We may, however, here notice a few important passages
in the legal works of the thirteenth century, which belong
to the period before the final conflict broke out.
in the legal works of the thirteenth century, which belong
to the period before the final conflict broke out.
Thomas Carlyle
hathitrust.
org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 356 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
ought to possess authority over all men, and that no one
has authority over him in temporal matters. 1 In his work
on the 'Code,' however, he discusses the relations of the Pope
and the emperor more precisely. If, he says, the question
were raised which is the greater, the Pope or the emperor,
it might be said that the emperor has a greater dignity, but,
on the other hand, it might be contended that the Pope is
greater than the emperor, for the confirmation of the emperor
belongs to him, and the emperor calls him father, while he
addresses the emperor as son. Odofridus himself would put
the matter in another way. There are two jurisdictions, the
spiritual and the temporal, the Pope is supreme in spiritual
matters, but the emperor in temporal; the Pope is there-
fore greater in the one, the emperor in the other. It is
true, however, that he admits that the Pope intervenes in any
matter when there is a question of sin, and he does this
also when the empire is vacant. 2 Odofridus seems clearly
to know, and does not contradict the claim of Innocent
III. as recorded in the Decretals, that he had jurisdiction
in all cases when sin could be alleged, and when the empire
was vacant, and that the Pope had the right to confirm
the emperor; but his general position is quite clear and
emphatic, the temporal and the spiritual jurisdictions are
1 Odofridus, * Commentary on Digest,'
Introduction, i. 1 : " (Imperator) quia
princops Romanorum vocatur Impera-
tor ; quia ipse est qui omnibus sub-
sistentibus sub sole debet posse im-
perare : et nemo sibi imperare potest
quantum ad temporalia. "
* Id. , ' Commentary on the Code,'
i. 1 (fol. 6, 3) : " Ex quo videtur si
quseratur, quis sit major, an Papa vel
Imperator, quod major sit Imperator
quam Papa, quia semper digniora sunt
proferenda. . . . Sed econtra videtur
quod Papa sit major quam Imperator,
cum confirmatio Imperatoris pertineat
ad eum. Item videtur quod Papa sit
major quam Imperator, quia vocat
eum Patrem, et Papa vocat eum
filium.
Sed nos in questione ista ita dice.
mus. Due sunt j urisdicti ones, spiritualis
et temporalis, in spiritualibus prseest
Papa, in temporalibus Imperator . . .
unde in spiritualibus est major Papa
. . . in temporalibus Imperator, quia
non ha bet cognoscere dominus Papa
inter me et Titium de rei ve, sed in
spiritualibus sic, ut de matrimonio.
Verum tamen dominus Papa rations
peccati intromittit se de omnibus ut
ex de judi . . . c. . . . novit ille, q. nihil
(Decretals, ii. 1, 13). Quod capitulum
loquitur de Rege Anglise et Francise.
Item vacante imperio, et ad hoc
fecit extra de foro eo. o. licet
(Decretals, ii. 2, 10) et hoo credo
etiam quod contingat ratione pec-
cati. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
357
distinct, and the emperor is supreme and greater than the
Pope in temporal matters.
The same position is represented by a Civilian contemporary
with Odofridus, Martin of Fano. He maintains that the
" sacerdotium " and the " imperium " have the same divine
origin, but their actions and duties and jurisdiction and
dignities are divided and distinct; the Pope is supreme lord
in spiritual and divine things, and the emperor in secular and
human ones; and he concludes by citing from Gratian the
words of Pope Gelasius on the separation of the two authorities
by Christ Himself. 1
Another Civilian, John of Viterbo, writing apparently Dot
earlier than the pontificate of Urban IV. (1261-64), sets out
a somewhat detailed discussion of the rationale and character
of the two authorities. It is natural, he says, that the
human race should be ruled by two systems of law and
by two authorities, for men are composed of spirit and
body and must be controlled by different means; but it
is God who rules men by both authorities, the spiritual
and the temporal. The greatest gifts of God to men are
the " sacerdotium " and the " imperium," the one ministering
in divine things, the other in human, but both proceeding
from the same source. These represent the two swords,
different from each other in their functions and held by
separate ministers. The "imperium" was established by
God Himself, and to the emperor is entrusted " rerum
summa"; the imperial constitution has sanctioned the
principle that the Pope of Eome should be the first of
1 Martin of Fano, ' De Brachio seu
Auxilio implorando per judicem eccle-
siasticum a judice seculari,' 18:
" Sciendum est igitur quod ab eodem
principio processerunt sacerdotium et
imperium a divina clementia. Illud
quidem domino ministrans. scilicet
sacerdotium, hoc autom humanis prse-
sidens, scilicet imperium, ac diligentiam
exhibens ex uno eodemque principio,
utraque prsecedentia humanam vitam
exornat: aunt igitur istorum duorum
Principum actus divisi et officia dis-
oreta, et jurisdictiones atque dignitates
eorum distinctrc. Et summus Pontifex
praest et est dominus in spiritualibus
et divinis, et Imperator prseest singu-
laribus (secularibus ? ) et humanis,
prout supra proximo dicitur, ut pro-
batur 10 dist. c. quoniam idem (Gratian,
'Decretum,' D. 10, 8) et 97 dist. c.
cum ad verum (Gratian, ' Decretum,"
D. 96, 6). "
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? 358 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PAET II.
all priests. All power is ordained by God, and the electors
derive their power from God. Thus the chief powers, that
is the Pope and the emperor, are bound to love and honour
and help each other in all things, since they both come
from the same source, that is, God; but each should be
content with his own province, and neither should interfere
in the affairs of the other without his permission. 1
The position of John of Viterbo is very clearly expressed.
The two authorities are derived from God, and are separate
1 Johannes Viterbiensis, ' De Regi.
mine Civitatum,' 127: " Non est
mirandum si humanum genus duobus
juribus et duabus potestatibus regitur
et gubernatur, scilicet divino et civili
et communi jure, et maxime genus
Christianorum ; quoniam hoc constat
ex spiritu et carnali corpora. Expe-
diebat enim facta carois compeseere
virtute legum, et spiritus gubernari
doctrina et virtute divina. . . . Retribuit
enim Deus et vindicat non solum tunc,
cum Christus dicturus est; ' Venite,
benedicti patris mei,' et cum dice! ,
* Ite, maledicti, etc,' et cum faciet eos
judices, ut supra dictum est; sed
etiam per ministros suos se vindicat
in hao vita, id est, per ambas potes-
tates, scilicet, spiritualem et tempora-
lem, per quas utrumque jus regitur
et redditur humano generi . . . 128.
