He married Antigone, the
daughter
of Eu-
rytrs, and received with her, as a marriage portion,
the third part of the kingdom.
rytrs, and received with her, as a marriage portion,
the third part of the kingdom.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
In some instances the body of
the animal terminates in plumes; and in others has
only wings, so as to form the Pegasus, fabled by the
later Greek poets to have been ridden by Bellerophon,
but only known to the ancient theogonists as the bear-
er of Aurora, and of the thunder and lightning to Jupi-
ter, an allegory of which the meaning is obvious. "
(Inquiry into the Symb. Lang. , &c, v 111. -- Class.
Journ. , vol. 25, p. 31. )--As regards the constellation
Pegasus, it may be remarked, that the Greek astrono-
mers always give it the simple appellation of "the
Horse" ("iTriroc). The name Wj-yaooc first comes in
among the later mythological poets. It does not even
occur in Aratus; the poet merely remarking that this
is supposed to be the same horse whose hoof produced
the fountain Hippocrene. (Arat. , Phcen. , 219. ) Era-
tosthenes, however, says (c. IS) that this is the steed,
as some think, which, after Bellerophon had been
thrown from it, flew upward to the stars. The opin-
ion, however, is, according to him, an erroneous one,
since the steed in the heavens has no wings. It would
appear, therefore, from this remark of Eratosthenes,
that the custom of representing Pegasus with wings
came in at a later period. They are added in Ptolemy.
The Romans, in imitation of the Greeks, call the con-
stellation simply Equus, for which the poets substi-
tuto Sonipes, Sonipes ales, Cornipes, and other simi-
lar expressions. The name Pegasus appears to occur
? nly in Germar. icus (v. 221, 282). Ovid has Equus
Gorgoncus, in allusion to the fabled birth >f the steed.
(Fast. , 3, 450. --Idcler, Sternnamen, p. 115. )
Pelagonia, I. a district of Macedonia bordering on
(llyria. The Pelagones, though not mentioned by Ho-
mer as a distinct people, were probably known to him,
from his naming Pelagon, the father of Asteropaeus,
a Paeonian warrior. (Compare Strabo, 331. ) They
must at one time have been widely spread over the
north of Greece, since a district of Upper Thcssaly
bore the name of Pelagonia Tripolitis, and it is inge-
niously conjectured by Gatlercr, in his learned com-
mentary on ancient Thrace (Com. Soc. Gott. , vol. 6,
p. 67), that these were a remnant of the remote expe-
dition of the Teucri and Mysi, the progenitors of the
Psonians, who came from Asia Minor, and conquered
the whole of the country between the Strymon and
Pencus. (Herod. , 7, 20. --Strab. , 327. ) Frequent
allusion is made to Pelagonia by Livy, in his account
of the wars between the Romans and the kings of Mace-
don. It was exposed to invasion from the Dardani,
who bordered on its northern frontiers; for which rea-
son, the communication between the two countries was
carefully guarded by the Macedonian monarchs. (Liv. ,
31, 28. ) This pass led over the chain of Mount Scar-
dus. An account of it is given in Brown's Travels,
p. 45. (Cramer's Ane. Greece, vol. 1, p. 269. ) --II.
Civitas, a city of Pelagonia, the capital of the fourth
division of Roman Macecbnia. (Liv. , 45,29. ) Little
? ? is known of it. Its existence at a late period appears
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? PELASGI.
TELA SGI.
tasgi in militixy prowess and a spir. 't of enterprise, aid
were thus enabled, in some cases, tc expel the Pelas-
gi from the country, though the Hellenes generally
nettled among the Pelasgi as a conquering people. --
fhe connexion between the Pelasgic and Hellenic races
Das been a subject of much controversy among modern
writers. Many critics have maintained that they be-
longed 10 entirely different races, and some have been
disposed to attribute to the Pelasgians an Etrurian or
Phoenician origin. It is true that many of the Greek
writers speak of the Pelasgians and their language as
barbarous, that is, not Hellenic; and Herodotus (1,
57) informs us, that the Pelasgian language was spo-
ken in his time at Placia and Scylaco on the Helles-
pont. This language he describes as barbarous; and
on this fact he mainly grounds his general argument as
to the ancient Pelasgian tongue. It may, however, be
remarked, that it appears exceedingly improbable, if
the Pelasgic and Hellenic languages had none or a
vory alight relation to each other, that the two tongues
should have so readily amalgamated in alt parts of
Greece, and still more strange that the Athenians and
Arcadians, who are admitted to have been of pure Pe-
lasgic origin, should have lost their original language
and learned tho pure Hellenic tongue. In addition to
which, it may be remarked, that wo scarcely ever read
of any nation entirely losing its own language and
adopting that of its conquerors. Though the Persians
have received many new words into their language from
their Arab masters, yet twelve centuries of Arab dom-
ination havo not been sufficient to change, in any es-
sential particular, the grammatical forms and general
structure of the ancient Persian; and, notwithstanding
all the efforts that were used by the Norman conquer-
ors to bring the French language into general use in
England, the Saxon remains to the present day the
main clement of the English language. It is there-
fore reasonable to suppose that the Pelasgic and Hel-
lenic tongues were different dialects of a common lan-
guage, which formed by their union the Greek language
of later times. --The ancient writers differ as much re-
specting the degree of civilization to which the Pelas-
gi attained before they became an Hellenic people, as
they do respecting their original language. Accord-
ing to some ancient writers, they were little better than
? race of savages till conquered and civilized by the
Hellenes; but others represent them, and perhaps more
correctly, as having attained to a considerable degree
of civilization previous to the Hellenic conquest.
Many traditions represent the Pelasgians as cultivating
agriculture and the useful arts. Pelasgus in Arcadia,
said the tradition, taught men to bake bread. (Pausan. ,
1, 14, 1. ) The ancient Pelasgic Buzyges yoked bulls
to the plough (Etym. Mag. , s. v. Bovfryw); Pelas-
gians invented the goad for the purpose of driving an-
imals (Etym. Mag,, a. v. ukcuvo. -- Btkker, Anted.
