom he personally did not like,-these men who have robbed
me of my friend should attempt by malicious insinuations to
prevent my showing a kindness to whomsoever I will!
I have however no fear that the moderation of my life will
hereafter prove an insufficient defense against false insinuations,
and that even those who do not love me, because of my loyalty
to Cæsar, would not rather have their own friend imitate me
than themselves. Such of life as remains to me, at least if I
succeed in what I desire, I shall spend in quiet at Rhodes; but
if I find that some chance has put a stop to this, I shall simply
live at Rome as one who is always desirous that right should be
done.
I am deeply grateful to our good friend Trebatius for having
thus disclosed to me your sincere and friendly feeling, and given
me even an additional reason for honoring and paying respect
to one whom it has always been a pleasure to me to regard as
a friend. Farewell heartily, and let me have your esteem.


## p. 3717 (#73) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
THE DREAM OF SCIPIO
From the Dialogue (The Republic: Translation of Prof. T. R. Lounsbury.
Copyrighted by Ginn & Co.
--
3717
WHE
HEN I went into Africa with the consul Manius Manilius,
holding the rank, as you are aware, of military tribune
of the fourth legion, nothing lay nearer to my heart than
to meet Masinissa, a king who, for good reasons, was on the
most friendly terms with our family. When I had come to him,
the old man embraced me with tears, and then looking up to
heaven, said: "I give thanks to thee, O supremest Sol, and to
you, ye inhabitants of heaven! that before I depart this life I
behold in my dominions, and under this roof, Publius Cornelius
Scipio, by whose very name I am revived: so never passes away
from my mind the memory of that best and most invincible hero. "
Thereupon I made inquiries of him as to the state of his own
kingdom, and he of me as to our republic; and with many words
uttered on both sides, we spent the whole of that day.
Moreover, after partaking of a repast prepared with royal
magnificence, we prolonged the conversation late into the night.
The old man would speak of nothing but Africanus, and remem-
bered not only all his deeds, but likewise his sayings. After
we parted to go to bed, a sounder sleep than usual fell upon
me, partly on account of weariness occasioned by the journey,
and partly because I had stayed up to a late hour. Then Africa-
nus appeared to me, I think in consequence of what we had
been talking about; for it often happens that our thoughts and
speeches bring about in sleep something of that illusion of which
Ennius writes in regard to himself and Homer, of which poet
he was very often accustomed to think and speak while awake.
Africanus showed himself to me in that form which was better
known to me from his ancestral image than from my recollection
of his person. As soon as I recognized him I was seized with
a fit of terror; but he thereupon said:
"Be of good courage, O Scipio! Lay aside fear, and commit
to memory these things which I am about to say. Do you see
that State which, compelled by me to submit to the Roman
people, renews its former wars, and cannot endure to remain at
peace ? »
At these words, from a certain lustrous and bright
place, very high and full of stars, he pointed out to me Carthage.
"To fight against that city thou now comest in a rank but little
-:


## p. 3717 (#74) ############################################

3716
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
that I am going down the hill, and with my
all the web of my life? That I will not do
mit any act that could give offense, beyo
lament the sad fall of one who was to
and the most illustrious of men. But we
I would never deny what I was doing, 1
I was at once shameless in doing wrong
in dissembling it.
But then I undertook the managem
Cæsar's heir celebrated for Cæsar's vic
ter which belongs to one's private o
cal arrangement; it was however in
respect which I was called upon to
eminent position of a man whom I
was dead, and also one that I coul
a young man so thoroughly prom
way of Cæsar as he is.
Again, I have frequently paid
sul Antonius. And you will fi
me but a lukewarm patriot ar
in crowds, actually for the pur
some favor. But what a mons
never laid any such embargo
ating freely with anybody I
whom he personally did no
me of my friend should:
prevent my showing a kin
I have however no fea
hereafter prove an insuffic
and that even those who
to Cæsar, would not r
than themselves. Such
succeed in what I desi
if I find that some chan
live at Rome as one wh
done.
I am deeply gratef
thus disclosed to me
me even an ada
to one whe
me
dence
ricarus
But when
e honor of
during thy
put an end to
But when thou
the capito, thou
of my grandson.
exhibit the purity
thy judgment. But
tself, as if the Fates
have completed eight
these two numbers (each
the one for one reason,
mplished for thee by
Ect, to thee alone and
upon thee the Senate,
the allies, upon thee the
be the one upon whom
in short, as dictator, it
d regulate the republic,
mous hands of kinsmen. "
exclamation of sorrow, and
So, slightly smiling, said,
rake me from my dream,
be the more zealous in
:: For all who have pre-
aggrandized their country,
ace, where they enjoy an
that highest God who gov-
which can be done on
tations of men and unions,
ch are called States. The
depart from this place, and to it

terror not so much at the fear of
of treacher on the part of those akin
this point: had the courage to ask
Pauls was g, and others whom we