' Maxima in omnibus hominibus sunt
dona Dei, a suprema collata clementia,
id est, sacerdotium et imperium, illud
quidem divinis ministrans boo autem
humanis prsesidens ; ex uno eodemque
principio utraque procedentia, huma-
nam exornant vitam' (Novels, vi. 1,
Prof. ). Nec multo differunt ab attar-
utro sacerdotium et imperium; per
hoc autem datur intelligi duos gladios,
scilicet spiritualem et temporalem,
fuisse sufficientes humano generi juxta
verbum Domini. . . . Unde colligitur
ex hoc quod duo gladii in mensa domini
fuissent appositi, quod, cum sint ad
invicem diversi propter diversa official
diversos meruerunt habere ministros ;
ut alter esset qui dignos verbis percu-
tiret gladio, alter qui meritos ferri
puniret instrumento. Imperium enim
Deus de Ccelo constituit, imperium
autem semper est. . . . Imperatoribus
vero propter loci dignitatem re rum
summa commissa est. Sanctissimum
autem (senioris) Komi o Papam primum
esse omnium sacerdotum imperialia
constitutio sancivit. Patet igitur supra
dictis rationibus et constitutionibus
utramque potestatem et utrumque
gladium a Deo esse. . . . Patet igitur
manifeste quod potestas ordinatur a
Deo et ordinatores sive electores potes-
tatis a Deo sunt, quoniam ordinatio,
ut dictum est ab apostolo, a Deo est.
. . . Supradictse autem duse principales
potestatcs, scilicet Papa et Imperator,
tenentur se ad invicem diligere et
juvare et in omnibus honorare et
? ? revereri, cum sint, ut dictum est, ab
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? CHAP. TO. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
359
and independent; the two swords are distinct, and each
held by the appropriate minister. The two powers should
be helpful to each other, but neither should interfere in the
affairs of the other.
With these judgments we may compare the very
precise and explicit statement of Andrew of Isernia, the
commentator on the Constitutions of the kingdom of Naples.
His position is the more significant because he recognises
explicitly that the kingdom of Naples was a fief of the Church
of Eome. He refers indeed to the transference of the empire
by the Pope to the Germans, but he also dogmatically says
that the Pope has "nothing temporal " in the empire, except
what the emperor may grant to him. 1
It is clear that as far as the legal writers are concerned,
the conception that a general temporal authority belonged
to the Pope was emphatically repudiated. They held firmly
to the traditional and normal medieval doctrine, derived
from Pope Gelasius, that there were two distinct authorities,
each derived from Christ, and each supreme in its own sphere.
We have cited these writers as representing principles
which had a general application, though they were referring
primarily to the empire. We can now observe that the
principle of the independence of the temporal power is
specifically asserted with regard to several of the mediseval
States.
It is specially interesting to observe the manner in which
the subject is treated in the ' Assizes of Jerusalem,' with
respect, that is, to a State where we might naturally have
expected to find traces of a special recognition of the papal
authority; actually we find the very reverse. In one place
Jean d'Ibelin sets out the general constitutional principles
of the kingdom of Jerusalem, and says that in the kingdom
there are two chief lords, one spiritual, the other temporal:
1 Andreas de Isernia, ' Peregrina,' ha bet (Papa) nisi quantum imperator
i. (fol. 10): " Nam Papa transtulit aibi concedit. Sed regnum est feudum
imperium to tuna in Germ an os a ecclesise, qua ab imperio aditur,
Roman is. . . . In imperio nil temporale vacante imperio. "
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? 360 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
the Patriarch of Jerusalem is the spiritual lord, the King is
the temporal lord. 1 It has been suggested that the Bang of
Jerusalem owed some kind of temporal allegiance to the
patriarch, and that this is implied in the terms of the oath
to the patriarch which he swore at the time of his election ;
but this is a misconception : the oath which he took is not
one of fealty but of help and protection. 2
In another place Jean d'Ibelin says emphatically that the
King of Jerusalem holds his kingdom only of God. 3 In yet
another passage we find the authority of the temporal order
affirmed with a somewhat singular rigour; for Jean d'Ibelin
affirms that the law based on long usage was to be maintained
in preference to laws, or decrees, or decretals, that is, in
preference to Eo man or canon law. * The statement is im-
portant, for it is clearly inconsistent with the conception
that the law of the spiritual power was superior to, or could
over-ride the law of, the temporal power within the sphere
of the latter.
The same principle of the complete independence of the
temporal power is very emphatically asserted in the law-
books of Alfonso X. of Castile and Leon. The emperor, he
says, is the vicar of God in the empire to do justice in temporal
matters, as the Pope does in spiritual; and kings are the
vicars of God to maintain justice in the kingdom as the
emperor does in the empire. 5 And again, the emperor or king
1 ' Assizes of Jerusalem,' Jean d'Ibe-
lin, 260: "Il j a ou reiaume de
Jerusalem deus chiefs soignors, 1'un
espirituel, e l'autre temporel: le
Patriarche de Jerusalem est le seignor
espirituel et le rei dou reiaume de
Jerusalem le seignor temporel doudit
reiaume. " ?
>> Id. 7.
* Id. 6: " Le rei du reiaume de
Jerusalem ne tient son reiaume que de
Dieu. "
* Id. , iii. : " Car les Assises ne
pevent estre en pluisors choses proveee,
que par le lone usage, ou por ce que
Ton l'a veu faire et user come assise ;
e ce e maniere de lei, e deit estre et
est tenu au reiaume de Jerusalem et
en celui de Chipre, minus que leis ne
decree ne deoretalles. "
>> ' Siete Partidas,* 2, 1, 1 : " Et
otrosi dixieron los sabios que el em-
perador es vicario de Dios en el
imperio para facer justicia en lo
temporal, bien asi como lo es el
papa en los espiritual. "
Id. , 2, 1, 5: " Vicarios de Dios son
los rcyes cada uno en su regno puestos
sobre las gentes parra mantenerlas en
justicia et en verdad quanto en lo
temporal, bien asi como el emperador
en su imperio. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OP THE PAPACY.
361
can make laws for the people, and no other power can make
them in temporal matters except by his authority. 1 And
more explicitly still, in another place, Alfonso asserts that
he can make laws better than others who might have a
superior, while he, by the grace of God, had no superior in
temporal things. 2 This is peculiarly noticeable, for there
had been longstanding claims on the part of the papacy to
the lordship of Spain. 3 It is clear that Alfonso X. recognised
nothing of the kind, and we have not found any traces of the
recognition of a political authority of the popes in any of the
constitutional and legal documents of Castile or Leon in
the twelfth or thirteenth centuries.
With the position of France we shall deal more fully in
the next chapter, for the discussion of this belongs naturally
to the great conflict between Boniface VIII. and Philip the
Fair.