Gr. , 357); and a (Pelasgic) Thessalian in Egypt
Ujght the art of measuring land (Etym. Mag. , ubi
rap. ). --It is a curious fact, which has been noticed by
Mr. Maiden (Wu(. of Rome, p. 70), that the Grecian
race which made the most early and the most rapid
progress in civilization and intellectual attainments,
was one in which the Pelasgian blood was least adul-
terated by foreign mixture, namely, the Ionians of At-
tics and of the settlements in Asia; and that we prob-
ably owe to tho Pelasgic element in the population of
Greece all that distinguishes the Greeks in the history
? ? of the human mind. The Dorians, who were the most
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? PEL
PEL
\Opusc. vol. 3. p. 174), but it offends griero isly
? gainst analogy (Lobeck, ad PAria. , p. 109); and if
it be applicable to tho Tyrrhenian Pelasgians of later
times, it certainly is not so to the original Pelasgians
>>f Dodona or Thessaly. Perhaps the peculiar style of
building ascribed to the Pelasgic race may furnish us
with an etymology for their name, equal, at least in
point of plausibility, to any of those which have thus
far been enumerated. The term Pelargi may mean
"tkme-buildcrs" or "stone-workers," as indicating a
race whose massive style of architecture may have ex-
cited the wonder of the early Greeks, and have given
rise to a species of national appellation. Thus, in the
, Macedonian dialect, irt'/a signified "a stone" (rac
rre'Xac, Toi>( hidove, Kara tt/v Haneiovuv ^uvfv. --
Ulpian, ad Demosth. , de fats, leg. , p. 376, B, e. d.
Franco/. , 1604. -- Compare Ruhnktn, ad Tim. Lex. ,
p. 270), and apyov (or Fupyov) is an earlier form for
(pyov. (B'ockh, Corp. Inscript. , fasc, 1, p. 29, 83. )
The two old forms, then, ircXa ("a alone") and apyov
{"work"), may perhaps have produced, by their com-
bination, the name of XleXapyoi. (Encycl. Us. Knowl. ,
vol. 17, p 377, seqq. --Clinton, Fast. Hell. , vol. 1, p.
I,seqq. --Curtius, de Antiquis Italia incolis, t) 6, seqq.
-- Kruse, He/las, vol. I, p. 404, seqq. -- Thirlwall's
Greece, vol. 1, p. 33, seqq. --Philological Museum, vol.
1, p. 613)
Pklasgicum (JlehaoyiKov), a name given to the
most ancient part of the fortifications of the Acropolis
at Athens, from its having been constructed by the
Pelasgi, who, in the course of their migrations, settled
in Attica, and were employed by tho Athenians in the
erection of these walls. The rampart raised by this
people is often mentioned in the history of Athens,
and included also a portion of ground below the wall
at the foot of the rock of the Acropolis. This had
been allotted to the Pelasgi while they resided at
Athens, and on their departure it was forbidden to be
Inhibited or cultivated. (Thucyd. , 2, 7. -- Pollux, 8,
UK! . --Myrsil. , ap. Dion. Hal. , 1, 19. --Herod. , 2, 51.
-- Id. , 8, 137. ) It was apparently on the northern
ailc of the citadel, as we are informed by Plutarch,
tha' the southern wall was built by Cimon, from whom
it received the name of Cimonium. (Cramer's Anc.
Greece, vol. 2, p. 382 )
Pki. asoiotis, a district of Thessaly, occupying the
lower valley of the Pencus as far as the sea. It was
originally inhabited by the Perrhajbi, a tribe of Pelas-
gic origin. (Simon , ap. Strab. , 441. --Cramer's Anc.
Greece, vol. 1, p. 363. )
Pklasous, an ancient monarchof the Pelasgi. (Vid.
Pelasgi)
1'fci. Ki iikonii, an epithet given to the Lapithn, be-
cause they dwelt in the vicinity of Mount Pelethro-
nium, in Thessaly. (Virg, Georg. , 3, 115. ) Pele-
thronium appears to have been a branch of Pelion.
Peleus, a king of Thessaly, son of . -Eacus mon-
arch of . Egina, and the nymph Endc'is the daughter
of Chiron. Having been accessory, along with Tela-
mon, to the death of their brother Phocus, he was ban-
ished from his native island, but found an asylum at
the court of Eurytus, son of Actor, king of Phthia in
Thessaly.
He married Antigone, the daughter of Eu-
rytrs, and received with her, as a marriage portion,
the third part of the kingdom. Peleus was present
wi'h Eurytus at the chase of the Calvdonian boar;
rut having unfortunately killed his father-in-law with
? ? tki javelin which he had hurled against the animal,
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? r EI,
PEL
try net the father of one son, Acastus, and ol lour
? laughters, Piaidice, Pclopea, Hippolhoe, and Alces-
lia. (. {polled. , 1, 9, 10. ) These daughters were
called Peliades, and became, unwittingly, through
the arts of Medea, the slayers of their sire. (Vid.
lanon. )
Pelipes, a patronymic of Achilles, as the son of
Peleus. (Vid. Peleus. )
Pki. iqni, an Italian tribe, belonging to the Sabine
race, according to Ovid (Fast. , 3, 95), but, according
to Festus, deriving their origin from lllyria. The
statement of Ovid appears the more probable one, if
we consider the uniformity of language, customs, and
character apparent in all the minor tribes of central
Italy, as well as in the Samnites, between whom and
the Sabines these tribes may be said to form an inter-
mediate link in the Oscan chain. --The Peligni were
situate to the east and northeast of the Marsi, and
had Corfiniurn for their chief town. They derive some
consideration in history from the circumstance of their
chief city having been selected by the allies in the
Social wa? as the scat of the new empire. Had their
plans succeeded, and had Rome fallen beneath the
efforts of the coalition, Corfiniurn would have become
the capital of Italy, and perhaps of the world. (Strab. ,
241. )--The country of the Peligni was small in ex-
tent, and mountainous, and noted for the coldness of
its climate, as well as for the abundance of its springs
and streams. (Horace, Oil. , 3, 19. -- Ovid, Fast. , 4,
685. ) That some portion of it, however, was fertile,
we learn also from the latter poet. (Am. , 2, 16. --
Cramer's /Inc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 332. )
Paxiort, I. a range of mountains in Thessaly, along
a portion of the eastern coast. Its principal summit
rises behind Iolcos and Ormenium. The chain ex-
tends from the aoutheastern extremity of the Lake
Bcebcis, where it unites with one of the ramifications
of Ossa, to the extreme promontory of Magnesia.