## p. 3717 (#75) ############################################

3719
said he: "they alone
tters of the body, as if
your life is nothing but
thy father Paulus coming
I burst into a violent fit of
and kissing me, forbade my
ecked my tears and was able
ell me, I beseech thee, O best
this is life, as I hear Africanus
Why shall I not hasten to go to
not until that God, whose temple
t, shall have freed thee from the
ny entrance lie open to thee here.
the world with this design, that they
e that globe which thou seest in the
and which is called 'Earth. ' To them a
se everlasting fires which you name con-
which, in the form of globes and spheres,
rapidity the rounds of their orbits under the
telligences. Wherefore by thee, O Publius!
en, the soul must be kept in the guardianship
without the command of Him by whom it is
there be any departure from this mortal life,
to have shunned the discharge of that duty as
s been assigned to you by God. But, O Scipio!
randfather who stands here, like as I who gave
rish the sense of justice and loyal affection; which
wever great measure due to thy parents and kins-
st of all due to thy country. Such a life is the way
, and to that congregation of those who have ended
ays on earth, and freed from the body, dwell in that
. . hich you see,- that place which, as you have learned
The Greeks, you are in the habit of calling the Milky Way. "
his was a circle, shining among the celestial fires with a
tbrilliant whiteness. As I looked from it, all other things
ned magnificent and wonderful. Moreover, they were such
rs as we have never seen from this point of space, and all of
ch magnitude as we have never even suspected. Among them,
that was the least which, the farthest from heaven, and the
nearest to earth, shone with a borrowed light. But the starry
globes far exceeded the size of the earth: indeed the eart


## p. 3718 (#76) ############################################

3718
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
above that of a private soldier; but in two years from this time
thou shalt as consul utterly overthrow it, and in consequence
shalt gain by thy own exertions that very surname of Africanus
which up to this time thou hast inherited from us. But when
thou shalt have destroyed Carthage, shalt have had the honor of
a triumph, and shalt have been censor, thou shalt during thy
absence be chosen consul for a second time, shalt put an end to
to a great war, and lay Numantia in ruins. But when thou
shalt be carried in thy triumphal chariot to the capitol, thou
wilt find the republic disturbed by the designs of my grandson.
Then, O Scipio! it will be necessary that thou exhibit the purity
and greatness of thy heart, thy soul, and thy judgment. But
I see at that time a double way disclose itself, as if the Fates
were undecided; for when thy life shall have completed eight
times seven revolutions of the sun, and these two numbers (each
one of which is looked upon as perfect; the one for one reason,
the other for another) shall have accomplished for thee by
their natural revolution the fatal product, to thee alone and
to thy name the whole State shall turn; upon thee the Senate,
upon thee all good men, upon thee the allies, upon thee the
Latins, will fasten their eyes; thou wilt be the one upon whom
the safety of the State shall rest; and in short, as dictator, it
will be incumbent on thee to establish and regulate the republic,
if thou art successful in escaping the impious hands of kinsmen. ”
At this point, Lælius uttered an exclamation of sorrow, and
the rest groaned more deeply; but Scipio, slightly smiling, said,
Keep silence, I beg of you. Do not awake me from my dream,
and hear the rest of his words:
"But, O Africanus! that thou mayest be the more zealous in
the defense of the republic, know this: For all who have pre-
served, who have succored, who have aggrandized their country,
there is in heaven a certain fixed place, where they enjoy an
eternal life of blessedness. For to that highest God who gov-
erns the whole world there is nothing which can be done on
earth more dear than those combinations of men and unions,
made under the sanction of law, which are called States. The
rulers and preservers of them depart from this place, and to it
they return. "
I had been filled with terror, not so much at the fear of
death as at the prospect of treachery on the part of those akin
to me; nevertheless at this point I had the courage to ask
whether my father Paulus was living, and others whom we