We may, however, here notice a few important passages
in the legal works of the thirteenth century, which belong
to the period before the final conflict broke out.
In the compilation which is called the ' Etablissements
de Saint Louis,' it is said that there is no one to whom appeal
can be made from the king's court, for the king holds of no
one but God and himself. * Beaumanoir deals with the
question of the "two swords" in terms which certainly
seem to imply that he did not recognise any claim on the
part of the Church to hold both. There are, he says, two
swords by which the people should be governed, the one
spiritual, the other temporal; the spiritual should be given
to the Church, the temporal to the princes. The spiritual is
more " cruel" than the temporal, for it concerns the soul;
those who hold it should be careful not to use it without
good cause, as in the case of excommunication, which, he
1 Id. , i. 1, 12 : " Emperador o rey
puede facer leyes sobrn las gentes de
su senorio, et otro ninguno non ha
poder de las facer en lo temporal,
fueras ende si las feciese con otor-
gamiento dellos. "
* * Especulo,' i. 1, 13 : " Mucho
mas las (leyes) podremos nos fazer
que por la merced de Dios non
avemos mayor sobre nos en el
temporal. "
" Cf. vol. iv. p. 301.
4 ' Etablissements de St Louis,' i. 83 :
'* Car ils ne troveroient qui los en feist
droit, car li rois ne tient de nului fors
de Dieu e de lui. "
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? 362 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
suggests, was used too lightly. The temporal sword is that
which executes lawful and corporal justice upon the evildoer.
When there is occasion, the one sword should help the other. 1
In another place he deals in some detail with this question
of the help which the temporal justice should render to the
spiritual, and the terms in which he does this are very signi-
ficant. He enumerates a number of cases which belong to
the Church courts, and among them he mentions questions
concerning testamentary dispositions ; if the executor refuses
to obey the commands of the Church, the secular justice is
to help the justice of the Church by seizing the property
and compelling the executor to carry out the testament.
But, he adds, the secular justice does this, not at the com-
mand of the justice of the Church, but on a supplication
from it, for in no case which concerns temporal justice is the
secular court obliged to obey the spiritual court, but only as
an act of grace. This grace, however, should not be refused by
the one court to the other, when it is asked for " benignement. '! 2
1 Beaumanoir, ' Les Coutumes de
Beauvaisis,' c. 46, sect. 147. 4 : " Deus
espe? es sont, par lesqueles tous li
pueples doit estre gouverne? s, espiri-
tuelment e temporehnent, car l'une
des espe? es doit etre espirituele et l'autre
temporele. L'espirituele doit estre
baillie a Sainte Eglise e la temporele,
as princes de terre . . . et pour ce que
l'espee espirituele est plus cruelus que
la temporele, pour ce que l'ame i
enquiurt, doivent il mout regarder,
cil qui l'ont en garde, qu'il n'en fierent
sans reson, si comme des escommenie-
mens qu'il font trop legerement. . . . "
1475 : " L'espee temporele si est
d'autre atempreure, car par li doit
estre fete droite justice sans delai, e
venjance prise des maufeteurs corpo-
relment. E quant une espee a mestier
de l'autre, eles s'entredoivent aidier,
sauf ce que l'espee espirituele ne se
doit entremetre de nule justice tem-
porale, dont nus puist perdre ne vie
ne membre ; mais especiaument l'espe? e
temporele doit tous jours estre apa-
rcilliee pour garder e defendre sainte
Eglise toutes les fois que mestiers en
est. "
* Id. id. , chap. xi. sect. 321 : " Et
quant il avient que li executeur ne
vuelent obe? ir au commandement de
Saint Eglise, anc? ois se laissent escom-
menier, en tel cas doit bien aidier
la justice laie a la justice de Sainte
Eglise, car li executeur doivent estre
contraint par la prise de leur biens
temporeus, a ce que li testamens soit
aemplis si comme il doit. Nepour-
quant la justice laie ne fet pas ceste
contrainte au commandement de la
justice de Sainte Eglise, mes a sa sup-
plicacion, car de nule riens qui touche
cas de justice temporel la justice laie
n'est tenue a obe? ir au commandement
de la justice espirituel, selono nostre
coustume, se n'est par grace. Mes
la grace ne doit pas estre refusee de
l'une justice a` l'autre, quant ele est
? ? requise benignement. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
363
It seems to be clear that Beaumanoir held that the two
powers were distinct and independent of each other, and
that the spiritual power had no authority over the temporal
with regard to temporal matters.
The same principles are clearly expressed with regard to
England by Bracton, and this is the more significant, for
John had accepted the position of a vassal of the Pope. In
one place he says that the king ought not to be under any
man, but only under God and the law--he is the vicar of God
and of Christ. 1 In another place he says, in terms very
similar to those of Beaumanoir, that there are spiritual
cases in which the secular judge has no authority, but
that there are also secular cases which belong to the
kings and princes in which the ecclesiastical judge must
not interfere, for their laws and jurisdiction are limited and
separated. Only, the one should help the other; there is
a great difference between the " sacerdotium" and the
" regnum. " 2
There is really no evidence that the claim that the papacy,
in virtue of its nature, possessed the supreme temporal
power would have been accepted by any of these countries ;
as far as they are concerned, the principles of Innocent IV.
and of Ptolemy of Lucca were evidently ignored.
The question of the conception of the relation of the spiritual
and temporal powers in the Empire is much more com-
plicated ; in the course of the great conflict between Pope
and Emperor men were drawn to one side or the other, not
1 Bracton, ' De Legibus,' i. 8, 5:
" Ipse autem rex non debet esse sub
nomine, sed sub Deo et sub Lege, quia
lex facit regem. . . . Et quod sub lege
esse debeat, cum sit Dei vicarius,
evidenter apparet ad similitudinem
Jesu Christi, cujus vices gerit in
terris. "
1 Id. id. , iii. 8, 6: " Sunt enim
causse spirituales, in quibus judex
secularis non ha bet cognitionem nec
executionem, cum non ha beat coer-
tionem. In his enim causis pertinet
oognitio ad judices ooclosiasticos qui
regunt et defendunt sacerdotium. Sunt
autem causse seculares quorum cognitio-
pertinet ad reges et principes qui
defendunt regnum, et de quibus judices
ecclesiastici se intromittere non debent,
cum eorum jura sive jurisdictiones-
limitatse sunt et separatae, nisi ita sit
quod gladius juvare debet gladium;
est enim magna differentia inter sacer-
dotium et regnum. "
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? 364 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
merely by general principles, but often by political and
personal considerations.
We may set out by examining the position of Eike von
Eepkow, the author of the ' Sachsenspiegel. ' He begins with
the statement that God established two swords for the pro-
tection of Christendom; the Pope has received the spiritual,
and the Emperor the earthly. The Emperor is to compel those
who resist the Pope to obey, and the Pope is to help the
earthly power if it needs this. 1 The author does not seem to
have any thought that the two swords both belong to the Pope.
