No More Learning

" not have power enough to provide for the supply"
" of his subjects, and to prevent a common dearth. "
But this was again opposed with as much passion
and violence as had fallen out in any part of the de-
bate ; and such rude arguments used against such a
power in the king, as if the question were upon re-
posing some new trust in. him, whereas it was upon
divesting him of a trust that was inherent in him
from all antiquity : and " that it was the same thing
" to be without the bill, and not to provide against
" the king's dispensing with the not obeying it,
" whose inclinations were well known in this parti-
" cular ; and therefore the effect of them, and of the
" importunity of the courtiers, must be provided
" against. " And throughout this discourse there
was such a liberty of language made use of, as re-
flected more upon the king's honour, and indeed upon
his whole council and court, than had been k heard
in that house, but in a time of rebellion, without
very severe reprehension : and it so much offended
the house now, that, notwithstanding all the sturdy
opposition, it was resolved that those clauses and These

clauses are

provisos should be amended in some places, and to- amended by

ii i n i AI--IT the lords.

tally left out in others. And with the alteration
and amendments it was sent down to the house of
commons.

At this time the public affairs and necessities
were little looked after or considered. The fleet was
come into the ports, but there was 1 no money to
pay off the men : and what was equally mischievous,
there was no way to make the provisions for the

k than had been] as had not ' there was] Omitted in MS.

been



158 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1666. next spring, that the fleet might be ready for the
sea by the time the enemy would assuredly be out.
If the victualler were not supplied, who had much
money due to him, the season would be past in
which he was to buy the cattle that he must kill ;
and he complained how much he should suffer by
this bill of Ireland, which already raised the price
of all meats. And thei yards wanted all those tack-
lings and rigging and masts, without which another
fleet could not be sent out, and which could no
otherwise be provided than by ready money. The
king had anticipated all his own revenue, and was
ready to expose that for further security, but nobody
would trust. The new provisos in the bill of supply
at Oxford gave no new credit, but were found as mis-
chievous as any body had apprehended they would
be : and the bankers, who in all such occasions were
a sure refuge, wanted now credit themselves ; which
that they might not recover^ the parliament had
treated them as ill since they came together, that is,
with reproaches and threats, as they had done at
Oxford. In which kind of persecution sir William
Coventry, and some who followed him, led the van,
very much to the king's prejudice and against his
command ; but they excused themselves, upon the
credit it gave them in the house to do him service.

All this was well enough understood : and it was
as visible, that they intended to make it a forcible
argument for the passing the Irish bill, which, though
from different motives, was now become the sacri-
fice, without which they would not be appeased ;
and therefore, when the bill was sent to them with
those alterations and amendments, they rejected
them all, and voted. " that they would adhere to



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 159
their own bill without departing from a word of it, 16(56.



" except with reference to Scotland," from which The C011< _
they had receded. And if upon this very unusual ! 1U)ll V ld -

J * here to

return the house of peers had likewise voted, " that their ^11.
" they too would adhere," which they might regu-
larly have done, and would have been consented to
by the major part of the house if the question had
been then put ; there had been an end of that bill.
But that must not be suffered : the party that che-
rished it was too much concerned to let it expire in
a deep silence, and were numerous enough to ob-
struct and defer what they liked not, though not to
establish what they desired. Some of them, that is,
some who desired that the bill should pass, though
uncorrupted by their passions, did not like the ob-
stinacy of the house of commons in not departing
from some unusual clauses and pretences ; yet were
not willing to have the like vote for adhering to pass
in that house, which it might do when all other re-
medies should fail; and therefore moved, " that a
" conference might be required, in which such rea-
" sons might be given as might satisfy them. " Many
conferences, and free conferences, were held, in
which the commons still maintained their adherence
with a wonderful petulance : and those members,
who were appointed to manage the conferences,
took the liberty to use all those arguments, and the
very expressions, which had been used in the house
of peers, against leaving any power in the king to
dispense ; and added such other of their own as
more reflected on m his majesty's honour ; and yet
concluded as if they could say more if they were

tn on] upon



IfX) CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1666. provoked, upon which every man might make what
glosses he pleased, and the king himself was left to
his own imaginations.

An instance There need be no other instance given of the un-
M. . II of the heard of and incredible passion that was shewed in
thi* ff^r. ' n the transaction of that bill, than a particular that
related to the city of London. Upon the news of the
great fire in London, and the devastation that it
made there, there was so general a lamentation in
Ireland as might be expected from a neighbour pro-
vince, that had so great a commerce with and de-
pendance upon it. And the consent in this lamen-
tation was so digested, that the several provinces
had made a computation and division between them-
selves, and presented a declaration to the lord lieu-
tenant and council, " that they had so tender a sense
" of that calamity, that if they were able to raise
" money to administer some assistance to the city
" towards the reparation of their great loss, they
" would willingly offer and present it : but that not
" being in their power or possession, the great
" scarcity and want of money throughout that king-
" dom being notoriously known, but there being
" somewhat in their power to offer, which might at
" least testify their good-will, and not be wholly use-
" less towards the end they designed it ; they had
" agreed between themselves to give unto the lord
" mayor and city of London, to be n disposed of by
" them to such particular uses as they should judge
" most convenient, the number of thirty thousand
" Irish beasts, which should be delivered within
" such a time and at such ports," which were named,

11 to be] nnd to be



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 161

" to any such persons as should be appointed to re- 1666.
" ceive them. " And of this they desired the lord
lieutenant and council to advertise the king, and
likewise give notice to the city of London : both
which were done accordingly ; and the advertise-
ment arrived in the city in the time when this bill
was depending in the lords' house. Whereupon the
lord mayor and aldermen presented a petition to the
lords, with a proviso that they desired might be in-
serted in the bill that was before them, by which it
was provided, " that nothing contained in that bill
4< should hinder the city of London from enjoying the
** charitable donative of the thirty thousand cattle,
" but that they might have liberty to import the
" same. "

It can hardly be believed with what passion and
indignation this petition was received by the house,
what invectives were made against the city, " for
" their presumption in interposing their own parti-
" cular interest to obstruct the public affairs of the
*. * kingdom ;" and then the reflections which were
" made upon the council of Ireland, for giving coun-
" tenance to such an address, and becoming instru-
" ments themselves to promote and advance it:"
which they would not allow " to be an offering of
" charity, but a cheat and a cozenage by combination
" to elude an act of parliament, which they could not
" choose but hear of, and could not but believe that
*5 it was passed by this time. Which if it had been,
" and that power left in the king as had been pro-
" posed, they might now see how it would have been
" applied : for they could not doubt, but there would
" enough have advised the king, that he should gra-
" tify the city of London with a license for this im-

VOL. III. M



162 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 666. ' portation ; which could not or would not have
" been so warily drawn, but that, under the license
" for thirty thousand, there would be three hundred
' thousand imported into England; and this the
" great charity aimed at and was assured of. " And
so, after much bitterness, they desired " that the pe-
" tition and the proviso might be both rejected. "

But this passion did not cover the whole house,
which neither commended nor approved it, and were
much less transported with it. They believed it was
a very seasonable intention of charity, and would
not take upon them to frustrate it ; and so prevailed,
that it was passed in that house, and transmitted
with approbation to the other. But it had the same
fate there with the other provisos, and was thrown
out with that bitterness and observation which had
been offered against it by some lords. Nor could
any expedients alter or remove their obstinacy,
though many were offered upon conferences, and
particularly " that all the beasts should be killed in
" Ireland and powdered there, and then sent over in
" barrels or other casks ;" but they found cozenage
in that too, and were as angry with the cattle when
they were dead, as when they were alive, as if it
would for a time keep down the price of meat in
England, which they desired to advance : so that
there was nothing gotten in all those conferences,
but the discovery of new jealousies of the king and
the court, and new insinuations of the discontents
and murmurs in the country, that this bill was so
long obstructed. Which being still represented to
the king with the most ghastly aspects towards what

as if it would] and



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 163

effects it might produce, his majesty in the end was 1666.
prevailed upon, notwithstanding very earnest advice ~~
to the contrary, not only to be willing to give his
royal assent when it should be offered to him, but
to take very great pains to remove those obstructions
which hindered it from being offered to him, and to
solicit particularly very many lords to depart from
their own sense, and to <i conform to what he thought
convenient to his service ; which gave those who
loved him not great argument of triumph, and to
those who loved him very passionately much matter
of mortification. Yet after all this, and when his
majesty had changed some men's resolutions, and
prevailed with others to withdraw and to be absent
when the bill should come again to be discussed, it The bi " at

. . /v ' i length con-

WaS carried with great difficulty and with great op- sented to by

position, and against the protestation of many of norJs. se
the lords.

In all the debate upon this bill, and upon the
other of accounts, the chancellor had the misfortune
to lose much credit in the house of commons, not
only by a very strong 1 " and cordial opposition to 8
what they desired, but by taking all occasions, which
were offered by the frequent arguments which were
urged " of the opinion and the authority of the The chan-

r> T f cellor of-

" house of commons, and that it was fit and neces- fends the
" sary to concur with them," to mention them with by TsWng
less reverence than they expected. It is very true : ]I| e re ^- n
he had always used in such provocations to desire tlieir en -

croach-

the lords, " to be more solicitous in preserving their ments.
" own unquestionable rights and most important
" privileges, and less tender in restraining the excess

i to] Not in MS. ' strong] Omitted in MS. s to] of

M 2



164 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 666. " and new encroachments of the house of commons,
""which extended their jurisdiction beyond their
"limits. " He put them often in mind " of the
" mischiefs which had their original from the liber-
" ties the house of commons assumed, and the com-
" pliance the house of peers had descended to, in the
" late ill times, and which produced the rebellion ;
'* and were carried so far, till, after all the multi-
" plied affronts, they had wrested the whole autho-
" rity out of the hands of the house of peers, and at
" last declared them useless members of the com-
" monwealth, and shut up the door of their house
" with a padlock, which they had never power to
" unfasten till the king's return. " And in those
occasions his expressions were many times so lively,
that they offended many of the lords who were
present, and had too much contributed to those
extravagancies, as much as it could do any of the
commons.