(Strabo, 443. -- Herod. , 7, 129. -- Cramer's Ancient
Greece, vol. 1, p. 429. ) In a fragment of Dicaear-
chus which has been preserved to us, we have a detail-
ed description of Piiion and its botanical productions,
which appear to have been very numerous, both as to
forest trees and plants of various kinds. (Cramer,
I. e. ) On the most elevated part of the mountain was
a temple dedicated to Jupiter Actaeus, to which a
troop of the noblest youths of the city of Demetrias
ascended every year by appointment of the priest;
und such was the cold experienced on the summit,
that they wore the thicV est woollen fleeces t<< protect
themselves from the inclemency of the weathor. (Di-
caarch. , p. 29. ) It is with propriety, therefore, that
Pindar applies to Pelior. the epithet of stormy. (Fyth. ,
9. 6. )--Hfimer alludes lo this mountain as the ancient
abode of me Centaurs, who were ejected by the Lap-
ithe. (B. , 8, 743. --Compare Find. , Pyth. , 2, 83. )
It was, however, moro especially the haunt of Chiron,
whose cave, as Dicsearchus relates, o-cupicd the high-
est point of the mountain. (Cramer, I. e. ) In their
wars against the gods, the giants, as the poets fable,
{ilaced Ossa upon Pelion, and "rolled upon Ossa the
eafy Olympus," in their daring attempt to scale the
heavens. (Virg. , Georg. , 1, 281, scq. ) The famous
? pear of Peleus, which descended to his son Achilles,
and which none but the latter and his parent could
wield, was cut from an ash-tree on this mountain, and
thenre received its name of Pclias. (Horn. , II. , 16,
? ? 144. )--II. A city of lllyria, on the Macedonian bor-
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? PELOPIDAS.
PEL
fhebx j took part as allies of the Lacedaemonians,
antler the Sj artan king Agesipolis. In this battle,
Pelopidas being wounded and thrown down, was saved
from death by Epaminondas, who protected him with
bis ahield, maintaining his ground against the Arcadi-
ans until the Lacedaemonians came to their relief, and
saved both their lives. From that time a close friend-
ship wis formed between Epaminondas and Pelopidas,
which lasted till the death of the latter. When the
Lacedaemonians surprised the citadel of Thebes, and
established the power of the aristocracy in that city,
Pelopidas, who belonged to the popular party, retired
to Athens, together with a number of other citizens.
After a time, he and his brother exiles formed a plan,
with their friends in Thebes, for surprising and over-
throwing the oligarchy, and restoring the popular gov-
ernment. Pelopidas and some of his friends set off
from Athens disguised as hunters, found means to en-
ter Thebes unobserved, and concealed themselves in
the house of a friend, whence they issued in the night,
and, having surprised the leaders of the aristocratic
party, put them to death. The people then rose in
arms, and, having proclaimed Pelopidas their com-
mander, they obliged the Spartan garrison to surrender
the citadel by capitulation (B. C. 379). Pelopidas
boom after contrived to excite a war between Sparta
and Athens, and thus divide the attention of the for-
mer power. The war between the Thebans and the
Lacedaemonians was carried on for some years in Boe-
olia by straggling parties, and Pelopidas, having ob-
tained the advantage in several skirmishes, ventured
to encounter the enemy in the open field at Tegyrae,
near Orchomenus. The Lacedemonians were defeat-
ed, and thus Pelopidas demonstrated, for the first time,
that tha armies of Sparta were not invincible; a fact
which was afterward confirmed by the battle of Leuc-
tra (B. C. 371), in which Pelopidas fought under the
command of his friend Epaminondas. In the year
869 B. C. , the two friends, being appointed two of the
Boeotarchs {Plut. , Vit. Pelop. , c. 24), marched into
the Peloponnesus, obliged Argos, and Arcadia, and
other states to renounce the alliance of Sparta, and
carried their incursions into Laconia in the depth of
winter. Having conquered Messenia, they invited the
descendants of its former inhabitants, who had gone
into exile about two centuries before, to come and re-
peuple their country. They thus confined the power
of Sparta to the limits of Laconia. Pelopidas and
Epaminondas, on their return to Thebes, were tried
for having retained the command after the expiration
of the year of their office, but were acquitted; and
Pelopidas was afterward employed against Alexander,
tyrant of Phera? , who was endeavouring to make him-
self master of all Thessaly. He defeated him. From
Thessaiy he was called into Macedonia, to settle a
auarrcl between Alexander, king of that country, and
son of Atnyntas II. , and his natural brother Ptolemy.
Having succeeded in this, he returned to Thebes, bring-
ing with him Philip, brother of Alexander, and thirty
youths of the chief families of Macedonia as hostages.
A. year after, however, Ptolemy murdered his brother
Alexander, and took possession of the throne. Pelop-
idas, being applied to by the friends of the late king,
enlisted a band of mercenaries, with which'he marched
against Ptolemy, who entered into an agreement to
hold the government only in trust for Perdiccas, a
voungcr brother of Alexander, till he was of age, and
? ? to kocp the alliance of Thebes; and he gave to Pelop-
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? PELOFONNESIACUM BELLUM.