It is true that in a later passage he says that Constantine
gave to the Pope secular " gewedde," but he does not explain
in what sense this is to be taken : he is careful to add that
the secular authority must support the spiritual, and the
reason he gives for this is noteworthy. The sentence of
excommunication does indeed affect man's soul, but not
his body, nor can it affect a man's legal rights (ne krenket
niemanne an lantrechte noch an lenrechte), these can only
be dealt with by the ban of the king. 2 We may compare
with this another passage where he says that while the Pope
has authority in dealing with the marriage law, he has no
power of making any laws which affect a man's " landrecht "
or "lenrecht. "3 Whatever he understood by the grant of
1 ' Sachsenspiegel,' i. 1: " Tvei svert
lit got in ertrike to bescermene de
Kristenheit. Deme pavese is gesat
dat geistlike, deme Keiser dat wartlike.
Deme pavese is ok gerat, to ridene
to bescedene tiet up eneme blanken
perde unde de Keiser sul ime den
stegerep halden, dur dat de sadel
nicht ne winde. Dit is de beteknisse,
svat deme pavese widersta, dat he
mit geislikeme rechte nicht gedvingen
ne mach, dat it de Keiser mit wert-
likem rechte deme pavese gehorsam
to wesene. So sal ok de geislike gewalt
helpen deme wertlikem rechte, of it is
bedarf. "
* Id. , iii. 63 (1): " Constantin de
koning gaf deme pavese Silvestre
weretlik gewedde to'me geistliken, di
sestich shillinge mede to dvingene alle
jene, di gode nicht beteren ne willen
mit deme live, dat man eie dar to
dvinge mit deme gude. Alalia sal
wertlik gerichte unde geistlik over en
dragen, svat so deme enen widerstat,
dat man't mit deme anderen dvinge
gehorsam to wesene unde rechtes to
plegene. (2) Ban scadet der sele unde
ne nimt doch niemanne den lif, noch
ne krenket niemanne an lantrechte
noch an lenrechte, dar ne volge des
koninges achte na. "
>> Id. , i. 33 : " De sibbe lent in dem
seveden erve to nemene, al hebbe de
paves georlovet wif to nemene in der
veften ; wende de paves ne mach nen
richt setten dar he unse lantrecht
oder lenrecht mede ergere. "
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? CHAP. V1I. J TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
365
Constantine to the Pope, it is clear that he did not understand
it as meaning that the Pope possessed secular jurisdiction,
or legislative authority in temporal matters. The most
important concession he makes to the papal authority in
the empire is that a man may not be elected as king if he is
excommunicated, and even this he qualifies, for he must
have been lawfully excommunicated. 1 We may conclude
that Eike von Eepkow shows no trace of the view that
the Pope possessed the supreme temporal power, or that
it was from him that the emperor or king derived his
power.
This is well brought out when we compare the 'Sach-
senspiegel' with the later composition which we know as the
' Schwabenspiegel. '2 This work, though founded in part
on the ' Sachsenspiegel,' represents quite another position.
It also begins with the statement that God, that is, Christ,
when he returned to heaven, left two swords in the world,
the one for spiritual judgment, the other for secular, but, the
compiler proceeds, he left both to Peter, and therefore the
Pope entrusts the one to the emperor, while he retains the
other in his own hands. 3 This is the position of those who
represent the extreme papalist position, for it represents
the temporal power as properly belonging to the Pope and as
entrusted by him to the secular power. It is true, on the other
hand, that the compiler restates the position of ' Sachsen-
spiegel,' that while the Pope has authority in questions of
marriage, he cannot make any law which interferes with
the " lantreht " or " lehenreht. " * The difference in the
tendencies of these two legal works serves as an illustration
1 Id. , iii. 64, 3 : " Lamen man noch
mesolsoken man, noch den die in des
paves ban mit rechte komen is,
den ne mut man nicht to koninge
kiesen. "
2 The 'Schwabenspiegel' belongs to
the later thirteenth century.
8 ' Schwabenspiegel,' i. 4: " Sit nu
got des Frides furste heizet, so liez
er zwei awert hie up ertriche, do er
ze Himel fur, ze schirme der Cristenheit.
Diu lech got Sante Peter beidiu, daz
eino mit geistlichem gerihte und daz
ander mit wereltliken gerihte. Das
wereltliche swert des gerihtes daz lihet
der Pabest dem Keiser, das geistliche
is dem Pabest gesezet, dass er da mit
rihte. "
* Id. , vi. 2 : " So en mac der Pabest
doch dehein reht gesez en damit er
unser lantreht oder lehenreht gekren-
ken miige. "
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? 366
[PABT II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
of the complex elements in the position of those who belonged
to the empire.
In a former chapter we have discussed the whole question
of the relation of Pope Innocent III. to the election of Philip
of Swabia, and of Otto IV. in the German Empire, and we must
not recapitulate what we said then. It is obvious that In-
nocent III. was determined to prevent the succession of
Philip, and that he claimed the right not to elect, but to
declare that a candidate for election was unfit for the office
of King of the Eomans. It is obvious also that this claim was
emphatically repudiated by the supporters of Philip. They
denounced the interference of the Papal See as a violation
of all tradition and order; indeed they went so far as to say
that while the election of the Pope had originally required
the imperial assent and the emperors had resigned their rights,
the papacy had never possessed any authority in the election
of the King of the Eomans. 1 It is clear, on the other hand,
that the supporters of Otto IV. asked for the " confirmation "
of his election by the Pope, and that Otto called himself
King of the Eomans by the grace of God and of the Pope; a
and, what is perhaps more remarkable, even Frederick II.
1 M. G. H. , ' Constitutiones,' vol. ii.
6, 3 i " In Romanorum enim electione
Pontificum hoc erat imperiali diade-
mati reservatum, ut eam Romanorum
imperatoris auctoritate non accommo-
date ullatenus fieri non lice ret. Im-
perialis vero munificentia, quse cultum
Dei semper ampliare studuit et ejus
ecclesiam privilegiorum specialitate de-
corare curavit, huno honoris titulum
Dei ecclesise reverenter remisit: quod
constitutio prim1 Henrici evidenter
explanat, cujus series sic est: * Ut
null us missorum nostrorum cujuscun-
que inpeditionis argumentum in elec-
tione Romani pontificis componere
audeat, omnino prohibemus. ' Si lai-
oalis aimplicitas bonum, quod de jure
habuit, reverenter contempsit, sane-
titas Pontificalia ad bonum, quod
nunquam habuit, quomodo manum
ponit. "
* Id. id. id. , 19 : " Paternitati ergo
vestre dignum supplicare duximus,
quatinus fidem et devotionem domini
nostri regis (i. e. , Otto) attendentes
. . . ipsius electionem et consecrationem
auctoritate vestra confirmare et im-
periali coronatione annuere paterna
pietate dignemini. "
Cf. 20 and 21.