## p. 3719 (#77) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3719
thought to be annihilated. "Certainly," said he: "they alone
live who have been set free from the fetters of the body, as if
from prison; for that which you call your life is nothing but
death. Nay, thou mayest even behold thy father Paulus coming
towards thee. "
No sooner had I seen him than I burst into a violent fit of
tears; but he thereupon, embracing and kissing me, forbade my
weeping. I, as soon as I had checked my tears and was able
again to speak, said to him, "Tell me, I beseech thee, O best
and most sacred father! since this is life, as I hear Africanus
say, why do I tarry upon earth? Why shall I not hasten to go to
you? "—"Not so," said he; "not until that God, whose temple
is all this which thou seest, shall have freed thee from the
bonds of the body, can any entrance lie open to thee here.
For men are brought into the world with this design, that they
may protect and preserve that globe which thou seest in the
middle of this temple, and which is called 'Earth. ' To them a
soul is given from these everlasting fires which you name con-
stellations and stars, which, in the form of globes and spheres,
run with incredible rapidity the rounds of their orbits under the
impulse of divine intelligences. Wherefore by thee, O Publius!
and by all pious men, the soul must be kept in the guardianship
of the body; nor without the command of Him by whom it is
given to you can there be any departure from this mortal life,
lest you seem to have shunned the discharge of that duty as
men which has been assigned to you by God. But, O Scipio!
like as thy grandfather who stands here, like as I who gave
thee life, cherish the sense of justice and loyal affection; which
latter, in however great measure due to thy parents and kins-
men, is most of all due to thy country. Such a life is the way
to heaven, and to that congregation of those who have ended
their days on earth, and freed from the body, dwell in that
place which you see, that place which, as you have learned
from the Greeks, you are in the habit of calling the Milky Way. "
This was a circle, shining among the celestial fires with a
most brilliant whiteness. As I looked from it, all other things
seemed magnificent and wonderful. Moreover, they were such
stars as we have never seen from this point of space, and all of
such magnitude as we have never even suspected. Among them,
that was the least which, the farthest from heaven, and the
nearest to earth, shone with a borrowed light. But the starry
globes far exceeded the size of the earth: indeed the earth


## p. 3720 (#78) ############################################

3720
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
itself appeared to me so small that I had a feeling of mortifica-
tion at the sight of our empire, which took up what seemed to
be but a point of it.
.
As I kept my eyes more intently fixed upon this spot, Afri-
canus said to me:-"How long, I beg of thee, will thy spirit be
chained down to earth? Seest thou not into what a holy place
thou hast come? Everything is bound together in nine circles,
or rather spheres, of which the farthest is the firmament, which
embraces the rest, is indeed the supreme God himself, confining
and containing all the others. To that highest heaven are fixed
those orbits of the stars which eternally revolve. Below it are
seven spheres, which move backward with a motion contrary to
that of the firmament. One of these belongs to that star which
on earth they call Saturn; then follows that shining orb, the
source of happiness and health to the human race, which is
called Jupiter; then the red planet, bringing terror to the nations,
to which you give the name of Mars; then, almost directly un-
der the middle region, stands the sun,- the leader, the chief,
the governor of the other luminaries, the soul of the universe,
and its regulating principle, of a size so vast that it penetrates
and fills everything with its own light. Upon it, as if they
were an escort, follow two spheres, - the one of Venus, the other
of Mercury; and in the lowest circle revolves the moon, illumi-
nated by the rays of the sun. Below it there is nothing which is
not mortal and transitory, save the souls which are given to
mankind by the gift of the gods; above the moon, all things are
eternal. For that ninth sphere, which is in the middle, is the
earth: it has no motion; it is the lowest in space; and all heavy
bodies are borne toward it by their natural downward tendency. "
I looked at these, lost in wonder. As soon as I had recovered
myself I said, "What is this sound, so great and so sweet,
which fills my ears? "-"This," he replied, "is that music
which, composed of intervals unequal, but divided proportionately
by rule, is caused by the swing and movement of the spheres
themselves, and by the proper combination of acute tones with
grave, creates with uniformity manifold and diverse harmonies.
For movements so mighty cannot be accomplished in silence;
and it is a law of nature that the farthest sphere on the one
side gives forth a base tone, the farthest on the other a treble;
for which reason the revolution of that uppermost arch of the
heaven, the starry firmament, whose motion is more rapid, is
attended with an acute and high sound; while that of the lowest,


## p. 3721 (#79) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3721
or lunar arch, is attended with a very deep and grave sound.
For the ninth sphere, the earth, embracing the middle region of
the universe, stays immovably in one fixed place. But those
eight globes between, two of which have the same essential
action, produce tones, distinguished by intervals, to the number
of seven; which number indeed is the knot of almost all things.
Men of skill, by imitating the result on the strings of the lyre,
or by means of the human voice, have laid open for themselves
a way of return to this place, just as other men of lofty souls
have done the same by devoting themselves during their earthly
life to the study of what is divine. But the ears of men, sur-
feited by this harmony have become deaf to it; nor is there in
you any duller sense: just as, at that cataract which is called
Catadupa, where the Nile rushes down headlong from the lofty
mountain-tops,—the people who dwell in that neighborhood have
lost the sense of hearing in consequence of the magnitude of the
sound. So likewise this harmony, produced by the excessively
rapid revolution of the whole universe, is so great that the ears
of men are not able to take it in, in the same manner as you are
not able to look the sun in the eye, and your sight is overcome
by the power of its rays. " Though I was filled with wonder,
nevertheless I kept turning my eyes from time to time to the
earth.
-
"I perceive," then said Africanus, "that thou still continuest
to contemplate the habitation of the home of man.
If that seems
to thee as small as it really is, keep then thy eyes fixed on
these heavenly objects; look with contempt on those of mortal
life. For what notoriety that lives in the mouths of men, or
what glory that is worthy of being sought after, art thou able
to secure? Thou seest that the earth is inhabited in a few small
localities, and that between those inhabited places-spots as it
were on the surface - vast desert regions lie spread out; and
that those who inhabit the earth are not only so isolated that no
communication can pass among them from one to another, but
that some dwell in an oblique direction as regards you, some in
a diagonal, and some stand even exactly opposite you. From
these you are certainly not able to hope for any glory.
"Moreover, thou observest that this same earth is surrounded,
and as it were, girdled, by certain zones, of which thou seest
that two- the farthest apart, and resting at both sides on the
very poles of the sky-are stiffened with frost; and that, again,
* Mercury and Venus.