PELCPONNESIACUM DELLUM
after tome of the Athenian envoys, who happened to
be in the city, had defended the conduct of their state,
the Spartan* first, and afterward all the allies, decided
that Athens had broken the truce, and they resolved
upon immediate war; King Archidamus alone recom-
mended some delay. In the interval necessary for
preparation, an attempt was made to throw the blame
of commencing hostilities upon the Athenians, by send-
jig three several embassies to Athens with demands of
such a nature as could not be accepted. In the as-
umbly which was held at Athens to give a, final an-
swer to these demands, Pericles, who was now at the
height cf his power, urged the people to engage in the
war, :i? d laid do^. n a plan for the conduct of it. He ad-
visc. l the pccp'. s to bring all their moveable property
from the country into the city, to abandon Attica to the
ravages of the enemy, ind not to suffer themselves to be
provoked to give tnera battle rcith inferior numbers, but
to expend all their strength upon their ::avy, which might
be employed in carrying the war into the enemy's ter-
ritory, and in collecting supplies from subject states;
and farther, not to attempt any new conquest while the
war lasted. His advice was adopted, and the Spartan
envoys were sent home with a refusal of their de-
mands, but with an offer to refer the matters in differ-
ence to an impartial tribunal, an offer which the Lace-
demonians had no intention of accepting. After this,
the usual peaceful intercourse between the rival states
was discontinued. Thucydides (2, 1) dates the begin-
ning of the war from the early spring of the year 431
B. C. , the fifteenth of the thirty years' truce, when a
r<<rty of Thebans made an attempt, which at first suc-
? ceticd, but was ultimately defeated, to surprise Pla-
? sa. The truce being thus openly broken, both par-
ies addressed themselves to the war. The Pelopon-
aesian confederacy included all the states of Pelopon-
nesus except Achaia (which joined them afterward)
and Argos, and without the Peloponnesus, Megsris,
Phocis, Locris, Bccotia, the island of Leucas, and tho
iities of Ambracia and Anactorium. The allies of the
Athenians were Chios and Lesbos, besides Samos and
the other islands of the . /L'gean which had been re-
duced to subjection (Thera and Melos, which were
still independent, remained neutral), Platsa, the Mes-
senian colony in Naupactus, the majority of the Acar-
naniaos, Corcyra, Zacynthus, and the Greek cotonics
in A-jia Minor, in Thrace and Macedonia, and on the
Hellespont. The resources of Sparta lay chiefly in
lcr land forces, which, however, consisted of contin-
gents from the allies, whose period of service was lim-
ited; the Spartans were also deficient in money. The
Athenian strength lay in their fleet, which was manned
chiefly by foreign sailors, whom the wealth they col-
lected from their allies enabled them to pay. Thu-
cydides informs us, that the cause of the Lacedaemoni-
ans was the more popular, as they professed to be de-
liverers of Greece, while the Athenians were fighting
in defence of an empire which had become odious
through their tyranny, and to which the states which
vet retained their independence feared to be brought
into subjection. In the summer of the year 431 B. C. ,
the Pcloponnesians invaded Attica under the command
jf Arcmdatnus, king of Sparta. Their progress was
ilc-w, as Archidamus appears to have been still anx-
ious to try what could be done by intimidating the
Athenians before proceeding to extremities. Yet their
presence was found to be a greater calamity than the
? ? people had anticipated; and, when Archidamus made
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? PELOPONNESIACUM BELI. UM.
PEL
-"lenes, comjletely failed; but afterward Demosthe-
ies and ihe Acarnanians routed the Ambracians, who
nearly all perished. In the winter (426-5) the Athe-
nians purilied the island of Delos, as an acknowledg-
ment to Apollo for the cessation of the plague. At
the beginning of the summer of 425, the Peloponne-
aians invaded Attica for the fifth time. At the same
time, the Athenians, who had long directed their
iho'jghts towards Sicily, sent a fleet to aid the Leon-
*ini in a war with Syracuse. Demosthenes accom-
panied this fleet, in order to act, as occasion might
jffer, on the coast of Peloponnesus. He fortified Py-
'ua on the coast of Measenia, the northern headland
of the modern Bay of Navarino. In the course of the
operations which were undertaken to dislodge him, a
body of Lacedemonians, including several noble Spar-
tans, got blockaded in the island of Sphacteria, at the
mouth of the bay, and were ultimately taken prisoners
by Cleon and Demosthenes. Pylus was garrisoned
by a colony of Messenians, in order to annoy the Spar-
tans. After this event the Athenians engaged in vig-
orous offensive operations, of which the most impor-
tant was the capture of the island of Cythera by Nici-
ts early in B. C. 424. Thia summer, however, the
Athenians suffered some reverses in Bceotia, where
they lost the battle of Delium, and on the coasts of
Macedonia and Thrace, where Brasidas, among other
exploits, took Amphipolis. The Athenian expedition
to Sicily was abandoned, after some operations of no
great importance, in consequence of a general pacifica-
tion of the island, which was effected through the in-
fluence of Hermocrates, a citizen of Syracuse. In the
year 423, a year's truce was concluded between Spar-
la and Athena, with a view to a lasting peace. Hos-
tilities were renewed in 422, and Cleon was sent to
cope with Brasidas, who had continued his opera-
tions oven during the tiucc. A battle was fought be-
tween these generals at Amphipolis, in which the de-
feat of the Athenians was amply compensated by the
double deliverance which they experienced in the deaths
both of Cleon and Brasidas. In the following year
(421) Nicias succeeded in negotiating a peace with
Sparta for fifty years, the terms of which were, a mu-
tual restitution of conquests made during the war, and
the release of the prisoners taken at Sphacteria. This
treaty was ratified by all the allies of Sparta except
the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians.
This peace never rested on any firm basis. It was no
sooner concluded than it was discovered that Sparta
had not the power to fulfil her promises, and Athens
insisted on their performance. The jealousy of the
other states was excited by a treaty of alliance which
was concluded between Sparta and Athens immediate-
ly after the peace; and intrigues were commenced for
the formation of a new confederacy, with Argos at the
head. An attempt was made to draw Sparta into al-
liance with Argos, but it failed. A similar overture,
subsequently made to Athens, met with better suc-
cess, chiefly through an artifice of Alcibiadcs, who
was at the head of a large party hostile to the peace,
and the Athenians concluded a treaty offensive and
defensive with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea for 100
years (B. C. 420). In the year 418, the Argive con-
federacy was broken up by their defeat at the battle of
Mantinea, and a peace, and soon after an alliance, was
made between Sparta and Argos. In the year 416 an
expedition was undertaken by the Athenians against
? ? Mei->s, which had hitherto remained neutral. The
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the animal terminates in plumes; and in others has
only wings, so as to form the Pegasus, fabled by the
later Greek poets to have been ridden by Bellerophon,
but only known to the ancient theogonists as the bear-
er of Aurora, and of the thunder and lightning to Jupi-
ter, an allegory of which the meaning is obvious. "
(Inquiry into the Symb. Lang. , &c, v 111. -- Class.