The truth is, he did never dissemble from the
time of his return with the king, whom he had like-
wise prepared and disposed to the same sentiments
whilst his majesty was abroad, that his opinion was,
" that the late rebellion could never be extirpated
" and pulled up by the roots, till the king's regal
" and inherent power and prerogative should be
" fully avowed and vindicated ; and till the usurpa-
" tions in both houses of parliament since the year
" 1640 were disclaimed and made odious ; and many
" other excesses, which had been affected by both
" before that time under the name of privileges,
" should be restrained or explained :" for all which
reformation the kingdom in general was very well
disposed, when it pleased God to restore the king to



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 165

it. Nor did the convention, which proclaimed the 1666.
king and invited him to return, exercise after his
return any exorbitant power, but what was of ne-
cessity upon former irregularities, and contributed
to the present ends and desires of the king.

And this parliament, that was upon the dissolu-
tion of the former quickly summoned by the king's
writ, willingly inclined to that method, as appears
by those many excellent acts which vindicated the
king's sovereign power over parliaments, and de-
clared the nullity of all acts done by one or both
houses without the king's assent ; declared and set-
tled the absolute power of the crown over the militia;
repealed that act of parliament that had excluded
the bishops from being members of the house of
peers, and restored them to their session there; and
repealed that other infamous act for triennial par-
liaments, which had clauses in it to have led the
people into rebellion ; and would willingly have pro-
secuted the same method, if they had had the same
advice and encouragement.

But " they had continued to sit too long together,
and were invited to meddle and interpose in matters
out of their own sphere, to give their advice with
reference to peace and war, to hold conferences with
the king, and to offer their advices to him, and to
receive orders from himself; and x his majesty was
persuaded by very unskilful men, " that they were
" so absolutely at his disposal, that he need never
" doubt their undertaking any thing that would be
" ingrateful to him, and that whilst he preserved
" that entire interest he had in the lower house,

11 But] But when * and] when

M 3



166 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1666. " (which he might easily do,) he need not care what
~" " the other house did or had a mind to do ;" and so
induced his majesty to undervalue his house of peers
as of little power to do him good or harm, and pre-
vailed with him too far to countenance that false
doctrine; towards which the house of peers them-
selves contributed too much, by not inquiring into
or considering the public state of the kingdom, or
providing remedies for growing evils, or indeed med-
dling with any thing in the government till they
were invited to it by some message or overture from
the house of commons: insomuch as they sat not
early in the morning, according to the former cus-
tom of parliaments, but came not together till ten
of the clock ; and very often adjourned as soon as
they met, because that nothing was brought from
the house of commons that administered cause of
consultation ; and upon that ground often adjourned
for one or two days together, whilst the other house
sat, and drew the eyes of the kingdom upon them,
as the only vigilant people for their good.

Then when any thing fell in their way, that they
could draw a consequence from that might relate to
their privileges, they were so jealous of an invasion,
that they neither considered former precedents,
nor rules of honour or justice ; and were not only
solicitous for that freedom which belonged to them-
selves and their menial servants, who ought not to
be disquieted by private suits and prosecutions in
law, whilst they are obliged to attend upon the ser-
vice of their country in parliament, but gave their
protections " ad libitum," which x were commonly

y which] and which



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 167

sold by their servants to bankrupt citizens, and to I6C6'.
such who were able but refused to pay their just~
debts. And when their creditors knew that they
could have no relation of attendance to any man,
and thereupon caused them to be arrested, they
produced some protection granted to them by some
lord ; whereupon they were not only discharged, but
their creditors, and all who bore any part in the
prosecution, were punished with great rigour, and
to their great loss and damage, and to the great
prejudice of the city, and interruption of the whole
course of the justice of the kingdom.

When the house of commons sent up a bill for
the suppression or reformation of many irregularities
and misdemeanours, which had grown up in the late
times of disorder and confusion, as conventicles and
other riotous assemblies, wherein there was a ne-
cessity of some clauses of power to inferior officers,
whereby they were qualified to discover those trans-
gressions which would otherwise be concealed ; the
lords would be sure always to insert some proviso
to save their privileges, even in acts which pro-
vided for the punishment of such crimes as no per-
son of quality could be supposed to be guilty of, as
stealing of wood, and such vile trespasses : whicli
took up much time in debate, and incensed the house
of commons, and produced many froward debates,
in which the king thought the peers in the wrong.

This kind of temper or distemper upon very trivial
and light occasions, in seasons which required gra-
vity and despatch, provoked the house of commons
to take more upon' them, to enter upon contests
sometimes unreasonably with the lords, and to as-
sume to themselves an authority in matters in which

M 4



168 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 666. they ought not to interpose ; and then were encou-
~ raged and indeed induced by those who had near
relation to the king and were trusted in his service,
to affect novelties both in the form and substance of
their proceedings, which those persons concurred in,
much out of ignorance what was to be done, and
more out of affectation to compass some crooked
end of their own, to the prejudice of another person
who was in their disfavour. And when these sallies
out of the old trodden path were taken notice of,
and his majesty had been 7 - advised to prevent them
in time, he was persuaded, either " that the ex-
" ceptions were in matters of little moment, and
" made only by formal men who liked nothing that
" was out of the old common road ; or that the li-
" berty would be applied to his service, and in many
" useful occasions would mollify or subdue the in-
" convenient morosity of the lords ; or, when it
" should exceed, it would be still in his majesty's
" power to restrain it, when he found it necessary. "
And these discourses prevailed too much with his
majesty, till he now found the humour was grown
too sturdy for him to contend with ; and the same
men, who had persuaded him to contemn it, were
now more importunate with him that he would com-
ply with it.
He offends The chancellor had always as earnestly opposed

the lords , . . . . . . .

hy advising the over-captious insisting upon privilege in the
! uiu unV" lords' house, either when in truth there was not a
reasonably j us j. ground for it, or when they would extend it

upon pnri-

'< further than it would regularly reach ; and often-
times put them in mind " of many exorbitant acts

* been] Not in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 169

" which stood still mentioned in their journal-books, 1666.
" of their proceedings in the late rebellious times,"
" which might be looked upon as precedents by
" posterity, and in which the house of commons
" had really invaded their greatest privileges, and
" trampled upon their highest jurisdiction ; which
" was worthy of their most strict proceedings a to
" vindicate by protestation, and by expunging the
" memorial thereof out of all their books and re-
" cords, that there might be no footsteps left to mis-
" lead the succeeding ages ;" and often desired them
" to preserve a power in themselves to put the
" house of commons in mind of their exceeding
" their limits, for which they often gave them occa-
" sion, and particularly as often as they sent to
" quicken them in any debate, which was a very
" modern presumption, and derogatory from that
" respect which a house of commons had always
" paid to the house of lords. And this they could
" not reasonably or effectually do, till they declined
" all unjust or unnecessary pretences to privileges
" which were not their due, and especially to a
" power of calling private cases of right and justice,
" which ought to be determined by the law and in
" courts of justice, to be heard and adjudged before
" themselves in parliament ; of which there were
"too frequent occasions to oppose and contradict
" their jurisdiction. "

This free way of discourse offended many of the
lords, who thought him not jealous enough of nor
zealous for the privilege of the peerage : and they
were now very glad that he used so much more

a proceedings] Omitted in MS.



170 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1666. freedom against the proceedings of the house of
"commons, which they were sure would be resented
below, more than it had been above. And many of
his friends informed him " how ill it was taken ;
" and how carefully all that he said, and much that
" he did not say, was transmitted by some of the
" lords to them, who would not fail in some season
** to remember and apply it to his highest disadvan-
" tage ;" and therefore desired him " to use less fer-
" vour in those argumentations. " But he was in
that, as in many things of that kind that related to
the offending other men, for his own sake uncoun-
sellable : not that he did not know that it exposed
him to the censure of some men who lay in wait to
do him hurt, but because he neglected those cen-
sures, nor valued the persons who promoted them ;
being confident that he would be liable to no charge
that he should be ashamed of, and well knowing
that he had, and being well known to have, a
higher esteem of parliament, and a greater desire to
preserve the just privileges of both houses, than
they had who seemed to be angry with him on that
behalf; and that the extending them b beyond their
due length would in the end endanger the destruc-
tion of parliaments.

But he shortly after found, that this guard was
not secure enough to defend him. What'toe said in
parliament was the sense of more who would not
speak it, than there were of those who disliked it ;
and how much soever it offended them, they could
not out of it find a crime to accuse him of. But
they who were more concerned to remove him from

b them] Omitted in MS.



EDWARD EARL -OF CLARENDON. 171

a post, where he too narrowly watched and too 1666.
often obstructed the liberties they took, resolved to
sacrifice all their oaths and obligations, which oblig-
ed them to the contrary, to the satisfaction of their
envy and their malice: and so whatsoever he said or
advised in the most secret council to the king him-
self with reference to things or persons, they commu-
nicated all to those who had most reason to be an-
gry, yet could not own the information. * Of all which
he had advertisement, and that a storm would be
shortly raised to shake him, of which he had little
apprehension ; never suspecting that it would arise
out of that quarter, from whence he soon after dis-
cerned it to proceed.