## p. 3722 (#80) ############################################

3722
MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
the central and largest one is burnt up with the heat of the sun.
Two are habitable: of these the southern one, in which dwell
those who make their footprints opposite yours, is a foreign
world to your race. But even this other one, which lies to the
north, which you occupy, see with how small a part of it you
come into contact! For all the land which is cultivated by you,
very narrow at the extremities but wider at the sides, is only a
small island surrounded by that water which on earth you call
the Atlantic, or the great sea, or the ocean. But though its
name is so high-sounding, yet thou beholdest how small it is.
From these cultivated and well-known regions can either thy
name or the name of any of us surmount and pass this Cau-
casus which thou seest, or cross yonder flood of the Ganges?
Who in the farthest remaining regions of the rising and the
setting sun, or on the confines of the north and the south, will
hear thy name? When these are taken away, thou assuredly
perceivest how immense is the littleness of that space in which
your reputation seeks to spread itself abroad. Moreover, even
those who speak of us, for how long a time will they speak?
"Nay, even if the generations of men were desirous, one
after the other, to hand down to posterity the praises of any one
of us heard from their fathers, nevertheless, on account of the
changes in the earth, wrought by inundations and conflagra-
tion, which are sure to recur at certain fixed epochs,— we are
not simply unable to secure for ourselves a glory which lasts
forever, but are even unable to gain a glory which lasts for a
long time. Moreover, of what value is it that the speech of
those who are to be born hereafter shall be about thee, when
nothing has been said of thee by all those who were born before,
who were neither fewer in number and were unquestionably
better men; especially when no one is able to live in the memory
of those very persons by whom one's name can be heard, for
the space of one year?
"For men commonly measure the year by the return to its
place of the sun alone,- that is, of one star; but when all the
stars shall have returned to that same point from which they
once set out, and after a long period of time have brought back.
the same relative arrangement of the whole heaven, that, then,
can justly be called the complete year. In it I hardly dare say
how many ages of human life are contained. For once in the
past the sun seemed to disappear from the eyes of men and to
be annihilated, at the time when the soul of Romulus made its
-
-


## p. 3723 (#81) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3723
way into this very temple. When, from the same region of the
sky and at the same moment of time, the sun shall have again
vanished, then be sure that all constellations and stars have
come back to the position they had in the beginning, and that
the perfect year is completed. Of that year know that now not
even the twentieth part has passed.
"Wherefore, if thou givest up the hope of a return to this
place, in which all things exist for lofty and pre-eminent souls,
yet of how much value is that human glory which can hardly
endure for even the small part of a single year? But if, as I
was saying, thou wishest to look on high, and to fix thy gaze
upon this abode of the blest and this eternal home, never give
thyself up to the applause of the vulgar, nor rest the recom-
pense of thy achievements in the rewards which can be bestowed
upon thee by men. It is incumbent on thee that Virtue herself
shall draw thee by her own charm to true glory. As for the
way in which others talk about thee, let them take care of
that themselves; yet without doubt they will talk. But all such
renown is limited to the petty provinces of the regions which
thou seest: nor in the case of any one is it everlasting; for it
both dies with the death of men and is buried in oblivion by
the forgetfulness of posterity. "
When he had said these things, "O Africanus! " I replied, "if
the path that leads to the entrance of heaven lies open to those
who have rendered great service to their country, although, in
following from my boyhood in thy footsteps and in those of my
father, I have not failed in sustaining the honor derived from
you, yet henceforth I shall toil with far more zeal, now that so
great a reward has been held out before me. "-"Do thou
indeed," said he, "continue to strive; and bear this in mind,
that thou thyself art not mortal, but this body of thine. For
thou art not the one which that form of thine proclaims thee to
be: but the soul of any one, that alone is he; not that external
shape which can be pointed out with the finger. Therefore
know thyself to be a god, if that is essentially god which lives,
which feels, which remembers, which foresees, which rules and
regulates and moves that body over which it is put in authority,
as the Supreme Being governs this universe. And as the eter-
nal God moves the world, which in a certain point of view is
perishable, so the incorruptible soul moves the corruptible
body. For what always moves itself is eternal; but that which


