He argued that children could be kept from extravagance and
sensuality only by a sense of self-respect and by awakening in
them tender memories of a father or mother whom they had
learnt to love.
sensuality only by a sense of self-respect and by awakening in
them tender memories of a father or mother whom they had
learnt to love.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v09
Matthew Arnold has said that, when 'England
entered the prison of Puritanism,' it 'turned the key on its in-
tellectual progress for two hundred years. ' In reality, it was
precisely this class, made up of inheritors of puritan narrowness
and perseverance, which created a new culture for England out of
its coffeehouses. It has already been shown how Londoners, as
early as the protectorate, began to assemble in these rendezvous
and how, by daily intercourse, they learned to feel interest in each
other's manners and habits of thought. As they cared little for
the more frivolous diversions of the capital, they tended more and
more to seek the pleasures of news and conversation, until, by the
beginning of the eighteenth century, coffeehouses had become the
most striking feature of London life? Men who gathered day
after day in these resorts were not only interested in their com-
panions' ideas and demeanour; they cultivated an eye for trivial
actions and utterances, a gift for investigating other people's
prejudices and partialities, and they realized the pleasure of
winning their way into the intricacies of another man's mind.
Hence, they acquired a new attitude towards their fellow
creatures. Characters which would formerly have been ridiculed
or despised were now valued as intellectual puzzles, eccentricities
attracted sympathetic attention, and it became the note of
1 Ante, vol. vii, chap. XVI, pp. 389, 390.
2 Macaulay, History of England, chap. III.
## p. 32 (#56) ##############################################
32
Steele and Addison
intelligent men to be tolerant. Besides this sentiment of friend-
liness, the mere conditions of clublife imposed a new code of
manners. If men were to enjoy daily intercourse, they had to
respect each other's opinions and to cultivate self-suppression.
Thus, consideration for others became the fashion, and the
middle class, besides studying character, came to regard courtesy
as a part of civilization
Men learned other things in coffeehouses besides the amenities
of social intercourse. Clubland had taken so universal a hold on
London that nearly every man of intelligence frequented some
resort of this kind. Now, these were just the people who read
and wrote books; they created thought and taste; the future of
literature depended on their ideas and ways of expression. Until
the time of the restoration, neither writers nor readers had
practised the studied simplicity of true conversation. Even
pamphleteers like Nashe, Dekker or Rowlands, whose one aim
was to follow popular taste, had never broken away from
book knowledge, despite their slipshod style, and the literary
cliques which handed round manuscript essays and characters
had reproduced in their writings only such conversation as
might be a vehicle for their clinches and conceits. Men
had confined their literary interests to the library and, as a
consequence, their style was either ponderous or precious. The
Royal Society had already started a movement against redundance
of phrase; but it may well be doubted whether the protests of
Sprat, Evelyn and South? would have had lasting effect with-
out the influence of coffeehouses. It was here that, besides
,
practising benevolence in small things, men learnt to unravel
literary ideas in a style that was colloquial as well as cultured.
Conversation has a mysterious power of awakening thought.
Commonplaces and trifles appear in a new light, and fresh notions
are continually struck off like sparks. The man who has formed
his mind by intercourse is more versatile and alert than he whose
intellect has grown by reading, and he has learnt to speak in short
simple sentences, because the ear cannot, like the eye, follow long
periods. Moreover, he must abandon the phraseology of books,
* It is true that one has only to read The Dunciad (though not written by a coffee-
house habitué) to be convinced that St Grobian still had votaries no less ardent than
Nashe or Harvey. Flytings' continued as a literary tradition, and their existence
does not disprove the taste for gentler manners, which grew up in coffeehouses and
influenced literature. Compare The Coffee Scuffle (1662) or A Coffee-House Dialogue
(1679) (see ante, vol. vni, p. 390) with any scene from The Tatler or The Spectator.
Ante, vol. Vini, chap. XVI.
2
## p. 33 (#57) ##############################################
Beginnings of The Tatler
33
because the written word had long assumed a formal, almost im-
personal, air, and must borrow turns and phrases from daily
parlance to give an individual touch to his theories.
Thus, the middle classes were accomplishing their own
education. They were becoming thinkers with a culture and a
standard of manners born of conversation and free from pedantry
of thought or expression. Coffeehouses had given them a kind
of organisation; a means of exchanging ideas and forming the
public opinion of their class. But this spirit was at present manifest
only in the atmosphere where it had been formed. It was not
found in theatres, universities or salons. Coffeehouses bad
unconsciously become fraternities for the propagation of a new
humanism, and a writer could come into touch with the ideas and
sentiments of the age only in those centres.
This movement was so inchoate that the middle classes them-
selves were hardly conscious of it. Steele certainly did not perceive
into what a world of thought and sentiment he was penetrating
when he ventured, in The Tatler, to appeal to coffeehouses. After
writing The Tender Husband, he seems to have relinquished the
theatre for the more lucrative career of a court favourite. He,
probably, never lived within his income and, after losing, in 1708,
his position of gentleman-waiter to prince George of Denmark and
failing to obtain two other posts, he returned to literature in order
to meet his debts. Since the censorship had been removed from
the press, journalism had become a profitable enterprise, and
Steele's chief motive in starting The Tatler on 12 April 1709, was,
undoubtedly, the fear of bankruptcy. However, the desire to
improve his fellow creatures was as strong as in the days of The
Christian Hero. Steele was himself a frequenter of coffeehouses.
He knew how confused and misguided their political discussions
often were, thanks to the irresponsible news-sheets which flooded
London ; and he also realized how many other topics were wrongly
or superficially canvassed in those daily and nightly gatherings.
So, he set himself to enlighten, as well as to entertain, his fellow
talkers. As gazetteer, he could give the most trustworthy foreign
news, and, as a man of culture and society, he could tell them
what to think concerning other matters which occupied a discursive
and critical generation. The paper came out three times a week,
and each issue (unlike The Spectator) contained several essays,
dated, according to their subjects, from particular coffeehouses ? .
1 All accounts of gallantry, pleasure, and entertainment, shall be under the
article of White's Chocolate house; poetry, under that of Will's coffee-house; learning,
E, L. IX. CH. II.
3
## p. 34 (#58) ##############################################
34
Steele and Addison
Thus, in its original conception, The Tatler was hardly more
than an improved imitation of Defoe's Review and The Athenian
Mercury. From the first, Steele aimed at making his paper
more comprehensive. He perceived that different coffeehouses
stood for widely different interests, and he laid them all under
contribution. He persevered in finding instruction or amusement
for every taste, till The Tatler became almost as diversified as the
opinions of its readers. In the hands of most editors, so undis-
criminating a policy would soon have reduced a journal to a
periodical miscellany, and Steele the essayist is certainly not free
from charges of inconsistency and confusion. But it must be re-
membered that his long struggle after a sober, scholarly existence,
though hardly successful in his personal life, had rendered him
keenly responsive to kindred influences around him, and enabled
him to discover and give expression to the spirit of humanised
puritanism which existed beneath the babel of coffeehouses.
Like all originators, he had to feel his way. He began by making
a feature of foreign intelligence and theatrical news and, full of
middle-class disgust at frivolity and incompetence, exposed the
vagaries of prominent social characters, apparently convinced
that offenders would mend, if pilloried under a pseudonymº.
Inspired by the same respect for order and regularity, he gave
expression, in some rather commonplace articles“, to the public
antipathy against gambling, and argued, in a series of papers 5,
that duelling was a senseless, guilty practice, observed by exquisites
as an affectation of bravery but secretly condemned by level-
headed burghers. He warned his readers against swindlers, pointing
at certain wellknown sharpers as dogs, but without a touch of the
old English amusement at roguery. Indeed, except for two jestbook
stories, a mock testament and a few sentimental extravagances
in the style of seventeenth century romancese, his earlier attempts
in a lighter vein consist of coffeehouse discussions on literary
9
under the title of Grecian; foreign and domestic news, you will have from St James's
coffee-house; and what else I shall on any other subject offer, shall be dated from
my own apartment. ' The Tatler, no. 1.
i See ante, chap. I.
Nos. 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 14, 20, 21, 59 and 66 (by Swift), 191, 203 (Swift and Steale).