There was another particular and private ac- Lord ROOS
cident that fell out at this time, that admin isteredbnuo set*
more occasion of faction and dissension in the "|, d */y ""
houses, which always obstructed and perplexed all lad >-
public business. The marquis of Dorchester had
some years before married one of his daughters to
the lord Roos, eldest son to the earl of Rutland ;
both families very noble in themselves, and of great
fortunes, and allied to all the great families of the
kingdom. The lady being of a humour not very
agreeable, and not finding the satisfaction she ex-
pected where she ought to have received it, looked
for it abroad where she ought not to find it. And
her husband, as men conscious to themselves of any
notable defect used to be, was indulgent enough, not
strictly inquiring how she behaved herself, and she
as little dissembling or concealing the contempt she
had of her husband ; until his friends, especially the
mother, (who was a lady of a very great spirit and
most exalted passion,) took notice of her frequent



172 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1666. absence from her husband, and of her little kindness
~~ towards him when she was present with him. And
the young lady, who with her other defects had
want of wit to bear a reprehension she deserved, in-
stead of excusing, avowed her no esteem of her
husband ; charged him with debauchery, and being
always in drink, which was too true ; and reproach-
ed him with folly, as a man not worthy to be be-
loved. And the passion swelling to a great height
on both sides, the marquis came to be engaged on
the behalf of his daughter, and challenged her hus-
band to fight with him, who in many respects
was not capable, nor did understand those encoun-
ters.

In the end, after many acts of passion, which ad-
ministered too much cause of mirth and scandal to
the world, yet c by the advice and mediation of
friends, as good a reconciliation as in such cases is
usual was made, and the young couple brought to
live again together. And the lady having the as-
cendant over the lord, who was very desirous to b've
quietly upon any conditions, that he might enjoy
himself though he could not enjoy her, he was con-
tented that she made a journey to London upon
pretence to see some friends : and the time being
expired which she had prescribed for her absence,
he sent to her to return, which she deferred from
time to time. But at last, after many months, she
returned to him in so gross a manner, that it ap-
peared that she had kept company too much, which
she never endeavoured to conceal ; and when her
husband told her " that she was with child," and

r yet] yet in the end



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 173

asked " who got it ;" she answered him confidently, 1 666.
" that whoever got it, if it proved a boy, as she be- ~~
" lieved it would, he should be earl of Rutland. "

This was more than the young man could bear
without informing his mother, (the good earl not
loving to engage himself in so much noise,) who pre-
sently took care that the great-bellied lady was
made a prisoner in her chamber, strictly guarded,
that she could not go out of those lodgings which
w r ere assigned her ; all her own servants removed
from her, and others appointed to attend ; and all
other things supplied that she could stand in need
of or require, liberty only excepted. Yet in this
close restraint she found means to advertise her fa-
ther of the condition she was in, and made it much
worse than it was, seeming to apprehend the safety
of her life threatened by the malice of the countess,
mother to her husband, " who," she said, " did all
" she could to alienate his affection from her ; and
" now that she found she was with child, would per-
" suade him that it was not his ; and took all this
" extreme course, either to make her miscarry and
" so endanger her life, or to put an end to mother
" and child when she should miscarry :" and there-
fore besought her father, " that he would find some
" way to procure her liberty, and to remove her
" from that place, as the only means to save her
" life. "

The marquis, with the passion of a father, and
confidence of his daughter's virtue, and having no
reverence for the countess, thought it an act of great
barbarity, and consulted whether he could have any
remedy at law to recover his daughter's liberty ; and
finding little hope from thence, (the restraint of



174 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 666. a wife by the jealousy of her husband in his own

house being not a crime the law had provided a

remedy against,) he resorted then to the king, who
as little knew how to meddle in it. In the mean
time he sent women to see and attend his daugh-
ter, who were admitted to see and confer with her,
but not to stay with her; the countess declaring,
" that she should want nothing; but that since it
" was impossible that the child could be of kin
" to her son, who had not seen her in so many
" months before the child must have been got,
" she would provide that there should be no more
" foul play, when she should be delivered ; and
" after that time she should have no more restraint
*' or residence in that house, but be at liberty to go
" whither she would. "

The conclusion was, the lady was delivered, and
a son born, who was quickly christened by the name
of Ignoto, and committed to a poor woman, who
lived near, to be nursed ; and as soon as the lady re-
covered strength enough, she was dismissed and
sent to a house of her father, who received her with
the affection he thought was due to her. And hav-
ing conferred and examined her with all the strict-
ness he could, he remained satisfied in her innocence,
and consequently of the barbarous treatment she had
received, and the injury and indignity, both to him
and her, that was done to the son ; for which he
was resolved to leave no way untried in which he
might receive a vindication. In order to which he
first desired the king to hear all parties, who was
prevailed with to appoint a day for the doing it,
being attended by some bishops and other lords of
his council ; when the marquis and his daughter,



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 175

and the lord Roos and his mother, appeared d , with 1666.
more ladies than could have the patience to stay till
the end of the examination, where there were so
many indecent and uncleanly particulars mentioned,
that made all the auditors very weary. Nor was
there any room for his majesty to interpose towards
a reconciliation, which was in view impossible ; nor
could the lady be excused for a great delight she
took in making her husband jealous of her, and in
expressing a contempt of him, whatever else she
was guilty of: and so the king left it as he found it.
And the marquis, who had heard many things he
did not expect to have heard, took his daughter to
his own house, that by her own strict behaviour she
might best vindicate herself from the scandal she
lay under : but she quickly freed him from that hope
and expectation ; for within a short time after, she,
not being able to submit to the strict order and dis-
cipline of her father's house, which would not per-
mit those wanderings she desired to make, nor the
visits she desired to receive, made an escape from
thence, and lodged herself at more liberty, and lived
in that manner as gave too much evidence against
her with reference to the time that was past.

The marquis, who was a man of great honour,
and most punctual in all things relating to justice,
gave a noble instance of both, and how much he de-
tested the base and unworthy behaviour of his own
child, when it was manifest to him. He went to
the other noble family, asked their pardon " for his
" incredulity, and for any offence he had committed
" against them, or reproach he laid upon them e , for

d appeared] Omitted in MS. e them] Omitted in MS.



1/6 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

166G. " the vindication of an unworthy woman, who he
~~ " believed now had deserved all and more aspersions
" than had been laid on her : and therefore he was
" ready to join with them to free the family, as much
" as was possible, from the infamy she had brought
" to them and him, and that her base issue might
" not be an eternal reproach in their family. " Upon
this she was first, upon the complaint of her hus-
band, cited into the court of the arches before the
ecclesiastical judges : where, after a full examina-
tion of witnesses on both sides, and hearing what
she could allege in her own defence, her crime was
declared to be proved sufficiently ; and thereupon a
judgment was pronounced " of a full and entire se-
" paration a toro et a mensa pro causa adulterii"
in such a form, and with such circumstances, as are
of course in those cases.

But all this was not remedy enough against the
bastard's title to the honour of that illustrious fa-
mily : and therefore there was a bill prepared,
wherein all the foul carriage of the lady was set out,
the birth and christening of Ignoto, the declaration
and judgment of the court of the arches, and sepa-
ration of the parties for the adultery proved; and
thereupon a desire that it might be declared by act
A bin of parliament, " that the son, Ignoto by name, is a
foMbis m " bastard, and incapable to inherit any part of the
" title, honour, or estate of or belonging to the house
" of Rutland ; and the same incapacity to attend all
" other children, which from that time, the birth of
" Ignoto, had or might be born from the body of
" that lady. " And this bill being presented to the
house of peers by a lord nearly allied to that family,
the earl of Rutland being present with the marquis, as



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 177

soon as it was read the marquis stood up, and " with l GC6.
" expressions of trouble, and of the justice that was~
" due to the greatness of a noble house, that had
" received a foul blemish by a woman of too near a
" relation to him, of whom he was ashamed," gave f
his free consent to the bill, and desired that it might
pass : and the earl likewise besought the house, " that
" so infamous a branch might not be ingrafted into
" his family, of which his son, the lord Roos, was
" the sole heir male, with whom the honour must
" expire. "

It was a case of general concernment as well as
compassion, that an impudent woman should have
the power to give an heir to inherit a noble title
and fortune by descent, when it was so notoriously
known and adjudged to be illegitimate, and a mere
stranger to the blood of the house. Yet there were
some very good lords, and who detested the woman
and the wickedness, made much scruple of making
a new precedent in a particular case, that under- Some lords
mined a foundation of law, and opened a door to let precedent
in an unjust declaration, upon pretences not so well nre . " s
proved, to the disinherison of one that should not
be illegitimate. But though it was a rare case, it
was found not to be a new one, there having been
one or two declarations of bastardy in parliament in
the reign of king Henry VII. and Henry VIII.

However, it was as just that she should be heard,
to defend both herself and her son ; and therefore
the bill being read the second time, it was com-
mitted, with direction " that the lady should have
" personal notice * to attend, before the committee

f gave] and therefore gave e notice] Omitted in MS.

VOL. III. N



178 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

166C. entered upon it:" and after long inquiry at the
~~ places where she used to be, it was found that she
had transported herself into Ireland, in the company
of the person whom she had preferred before her
husband; and there was reason to believe, that it
was after she had notice of the bill. However, all
proceedings were respited till there was full proof
given to the house, by the person himself who had
spoken with her in Ireland, and given her the war-
rant that required her attendance upon the com-
mittee : and then, after many days longer delay, it
was read and debated, and by the committee re-
ported to the house to be engrossed.

The duke And then, and not till then, the duke of Bucking-
hlS U ob-" g nam opposed the passing of it, upon pretence, " that
struct* the in the bill the lord Roos h na d assumed a title that

bill.