Id. id. id. , 27: " Reverendo in
Christo Patri ao Domino, carissimo
domino Innocentio Dei gratia sancte
Romans sedis summo pontifici. Otto
eadem gratia et sua Romanorum rex
et semper Augustus debitam subjec-
tionem ac reverentiam cum filiali
dilectione. "
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? 356 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
ought to possess authority over all men, and that no one
has authority over him in temporal matters. 1 In his work
on the 'Code,' however, he discusses the relations of the Pope
and the emperor more precisely. If, he says, the question
were raised which is the greater, the Pope or the emperor,
it might be said that the emperor has a greater dignity, but,
on the other hand, it might be contended that the Pope is
greater than the emperor, for the confirmation of the emperor
belongs to him, and the emperor calls him father, while he
addresses the emperor as son. Odofridus himself would put
the matter in another way. There are two jurisdictions, the
spiritual and the temporal, the Pope is supreme in spiritual
matters, but the emperor in temporal; the Pope is there-
fore greater in the one, the emperor in the other. It is
true, however, that he admits that the Pope intervenes in any
matter when there is a question of sin, and he does this
also when the empire is vacant. 2 Odofridus seems clearly
to know, and does not contradict the claim of Innocent
III. as recorded in the Decretals, that he had jurisdiction
in all cases when sin could be alleged, and when the empire
was vacant, and that the Pope had the right to confirm
the emperor; but his general position is quite clear and
emphatic, the temporal and the spiritual jurisdictions are
1 Odofridus, * Commentary on Digest,'
Introduction, i. 1 : " (Imperator) quia
princops Romanorum vocatur Impera-
tor ; quia ipse est qui omnibus sub-
sistentibus sub sole debet posse im-
perare : et nemo sibi imperare potest
quantum ad temporalia. "
* Id. , ' Commentary on the Code,'
i. 1 (fol. 6, 3) : " Ex quo videtur si
quseratur, quis sit major, an Papa vel
Imperator, quod major sit Imperator
quam Papa, quia semper digniora sunt
proferenda. . . . Sed econtra videtur
quod Papa sit major quam Imperator,
cum confirmatio Imperatoris pertineat
ad eum. Item videtur quod Papa sit
major quam Imperator, quia vocat
eum Patrem, et Papa vocat eum
filium.
Sed nos in questione ista ita dice.
mus. Due sunt j urisdicti ones, spiritualis
et temporalis, in spiritualibus prseest
Papa, in temporalibus Imperator . . .
unde in spiritualibus est major Papa
. . . in temporalibus Imperator, quia
non ha bet cognoscere dominus Papa
inter me et Titium de rei ve, sed in
spiritualibus sic, ut de matrimonio.
Verum tamen dominus Papa rations
peccati intromittit se de omnibus ut
ex de judi . . . c. . . . novit ille, q. nihil
(Decretals, ii. 1, 13). Quod capitulum
loquitur de Rege Anglise et Francise.
Item vacante imperio, et ad hoc
fecit extra de foro eo. o. licet
(Decretals, ii. 2, 10) et hoo credo
etiam quod contingat ratione pec-
cati. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
357
distinct, and the emperor is supreme and greater than the
Pope in temporal matters.
The same position is represented by a Civilian contemporary
with Odofridus, Martin of Fano. He maintains that the
" sacerdotium " and the " imperium " have the same divine
origin, but their actions and duties and jurisdiction and
dignities are divided and distinct; the Pope is supreme lord
in spiritual and divine things, and the emperor in secular and
human ones; and he concludes by citing from Gratian the
words of Pope Gelasius on the separation of the two authorities
by Christ Himself. 1
Another Civilian, John of Viterbo, writing apparently Dot
earlier than the pontificate of Urban IV. (1261-64), sets out
a somewhat detailed discussion of the rationale and character
of the two authorities. It is natural, he says, that the
human race should be ruled by two systems of law and
by two authorities, for men are composed of spirit and
body and must be controlled by different means; but it
is God who rules men by both authorities, the spiritual
and the temporal. The greatest gifts of God to men are
the " sacerdotium " and the " imperium," the one ministering
in divine things, the other in human, but both proceeding
from the same source. These represent the two swords,
different from each other in their functions and held by
separate ministers. The "imperium" was established by
God Himself, and to the emperor is entrusted " rerum
summa"; the imperial constitution has sanctioned the
principle that the Pope of Eome should be the first of
1 Martin of Fano, ' De Brachio seu
Auxilio implorando per judicem eccle-
siasticum a judice seculari,' 18:
" Sciendum est igitur quod ab eodem
principio processerunt sacerdotium et
imperium a divina clementia. Illud
quidem domino ministrans. scilicet
sacerdotium, hoc autom humanis prse-
sidens, scilicet imperium, ac diligentiam
exhibens ex uno eodemque principio,
utraque prsecedentia humanam vitam
exornat: aunt igitur istorum duorum
Principum actus divisi et officia dis-
oreta, et jurisdictiones atque dignitates
eorum distinctrc. Et summus Pontifex
praest et est dominus in spiritualibus
et divinis, et Imperator prseest singu-
laribus (secularibus ? ) et humanis,
prout supra proximo dicitur, ut pro-
batur 10 dist. c. quoniam idem (Gratian,
'Decretum,' D. 10, 8) et 97 dist. c.
cum ad verum (Gratian, ' Decretum,"
D. 96, 6). "
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? 358 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PAET II.
all priests. All power is ordained by God, and the electors
derive their power from God. Thus the chief powers, that
is the Pope and the emperor, are bound to love and honour
and help each other in all things, since they both come
from the same source, that is, God; but each should be
content with his own province, and neither should interfere
in the affairs of the other without his permission. 1
The position of John of Viterbo is very clearly expressed.
The two authorities are derived from God, and are separate
1 Johannes Viterbiensis, ' De Regi.
mine Civitatum,' 127: " Non est
mirandum si humanum genus duobus
juribus et duabus potestatibus regitur
et gubernatur, scilicet divino et civili
et communi jure, et maxime genus
Christianorum ; quoniam hoc constat
ex spiritu et carnali corpora. Expe-
diebat enim facta carois compeseere
virtute legum, et spiritus gubernari
doctrina et virtute divina. . . . Retribuit
enim Deus et vindicat non solum tunc,
cum Christus dicturus est; ' Venite,
benedicti patris mei,' et cum dice! ,
* Ite, maledicti, etc,' et cum faciet eos
judices, ut supra dictum est; sed
etiam per ministros suos se vindicat
in hao vita, id est, per ambas potes-
tates, scilicet, spiritualem et tempora-
lem, per quas utrumque jus regitur
et redditur humano generi . . . 128.