3 E. g. Colonel Pickel and Florimel, no. 7; Florimel and Prudentia at Bath, no. 16;
Lord Hinchinbroke, nos. 22, 58, 85; Tom Colson, no. 46; Dr John Radcliffe, no. 44 ;
Henry Cromwell, no. 47; Beau Feilding, nos. 50, 51; Duke of Ormond, no. 54.
• Nos. 13, 14, 15, 56.
5 Nos. 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 38, 39.
6 Nos. 2, 42.
7 No. 7.
8 E. g. Unnion and Valentine, no. 5.
1
## p. 35 (#59) ##############################################
Character of Isaac Bickerstaff 35
questions and talks on current topics of city life such as changes
in slanga and the abuse of the title esquires.
These and similar performances were half-hearted, because
Steele was finding his true level in the alleged lucubrations of
Isaac Bickerstaff. He had borrowed this pseudonym from Swift's
famous pamphlet, as being the best known type of intellectual
detective and watchman. Soon, coffeehouses began to make
their influence felt, and, as he gradually marked out as his
province the intimate world of conduct and courtesy, he tended
more and more to invest his figurehead with a new personality.
The literature of coffeehouses must be as light and informal as
their discussions*; so, he puts his moral counsels into the mouth of
Bickerstaff, in order to preserve a conversational style and an air
of persuasive authority quite acceptable to men who looked up to a
self-constituted oracle in all their debates. As his readers were
interested in eccentricity, Bickerstaff becomes an aged recluse
living a lonely and mysterious life, surrounded, as Swift had sug-
gested, by the old-fashioned paraphernalia of astrology and
attended by his familiar Pacolet®, like the now discredited ma-
gicians of the previous century. And yet this atmosphere of
unreality gives effectiveness to Bickerstaff's character. His isola-
tion enables him to study his fellow creatures dispassionately, and
Pacolet, like the diable boiteux of Lesage, reveals to him the
inaccessible secrets of other people. As the numbers of The Tatler
increased, he developed into the first, and rather roughdrawn,
portrait of eighteenth century civilization. He has the reason-
ableness and insight of coffeehouses, a sympathy with common
things, out of which the domestic novel was to come, and a spirit of
independent thought, coupled with respect for order and religion,
such as the seventeenth century never knew.
In this thin disguise, Steele touched on all those questions of
breeding, good taste, courtesy and chivalry where the middle class
had discarded old aristocratic ideals, without having yet learnt to
trust entirely to their own. No wonder The Tatler became im-
mensely popular when its readers found their half-formed notions
· Nos. 6, 17, 43.
No. 12.
8 No. 19.
See no. 62, on the propriety of words and thoughts, in which it is maintained
that conversation 'is not to savour in the least of study' and that literary style . is to
adrit of something like the freedom of discourse. '
See The Character of a Coffee-house, 1673, The Spectator, no. 24.
• The name appears to have been taken from a character in the romance of Valentine
and Orson, whose horse was enchanted. Sir Philip Sidney alludes to the horse in An
Apologie for Poetrie (1581).
3-2
## p. 36 (#60) ##############################################
36
Steele and Addison
confirmed and proclaimed. One of their perplexities centred
round the ideal of what they called a gentleman. In aristocratic
circles, men still emulated the type set forth by Jacobean
essayists? and affected 'warmth of imagination, quick relish of
?
pleasure and the manner of becoming it? ' Such lubricity and
self-assertion would be intolerable where friendly intercourse was
the foundation of culture, and Steele points out that the first
quality of a gentleman is not brilliance but forbearance and the
art of accommodating another's susceptibilities without sacrificing
one's own. Many recognise this ideal, but have not the tact to
combine compliance with self-respect, and become 'pretty fellows3'
or even 'very pretty fellows*,' or, again, affect an unwarrantable
familiarity and merely succeed in becoming 'whisperers without
business and laughers without occasion. ' Society being now
mosaic of different units, all of them seeking some common ground
of intellectual fellowship, men of one interest, such as are many
scholars and soldiersº, are shown to be as superficial as those who
think that boisterous good humour will make up for a lack of
ideas? . But, again and again, Steele insists that a man's first duty
is to please his hearers, showing how often the 'wag' and the
wit’ of the old school still abuse the privileges of acquaintanceship
merely to gain a reputation for smartness and satire 8.
The puritan desire to see the seriousness of life in every word
and deed was now being humanised into a standard of good taste,
and, if Londoners refused to admire cleverness devoid of charity,
they were even more ready to be warned against coarser methods
of self-advertisement. Affectation in dress and manner, such as
the manipulation of the snuff-box or the wearing a cane on the
fifth button, is mercilessly ridiculedº; the man who uses ex-
pletives to make his conversation forcible is declared to be merely
empty-headed 10; the whole fraternity of fops is characterised as
'the order of the insipids 11'; but the severest strictures are passed
on the pretence of viciousness which was part of the dandies'
pose 12. Thus, the two nations pass before us. On the one hand,
the degenerate imitators of Jacobean cavaliers and restoration
a
a
6
(
i Ante, vol. IV, chap. XVI. · The Tatler, no. 21.
3 No. 21.
4 No. 24.
6 No. 38.
6 No. 61, nicknamed by Steele 'men of fire. '
7 No. 63.
8 Nos. 184, 219, 225, 244, 264.
• Nos. 27, 35, 96.
10 No. 137.
11 No. 166.
12 Nos. 77, 191 and 213 in which Tom Springly pretends to be preparing for an
assignation with a married woman at Rosamond's Pond, when he is really going to
evening prayers.
## p. 37 (#61) ##############################################
The Tatler on Women
37
courtiers, with the underworld of sharpers and gamesters; on the
other, the middle class coffeehouses, where citizens learnt to
become urbane without ceasing to be pious. Steele belonged
to both classes and traces the conflict between them. In many
of his papers, after gibbeting the false ideal, he presents the
true model, and it is not surprising that his own moral struggle,
which gave him this insight, is sometimes recorded. In one paper,
he pleads for the rake, claiming that he sins, repents and sins
again only because his natural passions are too strong for him? .
Later, in a fit of self-humiliation, he confesses that goodnature is
often laziness, and, towards the end of The Tatlers, he denounces
his own besetting sin, declaring that the drunkard cannot be either
a friend, a gentleman, a master, or a subject, and is especially
,
dastardly when he has a virtuous wife.
If, however, the middle classes had much to reform in the
manners of men, they had far more to criticise in the social position
of women. When Madame de Rambouillet brought together
in her salon the most cultured men and the most beautiful
women in France, she created a new standard of social refinement
for Europe. The management of intimate relations between the
two sexes became a proof of good breeding, and the civilisation of
any court could almost be measured by the influence which ladies
enjoyed in it. In the earlier Stewart times, the English aris-
tocracy readily adopted this cult, and all people of quality practised
the art of inspiring or suffering the passion of love. But, so soon
as this accomplishment became a fashion, it was perverted to most
ignoble uses. The coarser types of the restoration gained caste
by affecting the same delicacy of sentiment and purity of devotion,
while they really gratified their lusts. Immorality was invested
with a ritual of compliments, odes, assignations and addresses,
and, when the rising middle class came into touch with the beau
monde, many well-intentioned young people were too inexperienced
to detect the baseness which underlay this glitter and polish.
Steele had primarily designed The Tatler to be an organ of the
coffeehouses, and his first few papers on women are hardly any-
thing but what one might expect from the gossip of the smoking-
room". But, in the stage of social evolution thus reached, the follies
of men and women were so inextricable that Steele could not satirise
rakes and fops without penetrating into the lives of their victims
or deceivers. So far back as the protectorate, moralists had begun
1 No. 27.
* No. 241.