" belonged to him by his mother, who had been
" heir female to Francis earl of Rutland ;" when
that title, now challenged, had descended to George
the brother of Francis, and had been enjoyed by two
earls of Rutland since. It was generally thought
a strange exception : nor was it known, whether
the duke was disposed to it as a revenge upon the
marquis, or to shew his own power, (for he had
many who concurred with him in both houses upon
many occasions,) or whether he did in truth desire
to support the lady in her infamy, he not being over-
tender in cases of that nature. However, it was
necessary to recommit the bill, that some expedient
might be there found to remove the obstruction,
which though he was obstinate in till the house was
tired with many days debate upon it, in which most

11 the lord Rwos] Omitteti in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 179

of his adherents upon the unreasonableness left him, 1666.
he persisted still and maintained the debate almost
alone, till the time of the session approached ; when
the lord Roos was compelled to humour him in
leaving out a title that all the world gave him.
And then, after intolerable vexation to the house But it is
and loss of time, he desisted to appear against it ; p ass e e d S
and the act passed the royal assent.

The ill humour of the house of commons was not 1667.
abated ; and though they knew well that their Irish
bill could never have passed the upper house but by
the king's powerful interposition, they remained
still jealous, or pretended to be so, that he would
not give his assent ; which till he should do, they
would admit no debate of money : so that as soon
as the bill was presented to him, his majesty came
to the house of peers, and sent for the commons to
attend him upon the 18th day of January ; when,
after he had given his consent to that and another
private bill which they had presented, he told them,
" that he had now passed their bills, and that he The idn^
" had been in hope to have had other bills ready to iriTiTbn'f
" have passed too. " He said, " that he could not^h.
" forget, that within few days after their coming
" together in September, both houses had presented
" to him their vote and declaration, that they would
" give him a supply proportionable to his occasions ;
" and the confidence of that had made him anti-
" cipate that small part of his revenue which was
" unanticipated, for the payment of the seamen ;
" and his credit had gone further than he had rea-
" son to think it would, but it was now at an end.

" This was the first day," he said, " he had heard
" of a supply, being the 18th of January, and what

N 2



180 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " it would amount unto, God only knew ; and what
" time he had to make such preparations as were
" necessary to meet three such enemies as he had,
" they could well enough judge. And he must tell
" them, what discourses soever were abroad, he was
" not in any treaty ; but by the grace of God he
" would not give over himself and them, but would
" do what was in his power for defence of both. It
" was high time for them to make good their pro-
" raise ; and it was high time for them to be in the
" country, as well for the raising of money, as that
" the lords lieutenants and deputy lieutenants might
" watch those seditious spirits which were at work
" to disturb the public peace. And therefore he
" was resolved to put an end to that session on
" Monday next come sennight, before which time
" he desired that all things might be made ready
" that he was to despatch. " His majesty said, " he
" was not willing to complain that they had dealt
" unkindly with him in a bill he had then passed,
" in which they had manifested a greater distrust of
" him than he had deserved. He did not pretend
" to be without infirmities, but he had never broken
" his word to them ; and if he did not flatter him-
" self, the nation had never less cause to complain
" of grievances, or the least injustice or oppression,
" than it had had in those seven years since it had
" pleased God to restore him to them : he would,"
he said, " be glad to be used accordingly. "

This little quickness in his majesty prevailed more
upon them, than all the former application had done :
and now they saw that they should not be suffered
to continue longer together, they resolved to leave
some relish of their former duty and compliance.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 181

Not that the humour was at all reformed or abated 1667.
in those who had shewed so much frowardness, who ~~
still continued as perverse as ever ; but they were
overruled by the major part of the house, as they
would have been sooner, if it had not been that a
contrary course had been pursued to what had been
formerly. Nor were they, who had advised that
change, willing that his majesty should decline the
same method, and were much troubled that he had
not caressed the house more in his late discourse.
And as they had before advised his majesty freely
and without any condition to offer the repeal, and
release the act that had granted the chimney-money
to him, which was a very good and a growing reve-
nue, but they observed to be unpopular ; upon a pre-
sumption (which they assured him could not fail)
that so generous an action in his majesty towards
his people would be immediately requited by a grant
of much greater value, (and they had prevailed in
this counsel, if the chancellor and the treasurer had
not with great resolution opposed it, and made evi-
dent to his majesty, " that he ought never to pro-
" pose it himself though with conditions, because
" it would make the grace undervalued, and the
" conditions to be esteemed unreasonable ; nor to
" hearken to any general proposition, or consent to
" the repeal of that act, without having a full and
" equivalent recompense (which ought to be very
" well weighed) granted in the same act of parlia-
" ment ; for he had now sufficient evidence, that the
" constant good-humour of the house was not to
" be depended upon :" which confirmed his majesty
to resolve never to hearken to the one without the
other, and so that mischief was prevented :) so they



182 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. were' now as desirous that the house of commons
~ would still press the despatch of the bill of accounts,
which rested in the lords' house ; and assured them,
" that if they would embrace the same positiveness
" they had done, the chancellor would be no more
" able to hinder the passing of that act, than he had
*' been to keep his majesty from consenting to the
** Irish bill so much against his resolution. " But
they and their friends could not keep up the same
spirit of stubbornness in the house, nor prevail
with the king to recede from his purpose : so that
the bill for accounts remained still in the house of
lords not fully discussed. And such a progress was
made in the house of commons, notwithstanding all
A supply opposition, that a bill for supply was prepared within
the time prescribed, though in respect of the pro-
portion not equal to the occasions, and entangled
still with the same inconvenient clauses and pro-
visos which had so unwarily been admitted at Ox-
ford, and which made what was granted unapplicable
to the procuring ready money ; of which his majesty
was now fully convinced. But the time was too
short to labour in the alteration. And so the bill,
as it was, was sent up to the lords, who, after the
short formality that cannot be avoided, gave it a
passage through that house : so that it was now
ready for the king.

The king's The eighth of February the king came to the
thTproro- parliament, and the speaker of the house presented

parua- ^ o /

thanked them for it, with his assurance, " that
the money should be laid out for the ends it was

1 so they were] yet were



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 183

" given : however," he said, " he hoped he should 1667.

" live to have bills of this nature in the old style, ~

" with fewer provisos. " He took notice, " that the

" bill of accounts for the money that had been al-

" ready raised since the war was not offered to him:

" but," his majesty said, " that he would take care

" (after so much noise) that the same should not be

" stifled ; but that he would issue out his commis-

" sion in the manner he had formerly promised the

" house of peers ; and the commissioners should

" have very much to answer, if they should not dis-

" cover all matters of fraud and cozenage. " He

told them, " the season of the year was very far

" spent, in which the enemy had got great advan-

" tage ; but by the help of God, he would make all

" the preparations he could, and as fast as he could :

" "and yet he would tell them, that if any good over-

" tures were made for an honourable peace, he would

" not reject them ; and he believed all sober men

" would be glad to see it brought to pass.

" He would now prorogue them till towards win-
" ter, that they might in their several places intend
" the peace and security of their several countries,
" where there were unquiet spirits still working.
" He did pray them," and said, " he did expect it
" from them, that they would use their utmost en-
" deavours to remove all those false imaginations
" out of the hearts of the people, which the malice
*' of ill men had industriously infused into them, of
" he knew not what jealousies and grievances : for
" he must tell them again, and he was sure he was
" in the right, that the people had never so little
*' cause to complain of oppression and grievances, as

N 4



184 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " they had since his return to them. If the taxes
~" ' and impositions were grievous and heavy upon
" them, they would put them in mind, that a war
" with such powerful enemies could not be main-
" tained without taxes ; and he was sure the money
" raised thereby came not into his purse. " He con-
cluded " with promising himself good effects from
" their affections and wisdoms, wherever they were :
" and he did hope they should all meet again of one
" mind, for his honour, and the good of the king-
" dom. " And so they were prorogued to the tenth
day of October next.

beking And now the king had very much to do, more
lS? than he had time or tools to despatch. Yet he be-
jSio / gan first where the parliament left off k , that when
ots'" *^ e y came again together, they might have no cause
to say, that he had not performed what he had pro-
mised, and so with the same passion renew their
clamour upon the accounts, which was made now a
very popular complaint; and whoever was accused
of obstructing that examination, was presently con-
cluded to have had a share in the prey. Yet he was
not willing that such a strict account or examina-
tion should be made, especially into the receipt of
the lord Ashley for the prizes, that all the world
should know what money had been issued out by his
own immediate orders, and to whom. Hereupon he
commanded his attorney and solicitor general to pre-
pare a commission, with all necessary clauses, to call
all persons to account who had received any such
monies, and to examine and take any exception to
the same.

k off] Not in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 185

And that there might be no just exception to the 1667.
commission, which he knew would be strictly looked ~~
into, they were required " to advise with all or any
" of the judges, that it might have their approba-
" tion ; and that there should be a clause in the com-
" mission, whereby the commissioners should be
" authorized to call any of the judges to their assist-
" ance, when upon any matters of difficulty they
" should think it necessary. " And that there might
be no exception to any of the commissioners, as like
to be partial in respect of friendship or alliance to
any of those who were to be called before them, his
majesty appointed all those persons, who were nomi-
nated for commissioners in the bill sent to the house
of lords by the commons, to be inserted into this
commission ; and likewise made choice of such a
number of the peers as was fit, to be joined to the
others, and named those who had upon all debates
in the house appeared most solicitous, that a very
exact account should be required, and of such others
who had no relation to the court, and were looked
upon with the utmost l esteem by the house of com-
mons : all which was prepared with the expedition
that was possible, and the commission sealed; and
notice given to all the commissioners, that they
should meet at a place appointed ; upon a day
named, presently after Easter, by which time the
judges would be returned out of their circuits" 1 ;
and they were then at liberty to adjourn to what
place they pleased.
We are now to enter upon the occurrences of the
year 1667, a year little more prosperous to the pub-