' Maxima in omnibus hominibus sunt
dona Dei, a suprema collata clementia,
id est, sacerdotium et imperium, illud
quidem divinis ministrans boo autem
humanis prsesidens ; ex uno eodemque
principio utraque procedentia, huma-
nam exornant vitam' (Novels, vi. 1,
Prof. ). Nec multo differunt ab attar-
utro sacerdotium et imperium; per
hoc autem datur intelligi duos gladios,
scilicet spiritualem et temporalem,
fuisse sufficientes humano generi juxta
verbum Domini. . . . Unde colligitur
ex hoc quod duo gladii in mensa domini
fuissent appositi, quod, cum sint ad
invicem diversi propter diversa official
diversos meruerunt habere ministros ;
ut alter esset qui dignos verbis percu-
tiret gladio, alter qui meritos ferri
puniret instrumento. Imperium enim
Deus de Ccelo constituit, imperium
autem semper est. . . . Imperatoribus
vero propter loci dignitatem re rum
summa commissa est. Sanctissimum
autem (senioris) Komi o Papam primum
esse omnium sacerdotum imperialia
constitutio sancivit. Patet igitur supra
dictis rationibus et constitutionibus
utramque potestatem et utrumque
gladium a Deo esse. . . . Patet igitur
manifeste quod potestas ordinatur a
Deo et ordinatores sive electores potes-
tatis a Deo sunt, quoniam ordinatio,
ut dictum est ab apostolo, a Deo est.
. . . Supradictse autem duse principales
potestatcs, scilicet Papa et Imperator,
tenentur se ad invicem diligere et
juvare et in omnibus honorare et
? ? revereri, cum sint, ut dictum est, ab
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? CHAP. TO. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
359
and independent; the two swords are distinct, and each
held by the appropriate minister. The two powers should
be helpful to each other, but neither should interfere in the
affairs of the other.
With these judgments we may compare the very
precise and explicit statement of Andrew of Isernia, the
commentator on the Constitutions of the kingdom of Naples.
His position is the more significant because he recognises
explicitly that the kingdom of Naples was a fief of the Church
of Eome. He refers indeed to the transference of the empire
by the Pope to the Germans, but he also dogmatically says
that the Pope has "nothing temporal " in the empire, except
what the emperor may grant to him. 1
It is clear that as far as the legal writers are concerned,
the conception that a general temporal authority belonged
to the Pope was emphatically repudiated. They held firmly
to the traditional and normal medieval doctrine, derived
from Pope Gelasius, that there were two distinct authorities,
each derived from Christ, and each supreme in its own sphere.
We have cited these writers as representing principles
which had a general application, though they were referring
primarily to the empire. We can now observe that the
principle of the independence of the temporal power is
specifically asserted with regard to several of the mediseval
States.
It is specially interesting to observe the manner in which
the subject is treated in the ' Assizes of Jerusalem,' with
respect, that is, to a State where we might naturally have
expected to find traces of a special recognition of the papal
authority; actually we find the very reverse. In one place
Jean d'Ibelin sets out the general constitutional principles
of the kingdom of Jerusalem, and says that in the kingdom
there are two chief lords, one spiritual, the other temporal:
1 Andreas de Isernia, ' Peregrina,' ha bet (Papa) nisi quantum imperator
i. (fol. 10): " Nam Papa transtulit aibi concedit. Sed regnum est feudum
imperium to tuna in Germ an os a ecclesise, qua ab imperio aditur,
Roman is. . . . In imperio nil temporale vacante imperio. "
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? 360 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
the Patriarch of Jerusalem is the spiritual lord, the King is
the temporal lord. 1 It has been suggested that the Bang of
Jerusalem owed some kind of temporal allegiance to the
patriarch, and that this is implied in the terms of the oath
to the patriarch which he swore at the time of his election ;
but this is a misconception : the oath which he took is not
one of fealty but of help and protection. 2
In another place Jean d'Ibelin says emphatically that the
King of Jerusalem holds his kingdom only of God. 3 In yet
another passage we find the authority of the temporal order
affirmed with a somewhat singular rigour; for Jean d'Ibelin
affirms that the law based on long usage was to be maintained
in preference to laws, or decrees, or decretals, that is, in
preference to Eo man or canon law. * The statement is im-
portant, for it is clearly inconsistent with the conception
that the law of the spiritual power was superior to, or could
over-ride the law of, the temporal power within the sphere
of the latter.
The same principle of the complete independence of the
temporal power is very emphatically asserted in the law-
books of Alfonso X. of Castile and Leon. The emperor, he
says, is the vicar of God in the empire to do justice in temporal
matters, as the Pope does in spiritual; and kings are the
vicars of God to maintain justice in the kingdom as the
emperor does in the empire. 5 And again, the emperor or king
1 ' Assizes of Jerusalem,' Jean d'Ibe-
lin, 260: "Il j a ou reiaume de
Jerusalem deus chiefs soignors, 1'un
espirituel, e l'autre temporel: le
Patriarche de Jerusalem est le seignor
espirituel et le rei dou reiaume de
Jerusalem le seignor temporel doudit
reiaume. " ?
>> Id. 7.
* Id. 6: " Le rei du reiaume de
Jerusalem ne tient son reiaume que de
Dieu. "
* Id. , iii. : " Car les Assises ne
pevent estre en pluisors choses proveee,
que par le lone usage, ou por ce que
Ton l'a veu faire et user come assise ;
e ce e maniere de lei, e deit estre et
est tenu au reiaume de Jerusalem et
en celui de Chipre, minus que leis ne
decree ne deoretalles. "
>> ' Siete Partidas,* 2, 1, 1 : " Et
otrosi dixieron los sabios que el em-
perador es vicario de Dios en el
imperio para facer justicia en lo
temporal, bien asi como lo es el
papa en los espiritual. "
Id. , 2, 1, 5: " Vicarios de Dios son
los rcyes cada uno en su regno puestos
sobre las gentes parra mantenerlas en
justicia et en verdad quanto en lo
temporal, bien asi como el emperador
en su imperio. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OP THE PAPACY.
361
can make laws for the people, and no other power can make
them in temporal matters except by his authority. 1 And
more explicitly still, in another place, Alfonso asserts that
he can make laws better than others who might have a
superior, while he, by the grace of God, had no superior in
temporal things. 2 This is peculiarly noticeable, for there
had been longstanding claims on the part of the papacy to
the lordship of Spain. 3 It is clear that Alfonso X. recognised
nothing of the kind, and we have not found any traces of the
recognition of a political authority of the popes in any of the
constitutional and legal documents of Castile or Leon in
the twelfth or thirteenth centuries.