Journ. , vol. 25, p. 31. )--As regards the constellation
Pegasus, it may be remarked, that the Greek astrono-
mers always give it the simple appellation of "the
Horse" ("iTriroc). The name Wj-yaooc first comes in
among the later mythological poets. It does not even
occur in Aratus; the poet merely remarking that this
is supposed to be the same horse whose hoof produced
the fountain Hippocrene. (Arat. , Phcen. , 219. ) Era-
tosthenes, however, says (c. IS) that this is the steed,
as some think, which, after Bellerophon had been
thrown from it, flew upward to the stars. The opin-
ion, however, is, according to him, an erroneous one,
since the steed in the heavens has no wings. It would
appear, therefore, from this remark of Eratosthenes,
that the custom of representing Pegasus with wings
came in at a later period. They are added in Ptolemy.
The Romans, in imitation of the Greeks, call the con-
stellation simply Equus, for which the poets substi-
tuto Sonipes, Sonipes ales, Cornipes, and other simi-
lar expressions. The name Pegasus appears to occur
? nly in Germar. icus (v. 221, 282). Ovid has Equus
Gorgoncus, in allusion to the fabled birth >f the steed.
(Fast. , 3, 450. --Idcler, Sternnamen, p. 115. )
Pelagonia, I. a district of Macedonia bordering on
(llyria. The Pelagones, though not mentioned by Ho-
mer as a distinct people, were probably known to him,
from his naming Pelagon, the father of Asteropaeus,
a Paeonian warrior. (Compare Strabo, 331. ) They
must at one time have been widely spread over the
north of Greece, since a district of Upper Thcssaly
bore the name of Pelagonia Tripolitis, and it is inge-
niously conjectured by Gatlercr, in his learned com-
mentary on ancient Thrace (Com. Soc. Gott. , vol. 6,
p. 67), that these were a remnant of the remote expe-
dition of the Teucri and Mysi, the progenitors of the
Psonians, who came from Asia Minor, and conquered
the whole of the country between the Strymon and
Pencus. (Herod. , 7, 20. --Strab. , 327. ) Frequent
allusion is made to Pelagonia by Livy, in his account
of the wars between the Romans and the kings of Mace-
don. It was exposed to invasion from the Dardani,
who bordered on its northern frontiers; for which rea-
son, the communication between the two countries was
carefully guarded by the Macedonian monarchs. (Liv. ,
31, 28. ) This pass led over the chain of Mount Scar-
dus. An account of it is given in Brown's Travels,
p. 45. (Cramer's Ane. Greece, vol. 1, p. 269. ) --II.
Civitas, a city of Pelagonia, the capital of the fourth
division of Roman Macecbnia. (Liv. , 45,29. ) Little
? ? is known of it. Its existence at a late period appears
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? PELASGI.
TELA SGI.
tasgi in militixy prowess and a spir. 't of enterprise, aid
were thus enabled, in some cases, tc expel the Pelas-
gi from the country, though the Hellenes generally
nettled among the Pelasgi as a conquering people. --
fhe connexion between the Pelasgic and Hellenic races
Das been a subject of much controversy among modern
writers. Many critics have maintained that they be-
longed 10 entirely different races, and some have been
disposed to attribute to the Pelasgians an Etrurian or
Phoenician origin. It is true that many of the Greek
writers speak of the Pelasgians and their language as
barbarous, that is, not Hellenic; and Herodotus (1,
57) informs us, that the Pelasgian language was spo-
ken in his time at Placia and Scylaco on the Helles-
pont. This language he describes as barbarous; and
on this fact he mainly grounds his general argument as
to the ancient Pelasgian tongue. It may, however, be
remarked, that it appears exceedingly improbable, if
the Pelasgic and Hellenic languages had none or a
vory alight relation to each other, that the two tongues
should have so readily amalgamated in alt parts of
Greece, and still more strange that the Athenians and
Arcadians, who are admitted to have been of pure Pe-
lasgic origin, should have lost their original language
and learned tho pure Hellenic tongue. In addition to
which, it may be remarked, that wo scarcely ever read
of any nation entirely losing its own language and
adopting that of its conquerors. Though the Persians
have received many new words into their language from
their Arab masters, yet twelve centuries of Arab dom-
ination havo not been sufficient to change, in any es-
sential particular, the grammatical forms and general
structure of the ancient Persian; and, notwithstanding
all the efforts that were used by the Norman conquer-
ors to bring the French language into general use in
England, the Saxon remains to the present day the
main clement of the English language. It is there-
fore reasonable to suppose that the Pelasgic and Hel-
lenic tongues were different dialects of a common lan-
guage, which formed by their union the Greek language
of later times. --The ancient writers differ as much re-
specting the degree of civilization to which the Pelas-
gi attained before they became an Hellenic people, as
they do respecting their original language. Accord-
ing to some ancient writers, they were little better than
? race of savages till conquered and civilized by the
Hellenes; but others represent them, and perhaps more
correctly, as having attained to a considerable degree
of civilization previous to the Hellenic conquest.
Many traditions represent the Pelasgians as cultivating
agriculture and the useful arts. Pelasgus in Arcadia,
said the tradition, taught men to bake bread. (Pausan. ,
1, 14, 1. ) The ancient Pelasgic Buzyges yoked bulls
to the plough (Etym. Mag. , s. v. Bovfryw); Pelas-
gians invented the goad for the purpose of driving an-
imals (Etym. Mag,, a. v. ukcuvo. -- Btkker, Anted.