1 utmost] most circuits] circuit



186 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. He than the year preceding, and fatal in respect to n
"many calamitous accidents to the chancellor, and
which put a period to his greatness; the circum-
stances whereof, very notorious, were so interwoven
with the public transactions of state, that it is not
easy to make a distinct and clear relation of the one
without the other.
The king The temper the parliament had been in, and the

involved . . . .

in great dif- delay they had used in giving the king any supply
towards the carrying on the war, made the king
discern that he had been too confident of their gene-
rosity, and that they had already departed from that
spirit with which they first had persuaded him to
enter into that war : and it was as evident (which
had been often foretold to him) that the Dutch could
endure being beaten longer than he could endure to
beat them. They were now relieved and supplied
with the money of France, and the governing party
had subdued all contradictions ; and whatever their
affections were, all compliance and submission ap-
peared to the commands of the state ; and there
wanted nothing but the season of the year to carry
their fleet again to sea, as great and as well provided
as it had ever been. All murmuring was trans-
planted from thence into England, where it grew
up plentifully : and the king was, upon the credit of
an act of parliament that was passed on the eighth
of February, to provide a fleet ready to encounter
with the potent enemies in the spring. There was
no trade by sea, and therefore could not be much by
land, that could bring any benefit to the king ; and
the seamen ran all to the privateers, who adventured

11 to] ol



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 187

for booty, which they preferred before serving in the 1 667.
royal navy.

The king' in those straits called that council to- He consults
gether with whom he used to consult his most se-^^tTee
cret affairs ; and the chief officers at sea, and the u *



commissioners of the navy, attended to give such in- state of his

affairs.

formation as was necessary before any resolution
could be taken. There the whole state of the navy
was inquired into? ; what was in the stores, and
what the defects or deficiencies were, and what
hopes there were of supplying them ; what ships
were ready, and what would be made ready in three
months. The victualler was sent for, to give an ac-
count what provision of victuals was ready, and
what could be provided and put on board in the
same time, which was the utmost that could be li-
mited. Every officer protested, " that there could
" not be the least attempt^ towards any preparations
" without a good sum of ready money :" and the
yards were in that necessity by reason of the great
arrear of wages that was due to them, that they
were near a mutiny, and could not be kept to their
work, being necessitated to do any work abroad to
get victual for their families. The inferior officers,
which belonged to the stores, lived by stealing and
selling what they were intrusted to keep. In short,
all things were presented to be in that confusion,
that there appeared no probability of being able to set
out any fleet before the enemy would be so strong
upon the coast, that it would be very difficult to
make a conjunction between those ships which were

those] these in MS.

v was inquired into] Omitted ( ' attempt] Omitted in MS.



188 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. in the river, and the other which were at Portsmouth
"and in other ports.

This desperate representation did not make the
king take a sudden resolution : but the same coun-
cil met many days morning and evening. All ways
were thought upon which might administer hope to
get any money ; and considerations were entered
upon what was to be done in case a fleet could not
be provided fit to engage the enemy, and which way
a defensive war was to be made at sea, and how the
trade should be secured, and the coast and harbours
be so preserved, that the enemy might do no af-
front at land ; for every day brought loose and un-
grounded intelligence of bodies of horse and foot,
drawn in France to the sea-side in many places upon
that large coast, and likewise in Holland, and great
provision of flatbottoms, as if they intended to make
some descent ; which kind of rumours exceedingly
discomposed the common people, though they who
understood the expeditions of that nature, and with
what difficulty land armies were transported, were
not moved by those reports. After all expedients
were considered and well weighed, his majesty found
cause to despair of being able to set out in any time
Absolution a fleet equal to the occasion, and so contracted his
on the d *- thoughts to the other part, for the defensive.

There is a point of land on the Kentish coast
that, extends itself into the sea, and at the very en-
trance of the river, where the king had often thought
and discoursed of erecting a royal fort, that would
both preserve the coast, and likewise be a great se-
curity to the river : and the prosecuting this design
was in this consultation thought of great importance,



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 189

and the erecting another fort in another place, and 1667.
repairing and strengthening Landguard r Point upon
the coast of Essex and Suffolk.

For preparations for the sea, it was thought fit
and enough, " that a good squadron of light frigates
" should ride on the coast of Scotland, and another
" of the same strength lie s off Plymouth, both which
" should intercept the trade of Holland both out-
" ward and inward, if they did not maintain it with
" strong convoys, which would break their fleet ;
" and in those cases the frigates would easily retire
" to their harbours. That some frigates should be
" always in the Downs, to chase picaroons from in-
" festing the coast, and to observe and get intelli-
" gence of the enemies' motion, and upon occasion
" should retire up the river. That there should be
" some of the greatest ships at Chatham, Ports-
" mouth, and other places, prepared and put in
" readiness against the end of summer, before which
" time money might be provided : and then the
" enemies' fleet being weary and foul, it might be
" presumed the French would return early into
" their own ports, which were so far off; and then
M the frigates from the west and the north might
" find the way to join with the great ships, which
" should be ready against that time, and either fight
" the Dutch if they should choose it, or infest their
" coast more than they had done this, and take all
" their ships homeward bound from all places, which,
" upon the fame of their being masters of the sea all
" the summer, would repair home without appre-
" hensiori of an enemy. " And there were some

r Landguard] Langhorne * lie] to lie



190 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

\6G7. officers of great experience at sea, who, being called

by the king to advise upon this project, declared

with confidence, " that the Dutch would be greater
" losers by the war thus conducted the next sum-
" mer, than they had been in any year since the
" war begun. "

For the security of trade, it was declared, " that
" there was no possible way to secure it but by re-
" straining it, and not suffering any merchants' ships
" to go to sea, and by giving them l advice to send
" to all their factors and correspondents, that they
" should send no goods home till they received new
" orders :" which restraint some were against, " both
" because it would have an ill reception with the
" people, when they should find that a war, which
" had been entered into for the enlargement and ad-
" vancement of trade, had produced a cessation of
" all trade; and it would appear very hard that men,
" who had laid out their own stocks and were will-
" ing to venture them, should be forbid and hin-
" dered from sending them to those markets for
" which they had provided them, which 1 would turn
" to little less loss to them than they should incur
" by their being taken by the enemy. Then it
" would be, not a discouragement but a dissipation
" of the seamen, who, if they could have no employ-
" ment in the king's ships or in the merchant ships,
" would be scattered abroad to seek their fortune,
" so y that they would not be brought together when
" the king had occasion for their service. In the
" last place 7 ; that the giving this order for restraint,

1 by giving them] lo give v so] Not in MS.
them ' ploe] Not hi MS.

* which] and which



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 191

" and advice to the merchants to inform their fac- 1667.
" tors and correspondents, would be, and could not ~~
" choose but be, an absolute publication of this reso-
" lution of the king to send out no fleet in the
" spring ; which was yet agreed to be the highest
" secret. "

All these reasons were temperately weighed and

answered, " that it could not be unreasonable or un-

" just to hinder men from doing themselves harm :

" the king could not take their goods from them to

" his own use ; but he might lawfully hinder them

" from spoiling or destroying the goods that were

" their own. That their being taken by the enemy

" (which would be unavoidable) concerned the king

" and the kingdom little less than it did the private

" owners : it would increase the insolence and the

" wealth of the enemy, and reflect upon his ma-

" jesty's honour as well as impoverish his subjects ;

" and the difference would be very great between

" losing, their goods, and keeping them upon their

" hands for a better market. For the dissipation of

" the seamen, there would no great danger be of

" that : the squadrons on the western and the

" northern coasts, which must be very well manned,

" would entertain good numbers ; and the rest

" would put themselves on board the privateers,

" who should be all bound to come home against

" the time the king would have occasion for their

" service, and then the privateers should be re-

" strained as now the merchants. For the keeping

" the present resolution secret, which would by this

" means be published, it were to be desired that it

" might remain a secret as long as should be possi-

" ble : but as discerning men would easily discover



192 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 667. " it* ;mi ' could not but already know that it was im-
" possible for the king in time to set out a fleet *, so
" it would b quickly be evident to all the world; and
" the secret was not to be affected longer than it
" could be concealed. "

There was another inconvenience or mischief that
was in view, that would come like an armed man
upon the city, which was want of fuel, especially
the want of coals from Newcastle, of which there'
had been a vast quantity consumed in the late fire,
which had likewise consumed those houses and'
chimneys which should be supplied ; yet the people
remained still, and were not like to be much the
warmer for being crowded closer together. But to*
that there could be no other remedy applied, but
the sending c orders to Newcastle to employ all their 1
ships, and all they could procure, in sending as much
coal as was possible to London and the towns adja-
cent, before the enemy's fleet could put to sea : and
convoys were assigned too strong for their privateers
or small parties of their men of war d : and the king
gave two or three vessels of his own, and likewise
money, to fetch coals, that the poor might have
them at the rates they cost ; and directed the city
to do the same. All which produced some good ef-
fect.