With the position of France we shall deal more fully in
the next chapter, for the discussion of this belongs naturally
to the great conflict between Boniface VIII. and Philip the
Fair.
We may, however, here notice a few important passages
in the legal works of the thirteenth century, which belong
to the period before the final conflict broke out.
In the compilation which is called the ' Etablissements
de Saint Louis,' it is said that there is no one to whom appeal
can be made from the king's court, for the king holds of no
one but God and himself. * Beaumanoir deals with the
question of the "two swords" in terms which certainly
seem to imply that he did not recognise any claim on the
part of the Church to hold both. There are, he says, two
swords by which the people should be governed, the one
spiritual, the other temporal; the spiritual should be given
to the Church, the temporal to the princes. The spiritual is
more " cruel" than the temporal, for it concerns the soul;
those who hold it should be careful not to use it without
good cause, as in the case of excommunication, which, he
1 Id. , i. 1, 12 : " Emperador o rey
puede facer leyes sobrn las gentes de
su senorio, et otro ninguno non ha
poder de las facer en lo temporal,
fueras ende si las feciese con otor-
gamiento dellos. "
* * Especulo,' i. 1, 13 : " Mucho
mas las (leyes) podremos nos fazer
que por la merced de Dios non
avemos mayor sobre nos en el
temporal. "
" Cf. vol. iv. p. 301.
4 ' Etablissements de St Louis,' i. 83 :
'* Car ils ne troveroient qui los en feist
droit, car li rois ne tient de nului fors
de Dieu e de lui. "
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? 362 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
suggests, was used too lightly. The temporal sword is that
which executes lawful and corporal justice upon the evildoer.
When there is occasion, the one sword should help the other. 1
In another place he deals in some detail with this question
of the help which the temporal justice should render to the
spiritual, and the terms in which he does this are very signi-
ficant. He enumerates a number of cases which belong to
the Church courts, and among them he mentions questions
concerning testamentary dispositions ; if the executor refuses
to obey the commands of the Church, the secular justice is
to help the justice of the Church by seizing the property
and compelling the executor to carry out the testament.
But, he adds, the secular justice does this, not at the com-
mand of the justice of the Church, but on a supplication
from it, for in no case which concerns temporal justice is the
secular court obliged to obey the spiritual court, but only as
an act of grace. This grace, however, should not be refused by
the one court to the other, when it is asked for " benignement. '! 2
1 Beaumanoir, ' Les Coutumes de
Beauvaisis,' c. 46, sect. 147. 4 : " Deus
espe? es sont, par lesqueles tous li
pueples doit estre gouverne? s, espiri-
tuelment e temporehnent, car l'une
des espe? es doit etre espirituele et l'autre
temporele. L'espirituele doit estre
baillie a Sainte Eglise e la temporele,
as princes de terre . . . et pour ce que
l'espee espirituele est plus cruelus que
la temporele, pour ce que l'ame i
enquiurt, doivent il mout regarder,
cil qui l'ont en garde, qu'il n'en fierent
sans reson, si comme des escommenie-
mens qu'il font trop legerement. . . . "
1475 : " L'espee temporele si est
d'autre atempreure, car par li doit
estre fete droite justice sans delai, e
venjance prise des maufeteurs corpo-
relment. E quant une espee a mestier
de l'autre, eles s'entredoivent aidier,
sauf ce que l'espee espirituele ne se
doit entremetre de nule justice tem-
porale, dont nus puist perdre ne vie
ne membre ; mais especiaument l'espe? e
temporele doit tous jours estre apa-
rcilliee pour garder e defendre sainte
Eglise toutes les fois que mestiers en
est. "
* Id. id. , chap. xi. sect. 321 : " Et
quant il avient que li executeur ne
vuelent obe? ir au commandement de
Saint Eglise, anc? ois se laissent escom-
menier, en tel cas doit bien aidier
la justice laie a la justice de Sainte
Eglise, car li executeur doivent estre
contraint par la prise de leur biens
temporeus, a ce que li testamens soit
aemplis si comme il doit. Nepour-
quant la justice laie ne fet pas ceste
contrainte au commandement de la
justice de Sainte Eglise, mes a sa sup-
plicacion, car de nule riens qui touche
cas de justice temporel la justice laie
n'est tenue a obe? ir au commandement
de la justice espirituel, selono nostre
coustume, se n'est par grace. Mes
la grace ne doit pas estre refusee de
l'une justice a` l'autre, quant ele est
? ? requise benignement. "
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? CHAP. VII. ] TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
363
It seems to be clear that Beaumanoir held that the two
powers were distinct and independent of each other, and
that the spiritual power had no authority over the temporal
with regard to temporal matters.
The same principles are clearly expressed with regard to
England by Bracton, and this is the more significant, for
John had accepted the position of a vassal of the Pope. In
one place he says that the king ought not to be under any
man, but only under God and the law--he is the vicar of God
and of Christ. 1 In another place he says, in terms very
similar to those of Beaumanoir, that there are spiritual
cases in which the secular judge has no authority, but
that there are also secular cases which belong to the
kings and princes in which the ecclesiastical judge must
not interfere, for their laws and jurisdiction are limited and
separated. Only, the one should help the other; there is
a great difference between the " sacerdotium" and the
" regnum. " 2
There is really no evidence that the claim that the papacy,
in virtue of its nature, possessed the supreme temporal
power would have been accepted by any of these countries ;
as far as they are concerned, the principles of Innocent IV.
and of Ptolemy of Lucca were evidently ignored.
The question of the conception of the relation of the spiritual
and temporal powers in the Empire is much more com-
plicated ; in the course of the great conflict between Pope
and Emperor men were drawn to one side or the other, not
1 Bracton, ' De Legibus,' i. 8, 5:
" Ipse autem rex non debet esse sub
nomine, sed sub Deo et sub Lege, quia
lex facit regem. . . . Et quod sub lege
esse debeat, cum sit Dei vicarius,
evidenter apparet ad similitudinem
Jesu Christi, cujus vices gerit in
terris. "
1 Id. id. , iii. 8, 6: " Sunt enim
causse spirituales, in quibus judex
secularis non ha bet cognitionem nec
executionem, cum non ha beat coer-
tionem. In his enim causis pertinet
oognitio ad judices ooclosiasticos qui
regunt et defendunt sacerdotium. Sunt
autem causse seculares quorum cognitio-
pertinet ad reges et principes qui
defendunt regnum, et de quibus judices
ecclesiastici se intromittere non debent,
cum eorum jura sive jurisdictiones-
limitatse sunt et separatae, nisi ita sit
quod gladius juvare debet gladium;
est enim magna differentia inter sacer-
dotium et regnum. "
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? 364 TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS. [PABT II.
merely by general principles, but often by political and
personal considerations.