## p. 3724 (#82) ############################################

MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO
3724
communicates to anything a motion which it has itself received
from another source, must necessarily have an end of life when
it has an end of motion: therefore that alone never ceases to
move which moves itself, for the reason that it is never deserted
by itself.
This indeed is the well-head; this the beginning of
motion to all other things that are moved. But to a beginning
there is no birth; for all things are born from the beginning.
But it itself cannot be born of anything; for that would not be
a beginning which sprang from some other source.
And just
as it is never begotten, so it never dies; for a beginning anni-
hilated could neither itself be brought back to life by anything
else, nor could it create anything else out of itself, since it is
necessary that all things should come from a beginning.
results that the beginning of motion is in itself, because it is
self-moved. And this can neither be born nor die, for if it did,
the heavens would fall to ruin, and all nature would stand still;
nor could it come into the possession of any power by the
original impulse of which it might be put into motion.
"Since therefore it is clear that what is self-moved is eter-
nal, who can deny that this essential characteristic has been
imparted to the soul? For everything which is moved by a
foreign impulse is without a soul; but that which lives is made.
to go by an inward motion of its own, for this is the special
nature and power of the soul. But if it is the one thing among
all which is self-moved, then certainly it has had no beginning,
and is eternal. Do thou, then, employ it in the noblest duties.
But those are the loftiest cares which are concerned with the
well-being of our native land. The soul that is inspired by
these, and occupied with them, will hasten the quicker into this
its real home and habitation. So much the more speedily indeed
will it do this, if while it is shut up in the body it shall pass
beyond its limits, and by the contemplation of those things
which are outside of it shall withdraw itself as far as possible
from the body. For the souls of those who have given them-
selves up to sensual pleasures, and have made themselves as it
were ministers to these, and who under the pressure of desires
which are subservient to these pleasures have violated the laws
of God and man, when they shall have parted from the body,
will fly about the earth itself, nor will return to this place until
they shall have suffered torments for many ages. " He departed.
I awoke from my sleep.


## p. 3725 (#83) ############################################

3725
--
THE CID
(1045? -1099)
BY CHARLES SPRAGUE SMITH
N THE Cid we have two distinct personages, Rodrigo or Ruy
Diaz (Dia son of Diego) who flourished during the last half
of the eleventh century; and that legendary hero of Spanish
epic poems, ballads, and dramas, whom Philip II. tried to have can-
onized. We are not left to our own conjectures as to the character
and life of the historical Cid. Both Spanish and Arabic records
place the main facts beyond all controversy.
He was born at Bivar, a hamlet three miles north of Burgos
(circa 1040-1050), of an ancient Castilian family claiming descent from
Lain Calvo, one of the two judges who, tradition declares, was
named by the Castilian people as their governor after the Leonese
king had treacherously put their counts to death (circa 923).
The period of the Cid coincides with the political disruption of
Arabic Spain. The Caliphate of Cordova, which in the preceding
century had attained its high point in power and in all the arts of
civilization, had fallen. A multitude of petty Moorish States disputed
with each other the heritage of the Ommiad caliphs. The Christian
States were not slow to profit by their opportunity. Ferdinand I. of
Leon-Castile (surnamed the Great, 1037-65) not only extended his
territory at the expense of the Moors, but also imposed tribute upon
four of their more important States - Saragossa, Toledo, Badajoz, and
Seville. Valencia only escaped a similar fate through his death.
The Peninsula was at this time divided among a large number of
mutually independent and warring States, Christian and Moslem.
The sentiments of loyalty to religion and to country were univer-
sally subordinated to those of personal interest; Christians fought
under Moorish banners, Moors under Christian. Humanity toward
the enemy, loyalty to oaths, were not virtues in the common estima-
tion. Between the Christian States of Leon and Castile great
jealousy ruled. Castile had come into being as a border province of
the Asturian kingdom, governed by military counts. From the first
there seems to have been a spirit of resistance to the overrule of the
Asturian kings (later known as kings of Leon). Finally, under its
Count Fernan Gonzalez (who died 970), Castile secured its independ-
ence. But whether leading a separate political existence, or united
with Leon, Castile was ever jealously sensitive of any precedence