Upon the whole matter, and thorough examina-
tion of the whole, the king concluded upon all the
particulars mentioned before, assigning proper per-
sons to supervise every particular, that all should be
executed in time that was agreed upon. The



1 fleet] ship r sending] sending both

b would] would not ll of war] Omitted iw MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 193

issued out all his orders to the ships, with which sir 1667.
William Coventry was charged, whose office it was : ~~
and the king would charge himself with that which The king
was most important, the fortification at Sheerness ; f"r
whither his majesty made a journey in the cold an d
depth of winter, and took an engineer and some of-
ficers of the ordnance with him, that all things
might be supplied from thence which belonged to
that office. He caused master-workmen to be sent
from London, and drew common labourers enough
out of the country, having provided money to pay
them. And after all things were in this order, and
he had seen the work begun, he left the master-en-
gineer, whom he designed to be the governor of the
fort, for which he was very equal, upon the place ;
and committed the overlooking of the whole, that all
possible expedition might be used, to one of the
commissioners of the ordnance, who promised to
look carefully to it : and his majesty returned to
London, when in the opinion of all his servants he
had stayed too long in such a season, and such an
air, to the danger of his health. How all those re-
solutions and orders were executed afterwards, or
complied with, must unavoidably be mentioned in
its place.

It cannot be imagined by any man who in any
degree knew him, that the chancellor, though he
was present, could have any part in these reso-
lutions but the submitting to them ; every par-
ticular being so much out e of his sphere, that he
never pretended to understand what was fit and
reasonable to be done : nor throughout the whole

e out] Omitted in MS.
VOL. III. O



194 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. conduct of the war was he ever known to presume
"~ to give an advice ; but presuming f that all whose
profession it was advised what was fit, he readily
concurred. And he did always declare, "that in
" this last consultation all points were so fully de-
" bated ; and that there was so concurrent an opin-
" ion in the commanders of the ships, and the offi-
" cers of the navy, with the approbation of the duke
" of York, prince Rupert, and the general, that it
" was not possible to set out a fleet in time equal to
" that of the enemy, to engage with it ; and that
" the next best would be to stand upon the defensive
" in the manner proposed : that & it did not appear
" to him, that there was any election left but to
" pursue that course," which he did believe very
reasonably proposed and resolved upon ; nor did
any thing occur to him, why very much good might
not be hoped from it, he being so totally unskil-
ful in the knowledge of the coast and the river,
that he knew not where Sheemess was, nor had
ever heard of the name of such a place till this last
discourse, nor had ever been upon any part of the
river with any other thought about him, than to
get on shore as soon as could be possible.

The king had not himself thought of this defen-
sive way, but approved it very much when he
heard it so fully discussed, and in which himself had
proposed all his doubts, which no man raised more
pertinently in arguments of that nature than his
majesty ; and it may be he liked it the better, be-
cause at that time, as he was heartily weary of the
war, so he was not without a reasonable hope of

f presuming] presumed 8 that] Not in MS.







EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 195

peace, which he resolved to cherish, as he told the J 667.
parliament at parting he would do. The grounds of""
which hope, and the progress thereupon, the enter-
ing upon a treaty, and the conclusion thereof, will
be the discourse and relation we shall next enter
upon.

How ill success soever had attended the nego- The Swedes
ciation of Denmark by the irresolution and unsteadi- assfsTth
ness of that court, Mr. Coventry had conducted what Engllsh>
had been committed to him with very good effect in
Sweden. And after he had disposed that court
(where he had rendered himself extremely accept-
able) to a just esteem of the king's friendship, and an
equal aversion to the Hollander, and concluded
such articles as were for the present and joint con-
venience and benefit of both nations, and prepared
them to be willing to enter into a stricter and nearer
alliance, and to that purpose to send ambassadors
into England, where they had an agent ; he returned
to give his majesty an account and information of
the constitution and temper of that court, and of the
nature and disposition of the two ambassadors who
were to attend his majesty, who were chosen before
he left Stockholm, and resolved to embark within
ten days : which they did, and arrived about the They send
time, or soon after, that the city was so miserably ds1nt*o
destroyed by fire ; which was the less favourable En s lHml -
conjuncture, not so much by the influence that
dreadful distraction and damage was like to have
upon the vigorous carrying on the war, as by the
ill humour which the parliament shortly after ap-
peared to be in, and their manifest obstinacy against
the king's desires ; which was a temper very dif-
ferent from what they expected to have found, and

o 2



196 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. what they had been informed had possessed them
from the time of his majesty's return. Nor was this
manifest indisposition without some unhappy im-
pression upon the spirits of the ambassadors, and
that alacrity they brought with them presently to
enter into a treaty, and conjunction of forces against
the common enemy.

It was manifest enough, that the crown of Swe-
den was weary of the obligations they had been long
bound in to France, which had superciliously ne-
glected of late to comply with what was on their
part to be performed; and rather endeavoured to
make alliances with Denmark, and the lesser neigh-
bour princes, as those of the house of Brunswick
and Lunenburg, to their disadvantage, than to con-
sider that crown which had been so useful to them,
as if their friendship was so considerable to them.
Nor was this out of a real disesteem of them ; but
that they might bind them to a faster dependance
upon them, and that they might not be severed from
their interest, whatsoever they should declare it to be.
And therefore, when it was first suspected that they
might be inclined to England, and h Holland appre-
hended that they might be induced to make a con-
junction with the bishop of Munster, France (as
hath been touched before) sent their ambassador
Pompone into Sweden, with a full year's salary of
what was in arrear, much more still remaining due,
and to incline that crown to a neutrality between
the English and the Dutch ; in which he found Mr.
Coventry had prevented him, and though he had not
then the character of ambassador, he was much bet-

" and] and that



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 197

ter respected there than he was. And as they would 1 667.
have joined with the bishop of Munster, if he had ~
advanced according to his pretence, or had not been
absolutely taken off by France ; so, when he was di-
verted from his purpose, they were the more inclined
to make a firm alliance with England, and thereby
such a further conjunction with other princes, pro-
testant or catholic, that might give some check to
the impetuous humour of France, which they now
were as jealous of, and of their overflowing all the
banks which belonged to their neighbours, as they
had been formerly of the house of Austria ; and for
the same reason were as desirous to retire from any
dependance upon or relation to that crown, as they
had been formerly of its protection ; and were very
well prepared to change their alliance, and, if they
might not be losers by it, to make a conjunction with
Germany and the house of Austria, into which it was
reasonable to be presumed that the United Provinces
would be glad to be received upon moderate condi-
tions when a peace should be made with England.

And this was the prospect that had been pre-
sented to them by Mr. Coventry, and upon view of
which they now sent their ambassadors, without
being terrified by the declaration of France on the
behalf of the Dutch ; and with a resolution, if they
could not persuade Holland to separate from that
conjunction, and make a peace apart with the king,
(which they laboured by their ambassador the count
of Dhona to the States,) to join their interest frankly
to that of his majesty, and to run the hazard and
expect the issue and event of the war.

The two ambassadors were Flemming and Coyet, The cha-
racters of

both senators in the great council of Sweden, and the ambas-
sadors.
o 3



198 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. men of prime authority there: the former of the
~~ greater place and esteem, being a nobleman of an
ancient and noble extraction of a family in Scotland,
that had lived through many descents in Sweden in
great employment and lustre; and this man never
dissembled a particular devotion to the king, and
for that reason principally was designed to this ne-
gociation. The other was not so well born or bred,
or of so cheerful a complexion, but a more thinking
and melancholic man, more conversant in books,
and more versed in the course and forms of busi-
ness ; and by his own virtue and humble industry
had from a mean and low birth, which in those
northern kingdoms is the highest disadvantage, by
degrees ascended to the degree of a senator, which
is the chiefest qualification ; and had gotten his first
credit and reputation by a negociation he was in-
trusted with in Holland, and a treaty well managed
by him there : which made him liable in that court
to be much inclined to the Dutch, and to have
some particular friendship with De Wit, they having
studied together in Leyden when they were young ;
and their familiarity after was improved to a good
correspondence in that negociation in Holland.

This being well known and commonly spoken of
there, Mr. Coventry endeavoured to prevent his de-
signation to that employment, by speaking to the
chancellor of that kingdom, who always received
him with open arms, and gave good testimony of his
hearty and passionate desire of a firm conjunction
between the two crowns ; and, though he was of a
French extraction, had a full jealousy of the want of
sincerity and justice of that nation. When he dis-
covered the apprehension Mr. Coventry had, he per-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 109

suaded him to acquiesce in his judgment rather 1667.
than to credit common rumour : " that he well knew
" both, and had contributed to the election of both,
" who were very fit to be joined together in an em-
" ployment of this nature, the gaiety and warmth of
" the one standing in need sometimes of the phlegm
" of the other, who would yet pay that reverence to
" him that was due to his superior quality ; and
" that he was too good a Swede to have inclinations
" to the Dutch, how much conversation soever he
" had with them. In a word, he would pass his
" word ;" which put an end to all further doubts :
and it was well enough known, that he had been
raised by and was a creature of the chancellor.

And in truth, from the time of their arrival in
England he carried himself very fairly, and without
any visible inclination to the Dutch, and much less
to the French ; and they both very frankly declared
to those of the king's ministers with whom they
conferred with intimacy, " that that crown would
" gladly be separated from them, if a good expedient
" might be found to make them no losers by it. "
Yet it is as true, that after they had been some
months irt England, and saw in how ill a posture
the king was for the carrying on the war, and how
far the parliament was from giving money, or from
any reasonable compliance with his majesty's de-
sires, Coyet did not concur with the same warmth
in his despatches, with Flemming, into Sweden ; but
writ apart to the ministers there, " that they must
" take new measures, and not depend upon a con-
" junction with England, to which, how well soever
" the king was inclined, he would not be able to
" bear the part they expected, by reason that he

o 4



200 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1 667. " had no power with the parliament ;" which letters
~his majesty's agent then in Sweden had a sight of:
which produced no other effect there, but a resolu-
tion ', that if they saw that either the king was in-
clined to a peace, or would be reduced to a necessity
to treat, the ambassadors should offer in the name
of their master his interposition, which their min-
isters in France and Holland should then likewise
make proffer of, upon advertisement first from them,
Sweden is but with a secret assurance to the king, " that if a
' " treaty sliould not take effect," (which it could

hardly be believed it would do,) "the crown of Swe-
" den would firmly unite itself to his majesty's inter-
" est, and engage in the war with him ;" which it
was evident they were more inclined to, than to a
peace in which France might be comprehended.
But that which they most desired was, that a peace
might be made with the Dutch without compre-
hending France, in which they would willingly
enter, which would draw Spain and all the princes
of Germany to desire to be admitted for their own
security.