4 E. g. nos. 10, 20, 23.
2 No. 76.
## p. 38 (#62) ##############################################
38
Steele and Addison
to abandon the savage invective which Elizabethan and Jacobean
misogynists had affected, and filled pamphlets with more humane,
but none the less searching, ridicule of female frivolities! Steele
is continuing a puritan tradition as well as breaking new ground,
when he allows us to catch sight of the treachery and dishonour
hidden beneath these hypocritical observances; sometimes, dwelling
on the persecutions and outrages to which girls unwittingly exposed
themselves and, at other times, revealing the jealousies and intrigues
of more experienced matrons who looked on marriage, for all its
euphemisms, as a game of skill or a masque of vanity? Now and
then, he gives us glimpses of the amours of those who shrink
from matrimony or dwells upon the more horrible tedium and dis-
illusionment of marriages made without loveHad Steele lived in
an age of decadence, he would, like most satirists in such periods,
have confined himself to invective. But, if he helped to push one
social order into the grave, he also helped to bring another to the
light. As in his papers on men’s manners, so now, after exposing
vice, he holds up to admiration virtue, especially in his wellknown
portrait of Lady Elizabeth Hastings, whose passion is so high-
souled and graceful that 'to love her is a liberal education. '
Such portraits would have had but little effect if Steele had
not also pointed out the change which must inevitably befall
the moral training of youth. While showing that vice was often
concealed under a veil of refinement and liberality, he argued
that the young give way to its allurements from a false idea of
manliness or by way of revolt against parental tyranny. The old
puritan methods of education had to be softened and humanised.
He argued that children could be kept from extravagance and
sensuality only by a sense of self-respect and by awakening in
them tender memories of a father or mother whom they had
learnt to love. He then explains how the parent or guardian
must be their companion, and encourage their confidence if he is
to understand their characters, ending with the portrait of a
perfect father, Dr Lancelot Addison, the one man 'among all
my acquaintances, whom I have thought to live with his children
with equanimity and good graceº. '
1 Ante, vol. vni, chap. XVI, p. 387.
9 Nos. 33, 139, 198, 248 ; 22, 91, 98, 107, 200, 212, 245, 247, 248.
3 Nos. 49, 53, 149, 199.
* No. 49. Congreve had already described her under the name of Aspasia, no. 42.
Other models of conjugal virtue will be found in the translation of Pliny's letters to
bis wife, no. 149, and the story of Antiochus and Stratonice, no. 185.
• Nos. 9, 60, 61, 83, 185.
6 Nos. 30, 189, 207, 235.
## p. 39 (#63) ##############################################
6
The Short Story. ' Jenny Distaff 39
·
In his charming papers on childhood, as well as in his moral
essays on men and women, Steele writes like a man at one
with his audience. He does not feel the need to argue or con-
vince; it is enough to appeal to the sense of right and wrong.
As he said himself, when exposing the tyranny of husbands-,
touching upon the malady tenderly is half way to the cure; and
there are some faults which need only to be observed, to be
amended. ' His business was not so much to create sentiments as
to awaken them by a vivid description, and teach his readers to
recognise their own principles in some poignant situation. As
civilization became complex and peaceful, the affairs of daily life
assumed greater importance; men concerned themselves with
little things, and Steele found himself enabled to play on the
deeper springs of thought and emotion, by describing an everyday
episode. In this way, he discovered the modern short story,' that
is to say, a tale which suggests fundamental ideas or convictions?
Among the problems of social life which he thus illumined with
imagination or even with emotion, none lay nearer Steele's own
heart than questions of family life. To heighten and illustrate such
reflections, he invented a lady editor, Jenny Distaff, Bickerstaff's
half-sister, a typical middle class girl, who, from time to time,
gives her views on women's affairs? . But, as he returned again
and again to this congenial theme, Jenny's personality grew upon
him till she became the heroine of his domestic sketches. When
reminding his female readers that matrimony is not a flight of
romance, but a resolve to stake one's happiness on union with
a partial stranger, he makes Jenny's marriage with Tranquillus the
occasion for counsels based on this view, and gives a lively descrip-
tion of the wedding festivities. From time to time, the young couple
reappear to illustrate the experiences of married life. We have the
first inevitable passing cloud which is happily smoothed over and
forgotten'. Like sensible bourgeois, they learn to understand one
* No. 149.
* Compare, in this connection, the best tales of earlier times, from the story of
Rhampsinitus's Treasure Chamber (Herodotus, bk 11, chap. 121) to Jean de Bove's Des
Trois Larrons or no. 16 of A C. Mery Talys, with such productions as Balzac's Chef
deuvre inconnu, or Turgenev's The Jew. Even when old stories are retold with all
the art of a modern raconteur (e. g. Li Amitiez de Ami et Amile and Aucasrin et Nicolette,
by Pater, W. , in Renaissance Studies (last ed. ) 1910 and La Légende de St Julien
Hospitalier, by Flaubert, G. , in Trois Contes (last ed. ) 1908), the difference is still
apparent. The story of Philippus (Horace, Epist. 1, 7) resembles the modern type,
because the Romans of the empire had learned to see a whole background of philosophy
and sentiment behind the affairs of daily life.
3 Nos. 10, 83, 36, 37.
4 No. 79.
o No. 85.
8
## p. 40 (#64) ##############################################
40
Steele and Addison
another, and Steele gives a picture of the lady's character maturing
in wedlock. She and her husband dine with her half-brother, and
she enters the room with a decent and matronlike behaviour'
The household thrives, and the perils of prosperity are dwelt on.
Jenny calls on the astrologer, and, this time, he notices ‘in her
manner and air, something . . . a little below that of the women
of first breeding and quality but at the same time above the
simplicity and familiarity of her usual deportment? ' Bickerstaff
then discovers that his sister had fallen a victim to the love of
display and writes to warn her husband of the folly of aiming
above their station in life. Thus, besides discovering the short
story, Steele might well have invented the serial domestic novel,
if only the conditions of his work had permitted more continuity
of application. For, in his writing, we find, for the first time, the
temperament which is drawn to the pathos, and even the tragedy,
of family life. He gave up one paper to a picture of perfect
domestic happiness, describing it as 'a complication of all the
pleasures of life and a retreat from its inquietudes'; and, five
weeks later, he introduces us to the same family plunged in the
deepest woe as they gather round the death-bed of their mother.
In these and other fugitive papers of like nature, we may notice the
rise of that sentimentality which dominated the taste of the mid-
eighteenth century and survives so late as Thackeray's novels.
Steele, thanks to his double character, was one of the first to find
that he could combat his own wayward, bohemian nature by culti-
vating a tenderness for home affections. The next generation either
followed his example or discovered the same secret, fleeing from
the crudity of their own civilization by exaggerating the softer
side of life, till lachrymose sensibility became the mark of refine-
ment. He tells us himself how he was often driven to seek a
steadying force in solemn and melancholy thoughts, and admits
that he reserved certain times to revive the old places of grief
in our memory and ponder step by step on past life. ' Thus, out
of distant memories, Steele recalled many intimate and pathetic
scenes which a less effusive writer would have shielded from
public gaze. Had it occurred to him to weave such incidents as
the oft-quoted description of his father's death and of his
mother's passionate grief into the history of Jenny Distaff, the
domestic novel would, in a rudimentary form, have been invented.
1 No. 104.
4 No. 114.
2 No. 143.
5 No. 181.
3 No. 95.
6 Ibid.
## p. 41 (#65) ##############################################
Variety of Topics in The Tatler
41
As it was, he ended the story with a sequel in which an unex-
pected hamper of wine vanishes among boon companions.
Steele touched on many more topics. As was to be expected
from the mouthpiece of the coffeehouses and from the self-
appointed 'Censor of Great Britain,' he is full of contempt for
feudal prejudices and the arrogance of the rich'. He sided with
Hoadly, bishop of Winchester, against Blackall, bishop of Exeter,
on the doctrine of passive obedience? He worked up Roger
Grant's supposed healing of a blind boy into an enthusiastic
description not unlike a broadside. He criticised the lack of
pulpit eloquence". He composed, or published, some charming
letters on the pleasures of country life. Just as John Dunton
had constituted himself an oracle for all questioners in The
Athenian Mercury, so Steele, sometimes, filled whole numbers
with the correspondence he received or pretended to receive. In
his constant endeavour to 'extirpate. . . all such as are either pre-
judicial or insignificant to society”, his characterisation is often
onesided and becomes caricature. But, now and then, he pierced
beneath the superficiality almost inseparable from satire, and
hinted at the profound complexity of the civilized mind, showing,
in several papers, how the ordinary human character is inex-
tricably interwoven with the social fabric to which it belongs and
becomes as particoloured as the woof itself. While society grows
more heterogeneous, conflicting principles exist side by side, and,
as men are bound, in some measure, to think according to their
environment, they misunderstand each other on the commonest
topics, fluctuate between opposite ideals and often end by dis-
trusting their own instincts and mistaking their own emotions.