Gr. , 357); and a (Pelasgic) Thessalian in Egypt
Ujght the art of measuring land (Etym. Mag. , ubi
rap. ). --It is a curious fact, which has been noticed by
Mr. Maiden (Wu(. of Rome, p. 70), that the Grecian
race which made the most early and the most rapid
progress in civilization and intellectual attainments,
was one in which the Pelasgian blood was least adul-
terated by foreign mixture, namely, the Ionians of At-
tics and of the settlements in Asia; and that we prob-
ably owe to tho Pelasgic element in the population of
Greece all that distinguishes the Greeks in the history
? ? of the human mind. The Dorians, who were the most
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? PEL
PEL
\Opusc. vol. 3. p. 174), but it offends griero isly
? gainst analogy (Lobeck, ad PAria. , p. 109); and if
it be applicable to tho Tyrrhenian Pelasgians of later
times, it certainly is not so to the original Pelasgians
>>f Dodona or Thessaly. Perhaps the peculiar style of
building ascribed to the Pelasgic race may furnish us
with an etymology for their name, equal, at least in
point of plausibility, to any of those which have thus
far been enumerated. The term Pelargi may mean
"tkme-buildcrs" or "stone-workers," as indicating a
race whose massive style of architecture may have ex-
cited the wonder of the early Greeks, and have given
rise to a species of national appellation. Thus, in the
, Macedonian dialect, irt'/a signified "a stone" (rac
rre'Xac, Toi>( hidove, Kara tt/v Haneiovuv ^uvfv. --
Ulpian, ad Demosth. , de fats, leg. , p. 376, B, e. d.
Franco/. , 1604. -- Compare Ruhnktn, ad Tim. Lex. ,
p. 270), and apyov (or Fupyov) is an earlier form for
(pyov. (B'ockh, Corp. Inscript. , fasc, 1, p. 29, 83. )
The two old forms, then, ircXa ("a alone") and apyov
{"work"), may perhaps have produced, by their com-
bination, the name of XleXapyoi. (Encycl. Us. Knowl. ,
vol. 17, p 377, seqq. --Clinton, Fast. Hell. , vol. 1, p.
I,seqq. --Curtius, de Antiquis Italia incolis, t) 6, seqq.
-- Kruse, He/las, vol. I, p. 404, seqq. -- Thirlwall's
Greece, vol. 1, p. 33, seqq. --Philological Museum, vol.
1, p. 613)
Pklasgicum (JlehaoyiKov), a name given to the
most ancient part of the fortifications of the Acropolis
at Athens, from its having been constructed by the
Pelasgi, who, in the course of their migrations, settled
in Attica, and were employed by tho Athenians in the
erection of these walls. The rampart raised by this
people is often mentioned in the history of Athens,
and included also a portion of ground below the wall
at the foot of the rock of the Acropolis. This had
been allotted to the Pelasgi while they resided at
Athens, and on their departure it was forbidden to be
Inhibited or cultivated. (Thucyd. , 2, 7. -- Pollux, 8,
UK! . --Myrsil. , ap. Dion. Hal. , 1, 19. --Herod. , 2, 51.
-- Id. , 8, 137. ) It was apparently on the northern
ailc of the citadel, as we are informed by Plutarch,
tha' the southern wall was built by Cimon, from whom
it received the name of Cimonium. (Cramer's Anc.
Greece, vol. 2, p. 382 )
Pki. asoiotis, a district of Thessaly, occupying the
lower valley of the Pencus as far as the sea. It was
originally inhabited by the Perrhajbi, a tribe of Pelas-
gic origin. (Simon , ap. Strab. , 441. --Cramer's Anc.
Greece, vol. 1, p. 363. )
Pklasous, an ancient monarchof the Pelasgi. (Vid.
Pelasgi)
1'fci. Ki iikonii, an epithet given to the Lapithn, be-
cause they dwelt in the vicinity of Mount Pelethro-
nium, in Thessaly. (Virg, Georg. , 3, 115. ) Pele-
thronium appears to have been a branch of Pelion.
Peleus, a king of Thessaly, son of . -Eacus mon-
arch of . Egina, and the nymph Endc'is the daughter
of Chiron. Having been accessory, along with Tela-
mon, to the death of their brother Phocus, he was ban-
ished from his native island, but found an asylum at
the court of Eurytus, son of Actor, king of Phthia in
Thessaly.
He married Antigone, the daughter of Eu-
rytrs, and received with her, as a marriage portion,
the third part of the kingdom. Peleus was present
wi'h Eurytus at the chase of the Calvdonian boar;
rut having unfortunately killed his father-in-law with
? ? tki javelin which he had hurled against the animal,
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? r EI,
PEL
try net the father of one son, Acastus, and ol lour
? laughters, Piaidice, Pclopea, Hippolhoe, and Alces-
lia. (. {polled. , 1, 9, 10. ) These daughters were
called Peliades, and became, unwittingly, through
the arts of Medea, the slayers of their sire. (Vid.
lanon. )
Pelipes, a patronymic of Achilles, as the son of
Peleus. (Vid. Peleus. )
Pki. iqni, an Italian tribe, belonging to the Sabine
race, according to Ovid (Fast. , 3, 95), but, according
to Festus, deriving their origin from lllyria. The
statement of Ovid appears the more probable one, if
we consider the uniformity of language, customs, and
character apparent in all the minor tribes of central
Italy, as well as in the Samnites, between whom and
the Sabines these tribes may be said to form an inter-
mediate link in the Oscan chain. --The Peligni were
situate to the east and northeast of the Marsi, and
had Corfiniurn for their chief town. They derive some
consideration in history from the circumstance of their
chief city having been selected by the allies in the
Social wa? as the scat of the new empire. Had their
plans succeeded, and had Rome fallen beneath the
efforts of the coalition, Corfiniurn would have become
the capital of Italy, and perhaps of the world. (Strab. ,
241. )--The country of the Peligni was small in ex-
tent, and mountainous, and noted for the coldness of
its climate, as well as for the abundance of its springs
and streams. (Horace, Oil. , 3, 19. -- Ovid, Fast. , 4,
685. ) That some portion of it, however, was fertile,
we learn also from the latter poet. (Am. , 2, 16. --
Cramer's /Inc. Italy, vol. 1, p. 332. )
Paxiort, I. a range of mountains in Thessaly, along
a portion of the eastern coast. Its principal summit
rises behind Iolcos and Ormenium. The chain ex-
tends from the aoutheastern extremity of the Lake
Bcebcis, where it unites with one of the ramifications
of Ossa, to the extreme promontory of Magnesia.