The same The Conde of Molina was ambassador from Spain,
edlT'thT near ^ ne king, a man rather sincere than subtile,
Spanish and and so had the more need of the advice and assist-

ini penal

ambassa- ance of the baron of Isola, who was, under the title

j

of envoy from the emperor, entirely trusted and
supported (as most of the emperor's ministers were)
by the king of Spain ; who being a Burgundian,
born in those parts which remain subject to Spain,
had an implacable hatred to the French ; and by
the employments he had undergone in Italy and

1 a resolution] Omitted in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 201

other places, where he had been ambassador, had 1667.
made himself so considerable, that he was become""
notoriously odious to the French, and was a man
of great experience and very subtile parts. Both
those ministers did heartily wish a peace between
England and Holland, with the exclusion of France :
but if that could not be, they had much rather the
war should continue as it was, than that France
should be comprehended in the peace ; for which
they had some reason. For at this time the king of
Spain died, which they had too many reasons to be-
lieve would put an end to the quiet of Flanders ;
and therefore would be glad that they might have
the assistance of England for their defence, and in
which Holland could not think itself unconcerned.
The probability of this, and the constant intelli-
gence they received from the Hague, " that there
" were already jealousies grown up between the
" French and the Dutch," persuaded them, and
they endeavoured to persuade the king, " that Hol-
" land might be now induced to treat by them-
" selves ; or if they could not do that, but must
" proceed jointly with France, they would upon as-
" surance of the king's affection sever themselves
" from them, if they insisted upon any thing that
" was not for the joint benefit of all. " The king
left them to do what they thought fit towards it,
without undertaking any thing on his part until
their fair intentions were discerned, and then to as-
sure them of his majesty's inclinations to peace upon
just and honourable conditions.

There is no doubt, there was a real jealousy and Holland
dissatisfaction between France and Holland at thisj 1 "^,,/ 6
time. The Dutch complained, "that the French each other -



202 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " had broken their promise with them no less this
year than they had done the last : they had
" indeed declared and proclaimed a war, but they
" had done no acts of hostility ; and whereas they
" were engaged that their fleet should have joined
" with theirs in the month of May, they had never
" been in view but at a great distance, and suffered
" the Dutch to fight so many days together without
" any help from them. And upon their renewed
*' promise, they had again carried out their fleet to
" meet with them in August ; when they failed
" again, and left them exposed to the whole Eng-
" lish fleet : so that they were compelled with some
" loss to get again into their harbours. " And now
they had a real apprehension, that they might treat
with England apart, and leave them to support
the war at sea by themselves, whilst they pursued
their expedition against Flanders upon the death of
the king of Spain.

On the other side, France as much complained of
the proceedings of the Dutch : " that after they had
" received a great sum of money from them, with-
" out which they could not have set out their fleet,
" they no more cared for a conjunction with their
" ships, nor went to that length at sea which they
" were bound to, to join with them ; which they
" might have done, if they had continued their
" course when they put to sea in the beginning of
" June. Instead of which they went over to the
" coast of England to find the English, confessing
" thereby, that they had no need of the assistance
" of the French ships ; but leaving them k to shift
" for themselves. And afterwards, in the end of

k them] Omitted in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 203

" August, they came not to the place they had pro- 1667.
" mised to have done ; by reason of which neglect ~"
" and breach of faith, if a singular act of Providence
" had not prevented it, their whole fleet had fallen
" into the hands of the English, as some part of it
" did. " But that which made them likewise willing
that this war should be at an end was, that now,
the king of Spain being dead, they might enter
upon a war with Spain ; towards which they pre-
pared manifestos to publish upon the matter of
their right, and already prepared levies of men, of
which they could pretend no other use : yet they
professed to the Spanish ambassador to have no
such design in their purposes. However, they
would not enter upon any treaty apart without the
Dutch : nor would De Wit, who entirely governed
the councils of Holland, be induced to consent to
any overtures made to separate, before or in the
treaty, from France ; but gave information ] of
whatsoever was proposed by the baron of Isola, or
the Spaniard, or any other person, to that purpose,
and enlarged upon that information more than was
true, to endear his own punctuality.

The mother of the king was then at Paris, hav- The <i een

. . _ mother en-

ing chosen rather to reside there than in England, deavours to
since she saw the resolution of a war between them, apeacewlui
and desired nothing more than to be an instrument * r
in the composing those differences, which she
thought were not good for either of the crowns ;
and found now another style in that court than it
had used to discourse in, and from the time of the
news of the death of the king of Spain, that the

1 gave information] informed me



304 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. French king had spoken as if he wished a peace
she eod with England : whereupon, about the time when
st^AthM'' tne parliament was prorogued, the earl of St. Al-
jntoEng- Dan ' s came to London, as to look to the queen's

lam) for

that pur- affairs, of which he was the great intendant. He

POM.

informed the king *' of the good temper the French
" court was in, and that he was confident, if his ma-
" jesty would make any advance towards a peace m ,
" the queen would be able to dispose that king to
" hearken to it, and to be a mediator between Eng-
" land and Holland ; and either to draw them to
" consent to what was just, or to separate from
" them : and he thought it very reasonable, that the
" conditions should be referred to the king of France,
" who he was sure, upon such a trust, would be
" very careful of the king's honour and interest. "
He professed " to have no authority for any thing
" he proposed, from the French king or any of his
" ministers, but from the queen's conjectures and
" his own observation : and if the king would give
" him a commission, he would presently return, and
" would not be known to have any powers, till he
" should find such a conjuncture to own it, as that"
" the peace should be concluded before there should
*"' be any discourse of a treaty, (which he knew the
" French most desired,) lest Spain might interpose
" to perplex or delay it. " And therefore he pro-
posed, " that he might cany instructions with him,
" upon what conditions the king would be willing
" that a peace should be established. " His majesty
was resolved never to make the French king arbi-
trator of the conditions of the peace, nor that it

m towards a peace] towards it n that] Not in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 205

should be treated at Paris; and most of all, that 1667.
the earl of St. Alban's should not have any power"
to treat, " who," the king always used to say,
" was more a French than an English man :" and
he likewise resolved, " that no overture should be
" made towards peace in his name. "

Whilst this was in suspense, the earl received let-
ters from Paris, in which he was advised " to return
" thither with power to treat, and with information
" what conditions the king expected ; for that his
" most Christian majesty had so prepared the Dutch,
" that he should have present power to treat and
" conclude ; and so all things might be settled before
" the formality of a treaty should be entered into or
" heard of. " This did not alter the king's resolution
against authorizing the earl to treat, or making Paris
the place of the treaty. But because the letters
were written by monsieur Ruvigny, who was a per-
son well known to the king, and of whom he had a
good opinion, and whom he well knew to be too
wary a man to write in that manner without having
good authority to do so ; his majesty was contented
" that the earl should make haste to Paris ; and if
" he found by Ruvigny that what they proposed was
" really desired, he should undertake to know that
" the king was very well inclined to peace, and that
" himself would willingly confer with any body he
" would carry him to ; and whatsoever should be
" proposed, he would with all possible expedition
" transmit it to the king :" with this further direc-
tion, " that if he were satisfied that their intentions
" were real, which the alterations in their own af-
" fairs made probable, he should endeavour, by the
" queen or Ruvigny, to discover whether it would



206 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " not be possible to persuade that king to treat apart
~" and exclude Holland; and if it appeared to him
" that was not to be hoped, that at least his ma-
"jesty would think it reasonable, that the Dutch
" should restore whatsoever fort or other place they
" had taken upon the coast of Guinea, and likewise
" pay a good sum of money to the king towards the
" charge of the war. "

The earl of St. Alban's had no mind to return
with no larger a commission, and pretended to know
" that this was not the way to advance a treaty,
" and that he could as well write what the king
" directed, and know again by letter what they
" thought of it ; and therefore he would stay and
" despatch the business which the queen sent him
" about, before he would return. " But when he
saw the king was contented he should stay, rather
than have nothing to do in the treaty, he chose to
be at the beginning of it, and thought he should not
be afterwards left out ; and so offered the king to
depart without further delay.

The king had from the beginning informed the
chancellor of all that the earl had said to him from
his arrival : and when he had received those letters
from Ruvigny, he sent him to shew them to him ;
and himself came presently whilst the earl was
there, and directed him to prepare the instructions
for him, which the earl likewise desired he might
do. The chancellor very well knew, that his credit
with the king was much lessened, and that of the
lord Arlington much increased, who did not like
that he should meddle in the affairs proper to his
office : besides he had no mind to be intrusted in
the transactions with France, of whose want of faith



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 207

he had too much experience ; which would neither be 1 667.

grateful to the queen mother nor to the earl. And"

therefore he very earnestly besought the king,

" that, it being the lord Arlington's province, all

" those despatches might pass through his hands. "

The king said, " that he knew the lord Arlington

" desired his help, and that he should prepare all

" those despatches," which he required him to do :

and the earl of St. Alban's seemed very much to

desire, " that not only his instructions might be pre-

" pared by him, but that he might always receive

" his majesty's pleasure signified by him, upon any

" material point that should arise ;" which the king

promised him he should do. Upon which the other,

who durst not decline those commands he was so

unwilling to obey, humbly desired his majesty, " that

" the whole matter might be first communicated to

" that committee of the council, with which he con-

" suited his most secret affairs ; and that the earl

" of St. Alban's might be present at the debate ; and

" that whatever he should be appointed to put into

" writing might be perused at that board, and if it

" required his majesty's signature, it should be pre-

" sented to him by the secretary :" all which his

majesty consented to. And all being done accord- He returns

into France

jng to what is mentioned before, the earl departed to negociate

r* TI a peace.

for 1* ranee.