These more complex and impressionable personalities are distin-
guished from simpler types: first, society nonentities, subordinate
characters of men such as Tim Dapper, who are like pegs in a
building, they make no figure in it but hold the structure
together, and, then, the vast workaday world, which stedfastly
Nos. 66, 144, 180, 181, 196. In the same spirit, he gave some striking sketches of
character in low life--the ungraciously humorous account of Guardeloop the French
tailor's wedding (no. 7), with its picture of 'low gallantry' being succeeded by
sergeant Hall's letter to sergeant Cabe (no. 87), full of cheerful and unaffected heroism,
and the escapades of the imperturbable Will Rosin (no. 105), 'a man of tranquillity
without reading Seneca. '
• Nos. 44, 50.
3 No. 55.
4 Nos. 66, 72.
5 Nos. 112, 169, 203.
$ See preceding chap. of this volume.
7 No. 186.
Nos. 25 (influenced by Molière's Le Mariage forcé), 57, 83, 138, 186, 206, 227.
* No. 85. It is worth noting that Addison used the same simile in Spec. no. 495.
## p. 42 (#66) ##############################################
42
Steele and Addison
performs the tasks of its rulers, and cannot find out that they are
doing nothing?
These reflections are accidental and were probably shared by
many another coffeehouse critic of men and manners. Steele had
neither the talent nor the opportunity to work them up into a
philosophy. The same lack of system impairs his interpretation of
literature. At a time when the most enlightened critics admired a
poet for his rhetoric, Steele discovered in Shakespeare and Milton
the sublime moralists of middle class life, quoting from their pages
to show where the everyday virtues of fidelity, pity and conjugal
love have found their purest and noblest expression? He does not,
however, seek to impress this view on his public. Beyond retelling
the Bible story of Joseph and his brethren? , to illustrate how, in
moments of despondency, he 'turns his thoughts to the adversities
of persons of higher consideration in virtue and merit to regain
tranquillity,' he never taught his readers how to look for moral and
spiritual guidance in literature. They are left to glean what
they can from chance utterances. Had it been otherwise, these
papers would have been the most remarkable critical production
of Steele's generation.
The Tatler continued to appear three times a week until
2 January 1711 and then ceased abruptly. The loss of his
gazetteership, though it deprived Steele of access to first-hand
news, can hardly have influenced him, since foreign intelligence in
The Tatler had long dwindled into an occasional and perfunctory
paragraph. Possibly, he was allowed to retain his commissioner-
ship of stamps under the new government only on the understanding
that a paper connected with the whig party should be discontinued.
He may really have feared that the secret of authorship was now
widely divulged, and that the association of his not unblemished name
with moral counsels might revive the ridicule which had greeted The
Christian Hero. But, besides this, he was suffering the discourage-
ment of a man who wades beyond his depth. The self-imposed
task of censor had led him deeper and deeper into the complex
questions of his day, while his journalistic methods allowed of only
fleeting and superficial glimpses at truth. Had he been fully
conscious of his inability, he would probably, with characteristic
candour, have freely confessed it. As it was, he sank under a
temporary attack of weariness, all the more irresistible because
i No. 203. ? Nos. 40, 47, 53, 68, 102, 104, 188, 237. 3 No. 234.
• See no. 271. Swift (Journal to Stella) says he grew cruel dull and dry. To my
knowledge, he had several good hints to go upon; but he was so lazy and weary of
the work, that he would not improve them. '
## p. 43 (#67) ##############################################
Addison's Early Training
43
another writer, who had been intermittently associated with him
in the paper, seemed to have acquired without effort that art of
expression which Steele himself lacked.
This collaborator was Addison? In reality, his achievement
was the fruit of a mental readjustment more laborious and funda-
mental than Steele's, though of a different character. Like the
creator of The Tatler, Addison had to put new wine into old
bottles. He was a man of scholarly habits and unusual ability,
but taciturn and lacking in initiative. When Steele plunged into
London life, Addison was studying at Magdalen, where he peace-
fully won academic distinction and stored his mind with the wit
and wisdom of antiquity. At this time, the universities were far
removed from the outer world, and, if Oxford made him a distin-
guished Latinist, it also made him a recluse more competent to
imitate Vergilian hexameters than to lead the thought of his
generation. He left the university in 1699; but four years' travel
among the chief centres of European culture did not draw his mind
out of the academic mould into which it had been cast. There
were still patrons to reward the man of scholarly attainments;
and Addison, who had to make his own fortunes, seems to
have been content to revive his university reputation among the
few, by some work of graceful and recondite learning. A boyish
interest in the writing on London signposts had been developed
by his academic training into a taste for numismatics, and, of all
the resources of Europe, nothing seems to have left so deep an
impression on his mind as collections of coins. As a result, one
of the first fruits of his travels, printed posthumously, was Dialogues
upon the usefulness of Ancient Medals, a treatise which shows an
intimate familiarity with Latin poets and singular ingenuity in
elucidating obscure passages by the light of legends and devices,
1. That paper was advanced indeed I for it was raised to a greater thing than I
intended it! For the elegance, parity and correctness which appeared in his writings
were not so much my purpose, as (in any intelligible manner as I could) to rally all
those singularities of human life through the different professions and characters in it,
which obstruct anything that was truly good and great. ' Steele, in preface to
The Drummer (1721).
A glance at Addison's early successes will show how enduringly academio were
the influences which shaped his mind. He was elected demy of Magdalen 1689 and
pablished vol. 7 of Musae Anglicanae in 1691; composed Dissertatio de Romanorum
poetis in 1692; delivered Oratio de nova philosophia in 1693; engaged in translating
Herodotus in 1696; was elected to a fellowship 1698; published vol. II of Musae
Anglicanae (containing his own Latin poems) in 1699.
3 The Tatler, no. 18.
## p. 44 (#68) ##############################################
44
Steele and Addison
but touches no other human interest except curiosity in
Roman dress. About the same time, he prepared for publication
a diary of travel, recording faithfully his impressions of the
customs, character and polity of the people, on the model of
Bacon's Essays! . Even these notes, which appeared in 1705 as
Remarks on Italy, show little enthusiasm, except where his
wanderings lead him directly on the track of ancient literature.
The year before, he made a name for himself throughout
London, and thus assured his future, by producing The Campaign.
The origin of this celebrated piece was political. The whigs had
just vindicated their policy by the victory of Blenheim, and
Godolphin was looking for a party poet who should give voice to
the wave of triumph and patriotism which was passing over the
nation. Halifax suggested the distinguished writer of Latin verse
who had already produced a few scholarly verse translations and
some complimentary addresses to patrons in the courtly style. To
most writers, a theme such as the battle of Blenheim would
naturally have suggested an elegy or a pindaric ode. But Addison,
with characteristic judgment, cast his effusion into the form of an
epic; for, in this poetic form, a store of poetic imagery and poetic
exaggeration presented itself ready-made, and the author of The
Campaign found that his task was to select and apply expressions
such as would shed heroic grandeur on the achievements of the
British arms.
In fact, he treated his subject as if it were an
academic exercise in rhetoric; and, although the versification is
often prosaic and the vigorous passages are balanced by lapses
into platitude, he acquitted himself with remarkable ingenuity
and tact. While paying extravagant tributes to ‘Anna's royal
cares' and to 'Marlborough's mighty soul,' he succeeded in
addressing the nation at large. He flattered their most cherished
boasts—their pride in British freedom, their hero-worship, their
love of fighting-in phrases consecrated by Homer, Vergil, Lucan,
Statius, Silius Italicus, while the exigencies of the heroic couplet
almost necessarily involved 'turns' and 'points' such as the polite
age admired. The pamphlet in verses took the town by storm, and
the author, who had been given a commissionership of appeals
as a retaining fee, was now rewarded with an undersecretaryship
of state.
From this time forth, Addison was one of the elect. In 1706,
-
6
1
1 Essay on Travel. ? E. g. the celebrated simile in 11. 272–92.
3 It was followed, in 1707, by an anonymous pamphlet in prose, The Present State
of the War.