(Strabo, 443. -- Herod. , 7, 129. -- Cramer's Ancient
Greece, vol. 1, p. 429. ) In a fragment of Dicaear-
chus which has been preserved to us, we have a detail-
ed description of Piiion and its botanical productions,
which appear to have been very numerous, both as to
forest trees and plants of various kinds. (Cramer,
I. e. ) On the most elevated part of the mountain was
a temple dedicated to Jupiter Actaeus, to which a
troop of the noblest youths of the city of Demetrias
ascended every year by appointment of the priest;
und such was the cold experienced on the summit,
that they wore the thicV est woollen fleeces t<< protect
themselves from the inclemency of the weathor. (Di-
caarch. , p. 29. ) It is with propriety, therefore, that
Pindar applies to Pelior. the epithet of stormy. (Fyth. ,
9. 6. )--Hfimer alludes lo this mountain as the ancient
abode of me Centaurs, who were ejected by the Lap-
ithe. (B. , 8, 743. --Compare Find. , Pyth. , 2, 83. )
It was, however, moro especially the haunt of Chiron,
whose cave, as Dicsearchus relates, o-cupicd the high-
est point of the mountain. (Cramer, I. e. ) In their
wars against the gods, the giants, as the poets fable,
{ilaced Ossa upon Pelion, and "rolled upon Ossa the
eafy Olympus," in their daring attempt to scale the
heavens. (Virg. , Georg. , 1, 281, scq. ) The famous
? pear of Peleus, which descended to his son Achilles,
and which none but the latter and his parent could
wield, was cut from an ash-tree on this mountain, and
thenre received its name of Pclias. (Horn. , II. , 16,
? ? 144. )--II. A city of lllyria, on the Macedonian bor-
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? PELOPIDAS.
PEL
fhebx j took part as allies of the Lacedaemonians,
antler the Sj artan king Agesipolis. In this battle,
Pelopidas being wounded and thrown down, was saved
from death by Epaminondas, who protected him with
bis ahield, maintaining his ground against the Arcadi-
ans until the Lacedaemonians came to their relief, and
saved both their lives. From that time a close friend-
ship wis formed between Epaminondas and Pelopidas,
which lasted till the death of the latter. When the
Lacedaemonians surprised the citadel of Thebes, and
established the power of the aristocracy in that city,
Pelopidas, who belonged to the popular party, retired
to Athens, together with a number of other citizens.
After a time, he and his brother exiles formed a plan,
with their friends in Thebes, for surprising and over-
throwing the oligarchy, and restoring the popular gov-
ernment. Pelopidas and some of his friends set off
from Athens disguised as hunters, found means to en-
ter Thebes unobserved, and concealed themselves in
the house of a friend, whence they issued in the night,
and, having surprised the leaders of the aristocratic
party, put them to death. The people then rose in
arms, and, having proclaimed Pelopidas their com-
mander, they obliged the Spartan garrison to surrender
the citadel by capitulation (B. C. 379). Pelopidas
boom after contrived to excite a war between Sparta
and Athens, and thus divide the attention of the for-
mer power. The war between the Thebans and the
Lacedaemonians was carried on for some years in Boe-
olia by straggling parties, and Pelopidas, having ob-
tained the advantage in several skirmishes, ventured
to encounter the enemy in the open field at Tegyrae,
near Orchomenus. The Lacedemonians were defeat-
ed, and thus Pelopidas demonstrated, for the first time,
that tha armies of Sparta were not invincible; a fact
which was afterward confirmed by the battle of Leuc-
tra (B. C. 371), in which Pelopidas fought under the
command of his friend Epaminondas. In the year
869 B. C. , the two friends, being appointed two of the
Boeotarchs {Plut. , Vit. Pelop. , c. 24), marched into
the Peloponnesus, obliged Argos, and Arcadia, and
other states to renounce the alliance of Sparta, and
carried their incursions into Laconia in the depth of
winter. Having conquered Messenia, they invited the
descendants of its former inhabitants, who had gone
into exile about two centuries before, to come and re-
peuple their country. They thus confined the power
of Sparta to the limits of Laconia. Pelopidas and
Epaminondas, on their return to Thebes, were tried
for having retained the command after the expiration
of the year of their office, but were acquitted; and
Pelopidas was afterward employed against Alexander,
tyrant of Phera? , who was endeavouring to make him-
self master of all Thessaly. He defeated him. From
Thessaiy he was called into Macedonia, to settle a
auarrcl between Alexander, king of that country, and
son of Atnyntas II. , and his natural brother Ptolemy.
Having succeeded in this, he returned to Thebes, bring-
ing with him Philip, brother of Alexander, and thirty
youths of the chief families of Macedonia as hostages.
A. year after, however, Ptolemy murdered his brother
Alexander, and took possession of the throne. Pelop-
idas, being applied to by the friends of the late king,
enlisted a band of mercenaries, with which'he marched
against Ptolemy, who entered into an agreement to
hold the government only in trust for Perdiccas, a
voungcr brother of Alexander, till he was of age, and
? ? to kocp the alliance of Thebes; and he gave to Pelop-
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? PELOFONNESIACUM BELLUM.