It is very true, there was yet no visible alteration
in the king's confidence towards the chancellor with
reference to his business, in which his majesty had
no reserve, and spent as much time with him, and
vouchsafed as often to go to his house, as he had
ever used to do. But when he offered to speak to
him of other matters, as he could not forbear to do,



208 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. which he thought concerned him more than his most
~ public transactions ; he found his countenance pre-
sently shut, no attention, and no answer, or such a
one as shewed he was not pleased : and he took all
occasions to make others see, that he was advised
only by him in what immediately related to his bu-
siness, and not more in that than by other men.

When the earl came to Paris, he found the French
less upon their guard than he expected: and the
king himself frankly expressed himself " to wish an
" end of this war, and that he might be possessed of
" the king's friendship, which he valued exceeding-
" ly ;" and referred to monsieur Lionne, " who," his
majesty said, " was prepared to speak to him. "
Monsieur de Lionne kept himself within generals,
" of the benefit that England would receive by a
" peace, which made his Christian majesty desire to
" promote it, and never more to depart from his
" friendship. That he was obliged in honour now
" not to quit the Dutch, having entered into a treaty
" with them when he had no imagination that there
" would be a war between them and England ; that
'* he had been often sorry for it, and had given them
" just occasion to complain, that he forbore longer
" than he ought to have done to give them help :
" and therefore he could not now leave them to
" themselves, except they were obstinate, and re-
" fused to make peace upon just conditions ; and
" then he would renounce them. " But when he
found that the earl had no power, and that he talked
of money to be given for the charge of the war, and
expected to have particular overtures to send to the
king ; he brake off the discourse till he could confer
with his master.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 209

Within two or three days monsieur de Lionne vi- 1667
sited the earl, and told him, " that if any thing
'* were to be done towards a peace, there must be
" no time lost : it was yet in the power of the most
" Christian king to bring it to pass upon just and
" honourable terms ; but he knew not how long it
" would continue in his power ; for he confessed
" the Dutch took themselves to be so much behind-
" hand, that they had no mind to peace, believ-
" ing they had now advantage. That it was never
" heard of, that after a war between two nations,
" upon the making peace, either side consented to
" pay the charge of the war : therefore any expecta-
" tion of that, or but mention of it, would shut the
" door against any treaty. " He gave two papers to
him to send to the king, both under his own hand,
which his majesty had the choice of, and which the
Dutch would consent to ; " but if that P should be
" required, the treaty was at an end before it was
" begun, and the sword must determine it. "

One of the papers contained an equivalent, ofovprture

' . . made by

which his majesty might make his choice; whether France;
" all things should continue in the state and posture
" in which they were at present, either side enjoying
" what they had got, and sustaining what they had
" lost, and so all things to remain as they were be-
" fore the war ;" or, " that a true and just computa-
" tion should be made of the losses on both sides,
" and they who were found to have received most
" damage should be repaired at the charge of the
" other. " The other paper was, " that if his ma-
" jesty approved of either of these expedients, he

would] would not i> that] Omitted in MS.

VOL. III. P



210 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. " should himself make choice of the place where
~ " the treaty should l>e, whither all parties should
" send their ambassadors :" but then the French king
desired, " that his majesty would not make choice of
" any place in the king of Spain's dominions ;" and
the Dutch ambassador there had nominated Cologne
or Francfort or Hamburgh. And the earl of St.
Alban's immediately sent away an express with
those two papers to the king, upon receipt whereof
the council were summoned.

There was no hope of money, which some, not
reasonably, had expected should be paid whenever
a peace should be made ; and it had been mentioned
in Holland as a thing they expected should be pro-
pounded, it may be, that it might be propounded and
rejected. Then the despatch of whatsoever should
be agreed concerned the king very much, that the
Dutch might not put to sea, nor discover that the
king had no fleet to set out ; for the spring was not
yet come, though approaching. There appeared little
difficulty in the choice of the equivalent, for the
English had taken much more from the Dutch than
they had taken from England ; and the other com-
putation would be endless, and liable to very difti-
which the cult examinations : so that by an unanimous advice
prove^ the king resolved to choose the first equivalent.
Difficulties But then the place for the treaty was not so easy
tiingthV to be chosen. The most natural had been Brussels,
Antwerp, or some other large city in Flanders,
which were all neutral places, and to which all par-
ties might repair with the same ease and security.
Whereas all the places mentioned in Germany were
at so great a distance, that the summer would be far
entered into, and so, many acts of hostility pass, be-



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 211

fore the ambassadors could meet; and the English 1C67.
must pass through the enemy's country thither : ~
therefore there could be no thought of any of those
places. Then the king of France had taken upon him
to exclude Flanders, which he had no power to do,
and it was as desirable to the Dutch as to the king :
and therefore it was thought reasonable, that the
king should insist upon some good town there, of
which there was choice enough ; and if Holland
should approve it, France could not reject it. But
on the other hand it was clearly discerned, that
France would never send ambassadors into a coun-
try which he meant at the same time to invade ;
and that his majesty knew very well to be the in-
tention, and the ground of that king's desiring the
peace, which it was plain enough the Dutch did not
desire, and were only drawn to consent to a treaty
by the positive demand of France, which they durst
not contradict : and therefore it concerned the king
to preserve that good disposition, and that the French
ambassadors might come fully instructed to concur
with the English in what should be just, and pre-
vent any insolent carriage of the Dutch, or the Dane,
who was likewise to have his ambassadors upon the
place.

Upon those reasons the express returned with his
majesty's consent and election of the first equivalent,
and " that as soon as he should know that the Dutch
" had consented to it, his majesty would propose
" some equal place for the treaty. " And as soon as
the express was despatched, his majesty entered
upon the debate of a fit place for the treaty ; and
said, " that he had a proposition then made to him
" by sir William Coventry, that was of such a na-

p 2



1667. ture as much surprised him, as he believed it
" would the lords ; yet he had not thought enough
" to dislike or condemn it :" and so bade the other
to propose it. He, with some short apology which
he did not use to make, said, " that he perceived
" there would be little less difficulty in agreeing
" upon a place for the treaty than upon any doubts
" which might arise in it ; for if the king of France
" was to be gratified in the exclusion of Flanders,
" it would be very inconvenient to oblige the king
" to send into Germany, which by the great delay
" would deprive the king of the greatest benefit he
" expected from the treaty ; the speedy despatch
" whereof would be attended with the greatest con-
" veniences : therefore he had proposed to the king,
" that he would immediately write to the States Ge-
" neral without acquainting France with it, and offer
" to send his ambassadors to treat the peace at the
" Hague, that it might be speedily concluded, which
" would otherwise take up much time in sending for
" any resolution to the States upon what should
" arise. If they consented to it, it would probably
" be attended with success, the general affection of
" the people being well known to desire peace : and
" if they refused it, the world would conclude that
" they would have no peace, when they would not
" treat about it ; and that his majesty would never
" have done them the honour to have sent his am-
" bassadors home to them, if he had intended to
" deny any thing that was reasonable to them. "

It was very new, and thought of by nobody but
the lord Arlington and sir William Coventry % who

i and sir William Coventry] Not in MS.



EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON. 213

had communicated it together; and the objection 1667.
of the condescension that it would seem to most"
men, as if the king sent to beg a peace at their own
doors, was obvious to all men : but that would have
been an r objection against admitting it to have been
at Paris. But the States not being s upon any level
that pretended to an equality, the probable conve-
nience or benefit that might attend it was only to
be considered ; and the affection and desire of the
people generally to peace was so notorious, that there .
was reason to believe that they would not be willing
that a treaty begun amongst them should end but
with effect: and therefore it was unanimously agreed,
that the advice should be pursued. But then it was
a new doubt, how the message or overture or letter,
for the form was not yet thought of, should be con-
veyed; for the sending a trumpet or express had
much more of application than the thing itself: and
it was to be wished, that it might be gone out of
the king's hands before the answer could come from
Paris, lest new instance should be made for a parti-
cular place.

It was at last resolved, that the Swedes ambas-
sadors (both France and Holland having accepted
the mediation of that crown) should be consulted
with, to engage their minister at the Hague to de-
liver it l to the States General ; for there was some
apprehension, that if De Wit knew of it, it might
be considered only by that committee which was
deputed for that affair, and never be brought to the
States : and the adjusting all that was commended
to the chancellor, who presently sent for the ambas-

1 an] Not in MS. * it] Omitted in MS.

' being] Omitted in MS.

P 3



ver



214 CONTINUATION OF THE LIFE OF

1667. sadors, and found them very ready to perform any
"office which might bring them upon the stage in
the treaty. And upon communication together,
they were willing to send a servant of their own to
the Hague, who should deliver to their ambassador
the king's message to the States General, as an e
feet of their mediation and credit with the king.
And so it was delivered, not in the form of a letter,
but of a message in the third person to the States
General, signed by the king and under the signet ;
and the ambassadors sent a gentleman in post with it.
The Dutch But within two days a new alarm comes from
restore France ; and all that was done proved to be to no
purpose.