## p. 45 (#69) ##############################################
Addison as a Contributor to The Tatler 45
he became undersecretary of state to Lord Sunderland ; in 1707,
he accompanied Lord Halifax to Hanover; in 1709, he became chief
secretary to the marquis of Wharton, lord lieutenant of Ireland,
and, besides these experiences in administration, he held a seat in
parliament from 1708 till his death. So, he was never again in
want, and at no time passed through the stormy and varied experi-
ences which bring sympathy with human nature and insight into
character.
entered the prison of Puritanism,' it 'turned the key on its in-
tellectual progress for two hundred years. ' In reality, it was
precisely this class, made up of inheritors of puritan narrowness
and perseverance, which created a new culture for England out of
its coffeehouses. It has already been shown how Londoners, as
early as the protectorate, began to assemble in these rendezvous
and how, by daily intercourse, they learned to feel interest in each
other's manners and habits of thought. As they cared little for
the more frivolous diversions of the capital, they tended more and
more to seek the pleasures of news and conversation, until, by the
beginning of the eighteenth century, coffeehouses had become the
most striking feature of London life? Men who gathered day
after day in these resorts were not only interested in their com-
panions' ideas and demeanour; they cultivated an eye for trivial
actions and utterances, a gift for investigating other people's
prejudices and partialities, and they realized the pleasure of
winning their way into the intricacies of another man's mind.
Hence, they acquired a new attitude towards their fellow
creatures. Characters which would formerly have been ridiculed
or despised were now valued as intellectual puzzles, eccentricities
attracted sympathetic attention, and it became the note of
1 Ante, vol. vii, chap. XVI, pp. 389, 390.
2 Macaulay, History of England, chap. III.
## p. 32 (#56) ##############################################
32
Steele and Addison
intelligent men to be tolerant. Besides this sentiment of friend-
liness, the mere conditions of clublife imposed a new code of
manners. If men were to enjoy daily intercourse, they had to
respect each other's opinions and to cultivate self-suppression.
Thus, consideration for others became the fashion, and the
middle class, besides studying character, came to regard courtesy
as a part of civilization
Men learned other things in coffeehouses besides the amenities
of social intercourse. Clubland had taken so universal a hold on
London that nearly every man of intelligence frequented some
resort of this kind. Now, these were just the people who read
and wrote books; they created thought and taste; the future of
literature depended on their ideas and ways of expression. Until
the time of the restoration, neither writers nor readers had
practised the studied simplicity of true conversation. Even
pamphleteers like Nashe, Dekker or Rowlands, whose one aim
was to follow popular taste, had never broken away from
book knowledge, despite their slipshod style, and the literary
cliques which handed round manuscript essays and characters
had reproduced in their writings only such conversation as
might be a vehicle for their clinches and conceits. Men
had confined their literary interests to the library and, as a
consequence, their style was either ponderous or precious. The
Royal Society had already started a movement against redundance
of phrase; but it may well be doubted whether the protests of
Sprat, Evelyn and South? would have had lasting effect with-
out the influence of coffeehouses. It was here that, besides
,
practising benevolence in small things, men learnt to unravel
literary ideas in a style that was colloquial as well as cultured.
Conversation has a mysterious power of awakening thought.
Commonplaces and trifles appear in a new light, and fresh notions
are continually struck off like sparks. The man who has formed
his mind by intercourse is more versatile and alert than he whose
intellect has grown by reading, and he has learnt to speak in short
simple sentences, because the ear cannot, like the eye, follow long
periods. Moreover, he must abandon the phraseology of books,
* It is true that one has only to read The Dunciad (though not written by a coffee-
house habitué) to be convinced that St Grobian still had votaries no less ardent than
Nashe or Harvey. Flytings' continued as a literary tradition, and their existence
does not disprove the taste for gentler manners, which grew up in coffeehouses and
influenced literature. Compare The Coffee Scuffle (1662) or A Coffee-House Dialogue
(1679) (see ante, vol. vni, p. 390) with any scene from The Tatler or The Spectator.
Ante, vol. Vini, chap. XVI.
2
## p. 33 (#57) ##############################################
Beginnings of The Tatler
33
because the written word had long assumed a formal, almost im-
personal, air, and must borrow turns and phrases from daily
parlance to give an individual touch to his theories.
Thus, the middle classes were accomplishing their own
education. They were becoming thinkers with a culture and a
standard of manners born of conversation and free from pedantry
of thought or expression. Coffeehouses had given them a kind
of organisation; a means of exchanging ideas and forming the
public opinion of their class. But this spirit was at present manifest
only in the atmosphere where it had been formed. It was not
found in theatres, universities or salons. Coffeehouses bad
unconsciously become fraternities for the propagation of a new
humanism, and a writer could come into touch with the ideas and
sentiments of the age only in those centres.
This movement was so inchoate that the middle classes them-
selves were hardly conscious of it. Steele certainly did not perceive
into what a world of thought and sentiment he was penetrating
when he ventured, in The Tatler, to appeal to coffeehouses. After
writing The Tender Husband, he seems to have relinquished the
theatre for the more lucrative career of a court favourite. He,
probably, never lived within his income and, after losing, in 1708,
his position of gentleman-waiter to prince George of Denmark and
failing to obtain two other posts, he returned to literature in order
to meet his debts. Since the censorship had been removed from
the press, journalism had become a profitable enterprise, and
Steele's chief motive in starting The Tatler on 12 April 1709, was,
undoubtedly, the fear of bankruptcy. However, the desire to
improve his fellow creatures was as strong as in the days of The
Christian Hero. Steele was himself a frequenter of coffeehouses.
He knew how confused and misguided their political discussions
often were, thanks to the irresponsible news-sheets which flooded
London ; and he also realized how many other topics were wrongly
or superficially canvassed in those daily and nightly gatherings.
So, he set himself to enlighten, as well as to entertain, his fellow
talkers. As gazetteer, he could give the most trustworthy foreign
news, and, as a man of culture and society, he could tell them
what to think concerning other matters which occupied a discursive
and critical generation. The paper came out three times a week,
and each issue (unlike The Spectator) contained several essays,
dated, according to their subjects, from particular coffeehouses ? .
1 All accounts of gallantry, pleasure, and entertainment, shall be under the
article of White's Chocolate house; poetry, under that of Will's coffee-house; learning,
E, L. IX. CH. II.
3
## p. 34 (#58) ##############################################
34
Steele and Addison
Thus, in its original conception, The Tatler was hardly more
than an improved imitation of Defoe's Review and The Athenian
Mercury. From the first, Steele aimed at making his paper
more comprehensive. He perceived that different coffeehouses
stood for widely different interests, and he laid them all under
contribution. He persevered in finding instruction or amusement
for every taste, till The Tatler became almost as diversified as the
opinions of its readers. In the hands of most editors, so undis-
criminating a policy would soon have reduced a journal to a
periodical miscellany, and Steele the essayist is certainly not free
from charges of inconsistency and confusion. But it must be re-
membered that his long struggle after a sober, scholarly existence,
though hardly successful in his personal life, had rendered him
keenly responsive to kindred influences around him, and enabled
him to discover and give expression to the spirit of humanised
puritanism which existed beneath the babel of coffeehouses.
Like all originators, he had to feel his way. He began by making
a feature of foreign intelligence and theatrical news and, full of
middle-class disgust at frivolity and incompetence, exposed the
vagaries of prominent social characters, apparently convinced
that offenders would mend, if pilloried under a pseudonymº.
Inspired by the same respect for order and regularity, he gave
expression, in some rather commonplace articles“, to the public
antipathy against gambling, and argued, in a series of papers 5,
that duelling was a senseless, guilty practice, observed by exquisites
as an affectation of bravery but secretly condemned by level-
headed burghers. He warned his readers against swindlers, pointing
at certain wellknown sharpers as dogs, but without a touch of the
old English amusement at roguery. Indeed, except for two jestbook
stories, a mock testament and a few sentimental extravagances
in the style of seventeenth century romancese, his earlier attempts
in a lighter vein consist of coffeehouse discussions on literary
9
under the title of Grecian; foreign and domestic news, you will have from St James's
coffee-house; and what else I shall on any other subject offer, shall be dated from
my own apartment. ' The Tatler, no. 1.
i See ante, chap. I.
Nos. 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 14, 20, 21, 59 and 66 (by Swift), 191, 203 (Swift and Steale).
3 E. g. Colonel Pickel and Florimel, no. 7; Florimel and Prudentia at Bath, no. 16;
Lord Hinchinbroke, nos. 22, 58, 85; Tom Colson, no. 46; Dr John Radcliffe, no. 44 ;
Henry Cromwell, no. 47; Beau Feilding, nos. 50, 51; Duke of Ormond, no. 54.