## p. 3726 (#84) ############################################

3726
THE CID
claimed or exercised by its sister kingdom. Ferdinand I. of Leon-
Castile, treating his territorial possessions as personal property,-a
policy repeatedly fatal to all advance in Spanish history,― divided
them at his death (1005), among his five children. Sancho, the
eldest, received Castile, Nahera, and Pampeluna; Alfonso, Leon, and
the Asturias; Garcia, Galicia, and that portion of Portugal which
had been wrested from the Moors; Urraca received the city of
Zamora; and Elvira, Toro.
The expected occurred. Sancho made war on his brothers, com-
pelling both to flee to Moorish territories, and wrested Toro from
Elvira. Rodrigo Diaz, the Cid, appears first at this period. He is
the alferez, i. e. , the standard-bearer, or commander-in-chief under the
King, in Sancho's army. The brother Kings, Sancho and Alfonso,
had agreed to submit their dispute to a single combat, the victor to
receive the territories of both. Alfonso's Leonese army conquered
the Castilian, and relying upon the agreement withdrew to its tents.
Rodrigo Diaz was already known as the Campeador,-a title won
through his having vanquished in single combat the champion of
Sancho of Navarre, and signifying probably one skilled in battle, or
champion.
Rodrigo gave a wily counsel to the routed Castilians. "The
Leonese are not expecting an attack," he said; "let us return and
fall upon them at unawares. " The counsel was followed; the victors,
resting in their tents, were surprised at daybreak, and only a few,
Alfonso among the number, escaped with their lives. Alfonso was
imprisoned at Burgos, but soon released at the entreaty of the Prin-
cess Urraca, on condition of his becoming a monk. Availing himself
of such liberty, he escaped from the monastery to the Moorish court
of Mamoun, King of Toledo. Sancho ruled thus over the entire
heritage of his father,-Zamora excepted, the portion of Urraca.
While laying siege to that city, he was slain by a cavalier in
Urraca's service, Bellido Dolfos, who, sallying from the city, made
good his escape, though almost overtaken by the avenging Campea-
dor, 1072.
Alfonso, the fugitive at Toledo, was now rightful heir to the
throne; and however reluctant the Castilian nobles were to recog-
nize the authority of a Leonese king, they yielded to necessity. It
is asserted-but the historical evidence here is not complete - that
before recognizing Alfonso's authority the Castilian nobles required
of him an oath that he had no part in his brother's murder, and that
it was the Campeador who administered this oath, 1073. Whatever
the facts, Alfonso will have thought it wise to conciliate the good-
will of the Castilian grandees, and especially that of their leader
Rodrigo, until at least his own position became secure. To this we


## p. 3727 (#85) ############################################

THE CID
3727
may attribute his giving to Rodrigo in marriage of Jimena, daughter
of Diego, Count of Oviedo, and first cousin of the King. The mar-
riage contract, bearing date 1074, is preserved at Burgos.
Some years later Rodrigo was sent to collect the tribute due
Alfonso by his vassal Motamid, King of Seville. Finding the King
of Granada at war with Motamid, Rodrigo requested him not to
attack an ally of Alfonso. But prayers and threats were alike un-
availing; it came to battle, and Rodrigo conquered. Among the pris-
oners were several Christians in the service of Granada, notably
Garcia Ordonez, a scion of the royal Leonese house. Not long after,
we find Rodrigo charged with having appropriated to his own use a
portion of the tribute and gifts sent to Alfonso by Motamid, Garcia
Ordonez being his chief accuser. Taking advantage of the pretext-
it can have been but a pretext-of Rodrigo's attacking the Moors
without first securing the royal consent, Alfonso banished him. Old
wrongs still rankling in the King's memory furnished probably the
real motive.
And now began that career as soldier of fortune which has fur-
nished themes to Spanish poets of high and low degree, and which,
transformed and idealized by tradition, has made of Rodrigo the per-
fect cavalier of crusading Christian Spain. He offered first, it would
seem, his service and that of his followers to the Christian Count of
Barcelona, and when refused by him, to the Moorish King of Sara-
gossa. This State was one of the more important of those resulting
from the distribution of the Caliphate of Cordova. The offer was
accepted, and Rodrigo remained here until 1088, serving successively
three generations of the Beni-Hud, father, son, and grandson, war-
ring indifferently against Christians and Moors, and through his suc-
cesses rising to extraordinary distinction and power.
At this time - 1088- the attention of both Mostain, the King of
Saragossa, and of his powerful captain Rodrigo, was drawn to Valen-
cia. This city after the fall of the Caliphate of Cordova had been
ruled for forty-four years by descendants of Almanzor, the great
Prime Minister of the last period of the Ommiad dynasty. Mamoun,
King of Toledo, who sheltered the fugitive Alfonso, deposed the last
of these Valencian kings, his son-in-law, and annexed the State to his
own dominion. At Mamoun's death in 1075 Valencia revolted; the
governor declared himself independent and placed himself under
Alfonso's protection.
Ten years later Mamoun's successor, the weak Cadir, finding his
position a desperate one, offered to yield up to Alfonso his own capi-
tal Toledo, on condition that the latter should place Valencia in his
hands. Alfonso consented. Valencia was too weak to offer resist-
ance, but Cadir proved equally incompetent as king and as general.
Depending entirely upon his Castilian soldiery, captained by Alvar