PELCPONNESIACUM DELLUM
after tome of the Athenian envoys, who happened to
be in the city, had defended the conduct of their state,
the Spartan* first, and afterward all the allies, decided
that Athens had broken the truce, and they resolved
upon immediate war; King Archidamus alone recom-
mended some delay. In the interval necessary for
preparation, an attempt was made to throw the blame
of commencing hostilities upon the Athenians, by send-
jig three several embassies to Athens with demands of
such a nature as could not be accepted. In the as-
umbly which was held at Athens to give a, final an-
swer to these demands, Pericles, who was now at the
height cf his power, urged the people to engage in the
war, :i? d laid do^. n a plan for the conduct of it. He ad-
visc. l the pccp'. s to bring all their moveable property
from the country into the city, to abandon Attica to the
ravages of the enemy, ind not to suffer themselves to be
provoked to give tnera battle rcith inferior numbers, but
to expend all their strength upon their ::avy, which might
be employed in carrying the war into the enemy's ter-
ritory, and in collecting supplies from subject states;
and farther, not to attempt any new conquest while the
war lasted. His advice was adopted, and the Spartan
envoys were sent home with a refusal of their de-
mands, but with an offer to refer the matters in differ-
ence to an impartial tribunal, an offer which the Lace-
demonians had no intention of accepting. After this,
the usual peaceful intercourse between the rival states
was discontinued. Thucydides (2, 1) dates the begin-
ning of the war from the early spring of the year 431
B. C. , the fifteenth of the thirty years' truce, when a
r<<rty of Thebans made an attempt, which at first suc-
? ceticd, but was ultimately defeated, to surprise Pla-
? sa. The truce being thus openly broken, both par-
ies addressed themselves to the war. The Pelopon-
aesian confederacy included all the states of Pelopon-
nesus except Achaia (which joined them afterward)
and Argos, and without the Peloponnesus, Megsris,
Phocis, Locris, Bccotia, the island of Leucas, and tho
iities of Ambracia and Anactorium. The allies of the
Athenians were Chios and Lesbos, besides Samos and
the other islands of the . /L'gean which had been re-
duced to subjection (Thera and Melos, which were
still independent, remained neutral), Platsa, the Mes-
senian colony in Naupactus, the majority of the Acar-
naniaos, Corcyra, Zacynthus, and the Greek cotonics
in A-jia Minor, in Thrace and Macedonia, and on the
Hellespont. The resources of Sparta lay chiefly in
lcr land forces, which, however, consisted of contin-
gents from the allies, whose period of service was lim-
ited; the Spartans were also deficient in money. The
Athenian strength lay in their fleet, which was manned
chiefly by foreign sailors, whom the wealth they col-
lected from their allies enabled them to pay. Thu-
cydides informs us, that the cause of the Lacedaemoni-
ans was the more popular, as they professed to be de-
liverers of Greece, while the Athenians were fighting
in defence of an empire which had become odious
through their tyranny, and to which the states which
vet retained their independence feared to be brought
into subjection. In the summer of the year 431 B. C. ,
the Pcloponnesians invaded Attica under the command
jf Arcmdatnus, king of Sparta. Their progress was
ilc-w, as Archidamus appears to have been still anx-
ious to try what could be done by intimidating the
Athenians before proceeding to extremities. Yet their
presence was found to be a greater calamity than the
? ? people had anticipated; and, when Archidamus made
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? PELOPONNESIACUM BELI. UM.
PEL
-"lenes, comjletely failed; but afterward Demosthe-
ies and ihe Acarnanians routed the Ambracians, who
nearly all perished. In the winter (426-5) the Athe-
nians purilied the island of Delos, as an acknowledg-
ment to Apollo for the cessation of the plague. At
the beginning of the summer of 425, the Peloponne-
aians invaded Attica for the fifth time. At the same
time, the Athenians, who had long directed their
iho'jghts towards Sicily, sent a fleet to aid the Leon-
*ini in a war with Syracuse. Demosthenes accom-
panied this fleet, in order to act, as occasion might
jffer, on the coast of Peloponnesus. He fortified Py-
'ua on the coast of Measenia, the northern headland
of the modern Bay of Navarino. In the course of the
operations which were undertaken to dislodge him, a
body of Lacedemonians, including several noble Spar-
tans, got blockaded in the island of Sphacteria, at the
mouth of the bay, and were ultimately taken prisoners
by Cleon and Demosthenes. Pylus was garrisoned
by a colony of Messenians, in order to annoy the Spar-
tans. After this event the Athenians engaged in vig-
orous offensive operations, of which the most impor-
tant was the capture of the island of Cythera by Nici-
ts early in B. C. 424. Thia summer, however, the
Athenians suffered some reverses in Bceotia, where
they lost the battle of Delium, and on the coasts of
Macedonia and Thrace, where Brasidas, among other
exploits, took Amphipolis. The Athenian expedition
to Sicily was abandoned, after some operations of no
great importance, in consequence of a general pacifica-
tion of the island, which was effected through the in-
fluence of Hermocrates, a citizen of Syracuse. In the
year 423, a year's truce was concluded between Spar-
la and Athena, with a view to a lasting peace. Hos-
tilities were renewed in 422, and Cleon was sent to
cope with Brasidas, who had continued his opera-
tions oven during the tiucc. A battle was fought be-
tween these generals at Amphipolis, in which the de-
feat of the Athenians was amply compensated by the
double deliverance which they experienced in the deaths
both of Cleon and Brasidas. In the following year
(421) Nicias succeeded in negotiating a peace with
Sparta for fifty years, the terms of which were, a mu-
tual restitution of conquests made during the war, and
the release of the prisoners taken at Sphacteria. This
treaty was ratified by all the allies of Sparta except
the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians.
This peace never rested on any firm basis. It was no
sooner concluded than it was discovered that Sparta
had not the power to fulfil her promises, and Athens
insisted on their performance. The jealousy of the
other states was excited by a treaty of alliance which
was concluded between Sparta and Athens immediate-
ly after the peace; and intrigues were commenced for
the formation of a new confederacy, with Argos at the
head. An attempt was made to draw Sparta into al-
liance with Argos, but it failed. A similar overture,
subsequently made to Athens, met with better suc-
cess, chiefly through an artifice of Alcibiadcs, who
was at the head of a large party hostile to the peace,
and the Athenians concluded a treaty offensive and
defensive with Argos, Elis, and Mantinea for 100
years (B. C. 420). In the year 418, the Argive con-
federacy was broken up by their defeat at the battle of
Mantinea, and a peace, and soon after an alliance, was
made between Sparta and Argos. In the year 416 an
expedition was undertaken by the Athenians against
? ? Mei->s, which had hitherto remained neutral. The
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