• Nos. 13, 14, 15, 56.
5 Nos. 25, 26, 28, 29, 31, 38, 39.
6 Nos. 2, 42.
7 No. 7.
8 E. g. Unnion and Valentine, no. 5.
1
## p. 35 (#59) ##############################################
Character of Isaac Bickerstaff 35
questions and talks on current topics of city life such as changes
in slanga and the abuse of the title esquires.
These and similar performances were half-hearted, because
Steele was finding his true level in the alleged lucubrations of
Isaac Bickerstaff. He had borrowed this pseudonym from Swift's
famous pamphlet, as being the best known type of intellectual
detective and watchman. Soon, coffeehouses began to make
their influence felt, and, as he gradually marked out as his
province the intimate world of conduct and courtesy, he tended
more and more to invest his figurehead with a new personality.
The literature of coffeehouses must be as light and informal as
their discussions*; so, he puts his moral counsels into the mouth of
Bickerstaff, in order to preserve a conversational style and an air
of persuasive authority quite acceptable to men who looked up to a
self-constituted oracle in all their debates. As his readers were
interested in eccentricity, Bickerstaff becomes an aged recluse
living a lonely and mysterious life, surrounded, as Swift had sug-
gested, by the old-fashioned paraphernalia of astrology and
attended by his familiar Pacolet®, like the now discredited ma-
gicians of the previous century. And yet this atmosphere of
unreality gives effectiveness to Bickerstaff's character. His isola-
tion enables him to study his fellow creatures dispassionately, and
Pacolet, like the diable boiteux of Lesage, reveals to him the
inaccessible secrets of other people. As the numbers of The Tatler
increased, he developed into the first, and rather roughdrawn,
portrait of eighteenth century civilization. He has the reason-
ableness and insight of coffeehouses, a sympathy with common
things, out of which the domestic novel was to come, and a spirit of
independent thought, coupled with respect for order and religion,
such as the seventeenth century never knew.
In this thin disguise, Steele touched on all those questions of
breeding, good taste, courtesy and chivalry where the middle class
had discarded old aristocratic ideals, without having yet learnt to
trust entirely to their own. No wonder The Tatler became im-
mensely popular when its readers found their half-formed notions
· Nos. 6, 17, 43.
No. 12.
8 No. 19.
See no. 62, on the propriety of words and thoughts, in which it is maintained
that conversation 'is not to savour in the least of study' and that literary style . is to
adrit of something like the freedom of discourse. '
See The Character of a Coffee-house, 1673, The Spectator, no. 24.
• The name appears to have been taken from a character in the romance of Valentine
and Orson, whose horse was enchanted. Sir Philip Sidney alludes to the horse in An
Apologie for Poetrie (1581).
3-2
## p. 36 (#60) ##############################################
36
Steele and Addison
confirmed and proclaimed. One of their perplexities centred
round the ideal of what they called a gentleman. In aristocratic
circles, men still emulated the type set forth by Jacobean
essayists? and affected 'warmth of imagination, quick relish of
?
pleasure and the manner of becoming it? ' Such lubricity and
self-assertion would be intolerable where friendly intercourse was
the foundation of culture, and Steele points out that the first
quality of a gentleman is not brilliance but forbearance and the
art of accommodating another's susceptibilities without sacrificing
one's own. Many recognise this ideal, but have not the tact to
combine compliance with self-respect, and become 'pretty fellows3'
or even 'very pretty fellows*,' or, again, affect an unwarrantable
familiarity and merely succeed in becoming 'whisperers without
business and laughers without occasion. ' Society being now
mosaic of different units, all of them seeking some common ground
of intellectual fellowship, men of one interest, such as are many
scholars and soldiersº, are shown to be as superficial as those who
think that boisterous good humour will make up for a lack of
ideas? . But, again and again, Steele insists that a man's first duty
is to please his hearers, showing how often the 'wag' and the
wit’ of the old school still abuse the privileges of acquaintanceship
merely to gain a reputation for smartness and satire 8.
The puritan desire to see the seriousness of life in every word
and deed was now being humanised into a standard of good taste,
and, if Londoners refused to admire cleverness devoid of charity,
they were even more ready to be warned against coarser methods
of self-advertisement. Affectation in dress and manner, such as
the manipulation of the snuff-box or the wearing a cane on the
fifth button, is mercilessly ridiculedº; the man who uses ex-
pletives to make his conversation forcible is declared to be merely
empty-headed 10; the whole fraternity of fops is characterised as
'the order of the insipids 11'; but the severest strictures are passed
on the pretence of viciousness which was part of the dandies'
pose 12. Thus, the two nations pass before us. On the one hand,
the degenerate imitators of Jacobean cavaliers and restoration
a
a
6
(
i Ante, vol. IV, chap. XVI. · The Tatler, no. 21.
3 No. 21.
4 No. 24.
6 No. 38.
6 No. 61, nicknamed by Steele 'men of fire. '
7 No. 63.
8 Nos. 184, 219, 225, 244, 264.
• Nos. 27, 35, 96.
10 No. 137.
11 No. 166.
12 Nos. 77, 191 and 213 in which Tom Springly pretends to be preparing for an
assignation with a married woman at Rosamond's Pond, when he is really going to
evening prayers.
## p. 37 (#61) ##############################################
The Tatler on Women
37
courtiers, with the underworld of sharpers and gamesters; on the
other, the middle class coffeehouses, where citizens learnt to
become urbane without ceasing to be pious. Steele belonged
to both classes and traces the conflict between them. In many
of his papers, after gibbeting the false ideal, he presents the
true model, and it is not surprising that his own moral struggle,
which gave him this insight, is sometimes recorded. In one paper,
he pleads for the rake, claiming that he sins, repents and sins
again only because his natural passions are too strong for him? .
Later, in a fit of self-humiliation, he confesses that goodnature is
often laziness, and, towards the end of The Tatlers, he denounces
his own besetting sin, declaring that the drunkard cannot be either
a friend, a gentleman, a master, or a subject, and is especially
,
dastardly when he has a virtuous wife.
If, however, the middle classes had much to reform in the
manners of men, they had far more to criticise in the social position
of women. When Madame de Rambouillet brought together
in her salon the most cultured men and the most beautiful
women in France, she created a new standard of social refinement
for Europe. The management of intimate relations between the
two sexes became a proof of good breeding, and the civilisation of
any court could almost be measured by the influence which ladies
enjoyed in it. In the earlier Stewart times, the English aris-
tocracy readily adopted this cult, and all people of quality practised
the art of inspiring or suffering the passion of love. But, so soon
as this accomplishment became a fashion, it was perverted to most
ignoble uses. The coarser types of the restoration gained caste
by affecting the same delicacy of sentiment and purity of devotion,
while they really gratified their lusts. Immorality was invested
with a ritual of compliments, odes, assignations and addresses,
and, when the rising middle class came into touch with the beau
monde, many well-intentioned young people were too inexperienced
to detect the baseness which underlay this glitter and polish.
Steele had primarily designed The Tatler to be an organ of the
coffeehouses, and his first few papers on women are hardly any-
thing but what one might expect from the gossip of the smoking-
room". But, in the stage of social evolution thus reached, the follies
of men and women were so inextricable that Steele could not satirise
rakes and fops without penetrating into the lives of their victims
or deceivers. So far back as the protectorate, moralists had begun
1 No. 27.
* No. 241.
4 E. g. nos. 10, 20, 23.
2 No. 76.
## p. 38 (#62) ##############################################
38
Steele and Addison
to abandon the savage invective which Elizabethan and Jacobean
misogynists had affected, and filled pamphlets with more humane,
but none the less searching, ridicule of female frivolities! Steele
is continuing a puritan tradition as well as breaking new ground,
when he allows us to catch sight of the treachery and dishonour
hidden beneath these hypocritical observances; sometimes, dwelling
on the persecutions and outrages to which girls unwittingly exposed
themselves and, at other times, revealing the jealousies and intrigues
of more experienced matrons who looked on marriage, for all its
euphemisms, as a game of skill or a masque of vanity? Now and
then, he gives us glimpses of the amours of those who shrink
from matrimony or dwells upon the more horrible tedium and dis-
illusionment of marriages made without loveHad Steele lived in
an age of decadence, he would, like most satirists in such periods,
have confined himself to invective. But, if he helped to push one
social order into the grave, he also helped to bring another to the
light. As in his papers on men’s manners, so now, after exposing
vice, he holds up to admiration virtue, especially in his wellknown
portrait of Lady Elizabeth Hastings, whose passion is so high-
souled and graceful that 'to love her is a liberal education. '
Such portraits would have had but little effect if Steele had
not also pointed out the change which must inevitably befall
the moral training of youth. While showing that vice was often
concealed under a veil of refinement and liberality, he argued
that the young give way to its allurements from a false idea of
manliness or by way of revolt against parental tyranny. The old
puritan methods of education had to be softened and humanised.