## p. 3728 (#86) ############################################

3728
THE CID
Fañez, a kinsman of Rodrigo, he grievously burdened the people in
order to satisfy the demands of this auxiliary troop. But grinding
taxes and extortions alike failed; and the soldiery, their wages in
arrears, battened upon the country, the dregs of the Moorish popula-
tion joining them. The territory was delivered at last from their
robberies, rapes, and murders, by the appearance of the Almoravides.
This new Moslem sect had grown strong in Africa, attaining there
the political supremacy; and in their weakness the Moorish kings
of Spain implored its assistance in repelling the attacks of the
Christian North.
King Alfonso, alarmed at the appearance of these African hordes,
recalled Alvar Fañez, was defeated by the Almoravides at Zallaca
in 1086, and could think no more of garrisoning Valencia for Cadir.
The position of Cadir became thus critical, and he appealed for help
both to Alfonso and to Mostain of Saragossa. Mostain sent Rodrigo,
ostensibly to his assistance; but a secret agreement had been made,
Arabic historians assert, between the king and his general, whereby
Cadir was to be despoiled, the city fall to Mostain, the booty to
Rodrigo (1088).
The expedition was a successful one: Cadir's enemies were com-
pelled to withdraw, and Rodrigo established himself in Valencian
territory. As the recognized protector of the lawful king, in reality
the suzerain of Valencia, Rodrigo received a generous tribute; but
he had no intention of holding to his agreement with Mostain and
assisting the latter to win the city. It is clear on the contrary that
he had already resolved to secure, when opportunity offered, the
prize for himself. Meanwhile he skillfully held off, now by force,
now by ruse, all other competitors, Christian and Moslem alike;
including among these King Alfonso, whose territories he wasted
with fire and sword when that monarch attempted once, in Rodrigo's
absence, to win Valencia for himself.
At another time we find him intriguing simultaneously with four
different rivals for the control of the city,- Alfonso and Mostain
among the number,-deceiving all with fair words.
As head of an independent army, Rodrigo made now successful
forays in all directions; despoiling, levying tribute, garrisoning
strongholds, strengthening thus in every way his position. At last
the long awaited opportunity came. During his temporary absence,
Cadir was dethroned and put to death; and the leader of the insur-
gents, the Cadi Ibn Djahhof, named president of a republic.
Rodrigo returned, and appealing in turn to ruse and force, at last
sat down before the city to reduce it by famine. During the last
period of the siege, those who fled from the city to escape the
famine were thrown to dogs, or burned at slow fires. The city
capitulated on favorable terms, June 15th, 1094. But all the conditions


## p. 3729 (#87) ############################################

THE CID
3729
of the capitulation were violated. The Cadi-President was buried in
a trench up to his arm-pits, surrounded with burning brands, and
slowly tortured to death, several of his kinsmen and friends sharing
his fate. Rodrigo was with difficulty restrained from throwing into
the flames the Cadi's children and the women of his harem. Yet
the lives and property of Ibn Djahhof and his family had been
expressly safeguarded in the capitulation. It is probable that Rod-
rigo's title of "the Cid" or "my Cid» (Arabic, Sid-y=my lord) was
given to him at this time by his Moorish subjects.
Master of Valencia, the Cid dreamed of conquering all that region
of Spain still held by the Moors. An Arab heard him say, « One
Rodrigo (the last king of the Goths) has lost this peninsula; another
Rodrigo will recover it. " Success crowned his arms for several
years. But in 1099 the troops he had sent against the Almoravides
were utterly routed, few escaping. The Cid, already enfeebled in
health, died, it is said of grief and shame (July, 1099). His widow
held the city for two years longer. Besieged at that time by the
Almoravides, she sought help of Alfonso. He came and forced the
enemy to raise the siege; but judging that it was not possible for
him to defend a city so remote from his dominions, counseled its
abandonment. As the Christians, escorting the body of the Cid,
marched out, Valencia was fired; and only ruins awaited the Almo-
ravides (1102).
The Cid's body was brought to San Pedro de Cardeña, a monas-
tery not far from Burgos; enthroned, it is said, beside the high altar
for ten years, and thereafter buried. Jimena survived her husband
until 1104.
Ibn Bassam, an Arabic contemporary, writing at Seville only ten
years after the death of the Cid, after describing his cruelty and
duplicity, adds:- "Nevertheless, that man, the scourge of his time,
was one of the miracles of the Lord in his love of glory, the prudent
firmness of his character, and his heroic courage. Victory always
followed the banner of Rodrigo (may God curse him! ); he triumphed
over the barbarians,
he put to flight their armies, and with
his little band of warriors slew their numerous soldiery. "
The Cid, a man not of princely birth, through the exercise of vir-
tues which his time esteemed,-courage and shrewdness,- had won
for himself from the Moors an independent principality. Legend will
have begun to color and transform his exploits already during his
lifetime. Some fifty years later he had become the favorite hero of
popular songs. It is probable that these songs (cantares) were at first
brief tales in rude metrical form; and that the epic poems, dating
from about 1200, used them as sources. The earliest poetic monu-
ment in Castilian literature which treats of the Cid is called 'The
VII-234