He argued that children could be kept from extravagance and
sensuality only by a sense of self-respect and by awakening in
them tender memories of a father or mother whom they had
learnt to love. He then explains how the parent or guardian
must be their companion, and encourage their confidence if he is
to understand their characters, ending with the portrait of a
perfect father, Dr Lancelot Addison, the one man 'among all
my acquaintances, whom I have thought to live with his children
with equanimity and good graceº. '
1 Ante, vol. vni, chap. XVI, p. 387.
9 Nos. 33, 139, 198, 248 ; 22, 91, 98, 107, 200, 212, 245, 247, 248.
3 Nos. 49, 53, 149, 199.
* No. 49. Congreve had already described her under the name of Aspasia, no. 42.
Other models of conjugal virtue will be found in the translation of Pliny's letters to
bis wife, no. 149, and the story of Antiochus and Stratonice, no. 185.
• Nos. 9, 60, 61, 83, 185.
6 Nos. 30, 189, 207, 235.
## p. 39 (#63) ##############################################
6
The Short Story. ' Jenny Distaff 39
·
In his charming papers on childhood, as well as in his moral
essays on men and women, Steele writes like a man at one
with his audience. He does not feel the need to argue or con-
vince; it is enough to appeal to the sense of right and wrong.
As he said himself, when exposing the tyranny of husbands-,
touching upon the malady tenderly is half way to the cure; and
there are some faults which need only to be observed, to be
amended. ' His business was not so much to create sentiments as
to awaken them by a vivid description, and teach his readers to
recognise their own principles in some poignant situation. As
civilization became complex and peaceful, the affairs of daily life
assumed greater importance; men concerned themselves with
little things, and Steele found himself enabled to play on the
deeper springs of thought and emotion, by describing an everyday
episode. In this way, he discovered the modern short story,' that
is to say, a tale which suggests fundamental ideas or convictions?
Among the problems of social life which he thus illumined with
imagination or even with emotion, none lay nearer Steele's own
heart than questions of family life. To heighten and illustrate such
reflections, he invented a lady editor, Jenny Distaff, Bickerstaff's
half-sister, a typical middle class girl, who, from time to time,
gives her views on women's affairs? . But, as he returned again
and again to this congenial theme, Jenny's personality grew upon
him till she became the heroine of his domestic sketches. When
reminding his female readers that matrimony is not a flight of
romance, but a resolve to stake one's happiness on union with
a partial stranger, he makes Jenny's marriage with Tranquillus the
occasion for counsels based on this view, and gives a lively descrip-
tion of the wedding festivities. From time to time, the young couple
reappear to illustrate the experiences of married life. We have the
first inevitable passing cloud which is happily smoothed over and
forgotten'. Like sensible bourgeois, they learn to understand one
* No. 149.
* Compare, in this connection, the best tales of earlier times, from the story of
Rhampsinitus's Treasure Chamber (Herodotus, bk 11, chap. 121) to Jean de Bove's Des
Trois Larrons or no. 16 of A C. Mery Talys, with such productions as Balzac's Chef
deuvre inconnu, or Turgenev's The Jew. Even when old stories are retold with all
the art of a modern raconteur (e. g. Li Amitiez de Ami et Amile and Aucasrin et Nicolette,
by Pater, W. , in Renaissance Studies (last ed. ) 1910 and La Légende de St Julien
Hospitalier, by Flaubert, G. , in Trois Contes (last ed. ) 1908), the difference is still
apparent. The story of Philippus (Horace, Epist. 1, 7) resembles the modern type,
because the Romans of the empire had learned to see a whole background of philosophy
and sentiment behind the affairs of daily life.
3 Nos. 10, 83, 36, 37.
4 No. 79.
o No. 85.
8
## p. 40 (#64) ##############################################
40
Steele and Addison
another, and Steele gives a picture of the lady's character maturing
in wedlock. She and her husband dine with her half-brother, and
she enters the room with a decent and matronlike behaviour'
The household thrives, and the perils of prosperity are dwelt on.
Jenny calls on the astrologer, and, this time, he notices ‘in her
manner and air, something . . . a little below that of the women
of first breeding and quality but at the same time above the
simplicity and familiarity of her usual deportment? ' Bickerstaff
then discovers that his sister had fallen a victim to the love of
display and writes to warn her husband of the folly of aiming
above their station in life. Thus, besides discovering the short
story, Steele might well have invented the serial domestic novel,
if only the conditions of his work had permitted more continuity
of application. For, in his writing, we find, for the first time, the
temperament which is drawn to the pathos, and even the tragedy,
of family life. He gave up one paper to a picture of perfect
domestic happiness, describing it as 'a complication of all the
pleasures of life and a retreat from its inquietudes'; and, five
weeks later, he introduces us to the same family plunged in the
deepest woe as they gather round the death-bed of their mother.
In these and other fugitive papers of like nature, we may notice the
rise of that sentimentality which dominated the taste of the mid-
eighteenth century and survives so late as Thackeray's novels.
Steele, thanks to his double character, was one of the first to find
that he could combat his own wayward, bohemian nature by culti-
vating a tenderness for home affections. The next generation either
followed his example or discovered the same secret, fleeing from
the crudity of their own civilization by exaggerating the softer
side of life, till lachrymose sensibility became the mark of refine-
ment. He tells us himself how he was often driven to seek a
steadying force in solemn and melancholy thoughts, and admits
that he reserved certain times to revive the old places of grief
in our memory and ponder step by step on past life. ' Thus, out
of distant memories, Steele recalled many intimate and pathetic
scenes which a less effusive writer would have shielded from
public gaze. Had it occurred to him to weave such incidents as
the oft-quoted description of his father's death and of his
mother's passionate grief into the history of Jenny Distaff, the
domestic novel would, in a rudimentary form, have been invented.
1 No. 104.
4 No. 114.
2 No. 143.
5 No. 181.
3 No. 95.
6 Ibid.
## p. 41 (#65) ##############################################
Variety of Topics in The Tatler
41
As it was, he ended the story with a sequel in which an unex-
pected hamper of wine vanishes among boon companions.
Steele touched on many more topics. As was to be expected
from the mouthpiece of the coffeehouses and from the self-
appointed 'Censor of Great Britain,' he is full of contempt for
feudal prejudices and the arrogance of the rich'. He sided with
Hoadly, bishop of Winchester, against Blackall, bishop of Exeter,
on the doctrine of passive obedience? He worked up Roger
Grant's supposed healing of a blind boy into an enthusiastic
description not unlike a broadside. He criticised the lack of
pulpit eloquence". He composed, or published, some charming
letters on the pleasures of country life. Just as John Dunton
had constituted himself an oracle for all questioners in The
Athenian Mercury, so Steele, sometimes, filled whole numbers
with the correspondence he received or pretended to receive. In
his constant endeavour to 'extirpate. . . all such as are either pre-
judicial or insignificant to society”, his characterisation is often
onesided and becomes caricature. But, now and then, he pierced
beneath the superficiality almost inseparable from satire, and
hinted at the profound complexity of the civilized mind, showing,
in several papers, how the ordinary human character is inex-
tricably interwoven with the social fabric to which it belongs and
becomes as particoloured as the woof itself. While society grows
more heterogeneous, conflicting principles exist side by side, and,
as men are bound, in some measure, to think according to their
environment, they misunderstand each other on the commonest
topics, fluctuate between opposite ideals and often end by dis-
trusting their own instincts and mistaking their own emotions.