## p. 3730 (#88) ############################################

THE CID
3730
Poem of My Cid. ' While based upon history, its material is largely
legendary. The date of its composition is doubtful,-probably about
1200. The poem-the beginning is lost-opens with the departure
of "My Cid" from Bivar, and describes his Moorish campaigns, cul-
minating with the conquest of Valencia. Two Leonese nobles, the
Infantes (Princes) of Carrion, beseech Alfonso to ask for them in
marriage the conqueror's daughters. The Cid assents-to his King
he would refuse nothing-and the marriages are celebrated in Va-
lencia with due pomp. But the princes are arrant cowards. To
escape the gibes of the Cid's companions, after securing rich wed-
ding portions they depart for Carrion. In the oak wood of Carpes
they pretend a desire to be left alone with their wives. Despoiling
them of their outer garments, with saddle-girth and spurred boot
they seek to revenge upon the Cid's daughters the dishonor to which
their own base conduct subjected them while at the Cid's court.
But time brings a requital. The Infantes, called to account, forfeit
property and honor, esteeming themselves fortunate to escape with
their lives from the judicial duels. Princes of Navarre and Aragon
present themselves as suitors, and in second marriages Doña Elvira
and Doña Sola become queens of Spain. The marriages with the
Infantes of Carrion are pure invention, intended perhaps to defame
the Leonese nobility, these nobles being princes of the blood royal.
The second marriages, if we substitute Barcelona for Aragon, are
historical. Of the Cid's two daughters, one married Prince Ramiro
of Navarre and the other Count Raynard Berenger III. of Barcelona.
In 1157 two of the Cid's great-grandchildren, Sancho VI. of Navarre
and his sister Doña Blanca, queen of Sancho III. of Castile, sat on
Spanish thrones. Through intermarriage the blood of the Cid has
passed into the Bourbon and Habsburg lines, and with Eleanor of
Castile into the English royal house.
The Poem of My Cid' is probably the earliest monument of
Spanish literature. It is also in our opinion the noblest expression
- so far as the characters are concerned; for the verse halts and
the description sometimes lags of the entire mediæval folk epic of
Europe. Homeric in its simplicity, its characters are drawn with
clearness, firmness, and concision, presenting a variety true to nature,
far different from the uniformity we find in the Song of Roland. '
The spirit which breathes in it is of a noble, well-rounded humanity,
a fearless and gentle courage, a manly and modest self-reliance; an
unswerving loyalty and simple trust toward country, king, kinsmen,
and friends; a child-faith in God, slightly tinged with superstition, for
"My Cid believes in auguries; and a chaste tender family affection,
where the wife is loved and honored as wife and as mother, and the
children's welfare fills the father's thoughts.
-


## p. 3731 (#89) ############################################

THE CID
•
3731
The duplicity of the historical Cid has left indeed its traces.
When abandoning Castile he sends to two ewish money-lenders of
Burgos, chests filled, as he pretends, with fine gold, but in reality
with sand; borrows upon this security, and so far as we are informed,
never repays the loan. The Princes of Carrion, his sons-in-law, are
duped into thinking that they will escape from the accounting with
the loss of Tizon and Colada, the swords which the Cid gave them.
But a certain measure of prudent shrewdness is not out of place in
dealing with men of the treacherous character of the Infantes. And
as to the Jewish money-lenders, to despoil them would scarce have
been regarded as an offense against the moral law in mediæval Spain.
The second poetic monument is variously named. Amadar de
los Rios, a historian of Spanish literature, styles it 'The Legend or
Chronicle of the Youth of Rodrigo. ' Its date also is disputed, some
authorities placing its composition earlier, others later than that of
the Poem. The weight of evidence seems to us in favor of the later
date. It is rude and of inferior merit, though not without vigorous
passages. It treats the earliest period of the Cid's life, and is (so far
as we know) purely legendary.