These more complex and impressionable personalities are distin-
guished from simpler types: first, society nonentities, subordinate
characters of men such as Tim Dapper, who are like pegs in a
building, they make no figure in it but hold the structure
together, and, then, the vast workaday world, which stedfastly
Nos. 66, 144, 180, 181, 196. In the same spirit, he gave some striking sketches of
character in low life--the ungraciously humorous account of Guardeloop the French
tailor's wedding (no. 7), with its picture of 'low gallantry' being succeeded by
sergeant Hall's letter to sergeant Cabe (no. 87), full of cheerful and unaffected heroism,
and the escapades of the imperturbable Will Rosin (no. 105), 'a man of tranquillity
without reading Seneca. '
• Nos. 44, 50.
3 No. 55.
4 Nos. 66, 72.
5 Nos. 112, 169, 203.
$ See preceding chap. of this volume.
7 No. 186.
Nos. 25 (influenced by Molière's Le Mariage forcé), 57, 83, 138, 186, 206, 227.
* No. 85. It is worth noting that Addison used the same simile in Spec. no. 495.
## p. 42 (#66) ##############################################
42
Steele and Addison
performs the tasks of its rulers, and cannot find out that they are
doing nothing?
These reflections are accidental and were probably shared by
many another coffeehouse critic of men and manners. Steele had
neither the talent nor the opportunity to work them up into a
philosophy. The same lack of system impairs his interpretation of
literature. At a time when the most enlightened critics admired a
poet for his rhetoric, Steele discovered in Shakespeare and Milton
the sublime moralists of middle class life, quoting from their pages
to show where the everyday virtues of fidelity, pity and conjugal
love have found their purest and noblest expression? He does not,
however, seek to impress this view on his public. Beyond retelling
the Bible story of Joseph and his brethren? , to illustrate how, in
moments of despondency, he 'turns his thoughts to the adversities
of persons of higher consideration in virtue and merit to regain
tranquillity,' he never taught his readers how to look for moral and
spiritual guidance in literature. They are left to glean what
they can from chance utterances. Had it been otherwise, these
papers would have been the most remarkable critical production
of Steele's generation.
The Tatler continued to appear three times a week until
2 January 1711 and then ceased abruptly. The loss of his
gazetteership, though it deprived Steele of access to first-hand
news, can hardly have influenced him, since foreign intelligence in
The Tatler had long dwindled into an occasional and perfunctory
paragraph. Possibly, he was allowed to retain his commissioner-
ship of stamps under the new government only on the understanding
that a paper connected with the whig party should be discontinued.
He may really have feared that the secret of authorship was now
widely divulged, and that the association of his not unblemished name
with moral counsels might revive the ridicule which had greeted The
Christian Hero. But, besides this, he was suffering the discourage-
ment of a man who wades beyond his depth. The self-imposed
task of censor had led him deeper and deeper into the complex
questions of his day, while his journalistic methods allowed of only
fleeting and superficial glimpses at truth. Had he been fully
conscious of his inability, he would probably, with characteristic
candour, have freely confessed it. As it was, he sank under a
temporary attack of weariness, all the more irresistible because
i No. 203. ? Nos. 40, 47, 53, 68, 102, 104, 188, 237. 3 No. 234.
• See no. 271. Swift (Journal to Stella) says he grew cruel dull and dry. To my
knowledge, he had several good hints to go upon; but he was so lazy and weary of
the work, that he would not improve them. '
## p. 43 (#67) ##############################################
Addison's Early Training
43
another writer, who had been intermittently associated with him
in the paper, seemed to have acquired without effort that art of
expression which Steele himself lacked.
This collaborator was Addison? In reality, his achievement
was the fruit of a mental readjustment more laborious and funda-
mental than Steele's, though of a different character. Like the
creator of The Tatler, Addison had to put new wine into old
bottles. He was a man of scholarly habits and unusual ability,
but taciturn and lacking in initiative. When Steele plunged into
London life, Addison was studying at Magdalen, where he peace-
fully won academic distinction and stored his mind with the wit
and wisdom of antiquity. At this time, the universities were far
removed from the outer world, and, if Oxford made him a distin-
guished Latinist, it also made him a recluse more competent to
imitate Vergilian hexameters than to lead the thought of his
generation. He left the university in 1699; but four years' travel
among the chief centres of European culture did not draw his mind
out of the academic mould into which it had been cast. There
were still patrons to reward the man of scholarly attainments;
and Addison, who had to make his own fortunes, seems to
have been content to revive his university reputation among the
few, by some work of graceful and recondite learning. A boyish
interest in the writing on London signposts had been developed
by his academic training into a taste for numismatics, and, of all
the resources of Europe, nothing seems to have left so deep an
impression on his mind as collections of coins. As a result, one
of the first fruits of his travels, printed posthumously, was Dialogues
upon the usefulness of Ancient Medals, a treatise which shows an
intimate familiarity with Latin poets and singular ingenuity in
elucidating obscure passages by the light of legends and devices,
1. That paper was advanced indeed I for it was raised to a greater thing than I
intended it! For the elegance, parity and correctness which appeared in his writings
were not so much my purpose, as (in any intelligible manner as I could) to rally all
those singularities of human life through the different professions and characters in it,
which obstruct anything that was truly good and great. ' Steele, in preface to
The Drummer (1721).
A glance at Addison's early successes will show how enduringly academio were
the influences which shaped his mind. He was elected demy of Magdalen 1689 and
pablished vol. 7 of Musae Anglicanae in 1691; composed Dissertatio de Romanorum
poetis in 1692; delivered Oratio de nova philosophia in 1693; engaged in translating
Herodotus in 1696; was elected to a fellowship 1698; published vol. II of Musae
Anglicanae (containing his own Latin poems) in 1699.
3 The Tatler, no. 18.
## p. 44 (#68) ##############################################
44
Steele and Addison
but touches no other human interest except curiosity in
Roman dress. About the same time, he prepared for publication
a diary of travel, recording faithfully his impressions of the
customs, character and polity of the people, on the model of
Bacon's Essays! . Even these notes, which appeared in 1705 as
Remarks on Italy, show little enthusiasm, except where his
wanderings lead him directly on the track of ancient literature.
The year before, he made a name for himself throughout
London, and thus assured his future, by producing The Campaign.
The origin of this celebrated piece was political. The whigs had
just vindicated their policy by the victory of Blenheim, and
Godolphin was looking for a party poet who should give voice to
the wave of triumph and patriotism which was passing over the
nation. Halifax suggested the distinguished writer of Latin verse
who had already produced a few scholarly verse translations and
some complimentary addresses to patrons in the courtly style. To
most writers, a theme such as the battle of Blenheim would
naturally have suggested an elegy or a pindaric ode. But Addison,
with characteristic judgment, cast his effusion into the form of an
epic; for, in this poetic form, a store of poetic imagery and poetic
exaggeration presented itself ready-made, and the author of The
Campaign found that his task was to select and apply expressions
such as would shed heroic grandeur on the achievements of the
British arms.
In fact, he treated his subject as if it were an
academic exercise in rhetoric; and, although the versification is
often prosaic and the vigorous passages are balanced by lapses
into platitude, he acquitted himself with remarkable ingenuity
and tact. While paying extravagant tributes to ‘Anna's royal
cares' and to 'Marlborough's mighty soul,' he succeeded in
addressing the nation at large. He flattered their most cherished
boasts—their pride in British freedom, their hero-worship, their
love of fighting-in phrases consecrated by Homer, Vergil, Lucan,
Statius, Silius Italicus, while the exigencies of the heroic couplet
almost necessarily involved 'turns' and 'points' such as the polite
age admired. The pamphlet in verses took the town by storm, and
the author, who had been given a commissionership of appeals
as a retaining fee, was now rewarded with an undersecretaryship
of state.
From this time forth, Addison was one of the elect. In 1706,
-
6
1
1 Essay on Travel. ? E. g. the celebrated simile in 11. 272–92.
3 It was followed, in 1707, by an anonymous pamphlet in prose, The Present State
of the War.
## p. 45 (#69) ##############################################
Addison as a Contributor to The Tatler 45
he became undersecretary of state to Lord Sunderland ; in 1707,
he accompanied Lord Halifax to Hanover; in 1709, he became chief
secretary to the marquis of Wharton, lord lieutenant of Ireland,
and, besides these experiences in administration, he held a seat in
parliament from 1708 till his death. So, he was never again in
want, and at no time passed through the stormy and varied experi-
ences which bring sympathy with human nature and insight into
character.