We may set out by examining the position of Eike von
Eepkow, the author of the ' Sachsenspiegel. ' He begins with
the statement that God established two swords for the pro-
tection of Christendom; the Pope has received the spiritual,
and the Emperor the earthly. The Emperor is to compel those
who resist the Pope to obey, and the Pope is to help the
earthly power if it needs this. 1 The author does not seem to
have any thought that the two swords both belong to the Pope.
It is true that in a later passage he says that Constantine
gave to the Pope secular " gewedde," but he does not explain
in what sense this is to be taken : he is careful to add that
the secular authority must support the spiritual, and the
reason he gives for this is noteworthy. The sentence of
excommunication does indeed affect man's soul, but not
his body, nor can it affect a man's legal rights (ne krenket
niemanne an lantrechte noch an lenrechte), these can only
be dealt with by the ban of the king. 2 We may compare
with this another passage where he says that while the Pope
has authority in dealing with the marriage law, he has no
power of making any laws which affect a man's " landrecht "
or "lenrecht. "3 Whatever he understood by the grant of
1 ' Sachsenspiegel,' i. 1: " Tvei svert
lit got in ertrike to bescermene de
Kristenheit. Deme pavese is gesat
dat geistlike, deme Keiser dat wartlike.
Deme pavese is ok gerat, to ridene
to bescedene tiet up eneme blanken
perde unde de Keiser sul ime den
stegerep halden, dur dat de sadel
nicht ne winde. Dit is de beteknisse,
svat deme pavese widersta, dat he
mit geislikeme rechte nicht gedvingen
ne mach, dat it de Keiser mit wert-
likem rechte deme pavese gehorsam
to wesene. So sal ok de geislike gewalt
helpen deme wertlikem rechte, of it is
bedarf. "
* Id. , iii. 63 (1): " Constantin de
koning gaf deme pavese Silvestre
weretlik gewedde to'me geistliken, di
sestich shillinge mede to dvingene alle
jene, di gode nicht beteren ne willen
mit deme live, dat man eie dar to
dvinge mit deme gude. Alalia sal
wertlik gerichte unde geistlik over en
dragen, svat so deme enen widerstat,
dat man't mit deme anderen dvinge
gehorsam to wesene unde rechtes to
plegene. (2) Ban scadet der sele unde
ne nimt doch niemanne den lif, noch
ne krenket niemanne an lantrechte
noch an lenrechte, dar ne volge des
koninges achte na. "
>> Id. , i. 33 : " De sibbe lent in dem
seveden erve to nemene, al hebbe de
paves georlovet wif to nemene in der
veften ; wende de paves ne mach nen
richt setten dar he unse lantrecht
oder lenrecht mede ergere. "
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? CHAP. V1I. J TEMPORAL POWER OF THE PAPACY.
365
Constantine to the Pope, it is clear that he did not understand
it as meaning that the Pope possessed secular jurisdiction,
or legislative authority in temporal matters. The most
important concession he makes to the papal authority in
the empire is that a man may not be elected as king if he is
excommunicated, and even this he qualifies, for he must
have been lawfully excommunicated. 1 We may conclude
that Eike von Eepkow shows no trace of the view that
the Pope possessed the supreme temporal power, or that
it was from him that the emperor or king derived his
power.
This is well brought out when we compare the 'Sach-
senspiegel' with the later composition which we know as the
' Schwabenspiegel. '2 This work, though founded in part
on the ' Sachsenspiegel,' represents quite another position.
It also begins with the statement that God, that is, Christ,
when he returned to heaven, left two swords in the world,
the one for spiritual judgment, the other for secular, but, the
compiler proceeds, he left both to Peter, and therefore the
Pope entrusts the one to the emperor, while he retains the
other in his own hands. 3 This is the position of those who
represent the extreme papalist position, for it represents
the temporal power as properly belonging to the Pope and as
entrusted by him to the secular power. It is true, on the other
hand, that the compiler restates the position of ' Sachsen-
spiegel,' that while the Pope has authority in questions of
marriage, he cannot make any law which interferes with
the " lantreht " or " lehenreht. " * The difference in the
tendencies of these two legal works serves as an illustration
1 Id. , iii. 64, 3 : " Lamen man noch
mesolsoken man, noch den die in des
paves ban mit rechte komen is,
den ne mut man nicht to koninge
kiesen. "
2 The 'Schwabenspiegel' belongs to
the later thirteenth century.
8 ' Schwabenspiegel,' i. 4: " Sit nu
got des Frides furste heizet, so liez
er zwei awert hie up ertriche, do er
ze Himel fur, ze schirme der Cristenheit.
Diu lech got Sante Peter beidiu, daz
eino mit geistlichem gerihte und daz
ander mit wereltliken gerihte. Das
wereltliche swert des gerihtes daz lihet
der Pabest dem Keiser, das geistliche
is dem Pabest gesezet, dass er da mit
rihte. "
* Id. , vi. 2 : " So en mac der Pabest
doch dehein reht gesez en damit er
unser lantreht oder lehenreht gekren-
ken miige. "
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? 366
[PABT II.
TEMPORAL AND SPIRITUAL POWERS.
of the complex elements in the position of those who belonged
to the empire.
In a former chapter we have discussed the whole question
of the relation of Pope Innocent III. to the election of Philip
of Swabia, and of Otto IV. in the German Empire, and we must
not recapitulate what we said then. It is obvious that In-
nocent III. was determined to prevent the succession of
Philip, and that he claimed the right not to elect, but to
declare that a candidate for election was unfit for the office
of King of the Eomans. It is obvious also that this claim was
emphatically repudiated by the supporters of Philip. They
denounced the interference of the Papal See as a violation
of all tradition and order; indeed they went so far as to say
that while the election of the Pope had originally required
the imperial assent and the emperors had resigned their rights,
the papacy had never possessed any authority in the election
of the King of the Eomans. 1 It is clear, on the other hand,
that the supporters of Otto IV. asked for the " confirmation "
of his election by the Pope, and that Otto called himself
King of the Eomans by the grace of God and of the Pope; a
and, what is perhaps more remarkable, even Frederick II.
1 M. G. H. , ' Constitutiones,' vol. ii.
6, 3 i " In Romanorum enim electione
Pontificum hoc erat imperiali diade-
mati reservatum, ut eam Romanorum
imperatoris auctoritate non accommo-
date ullatenus fieri non lice ret. Im-
perialis vero munificentia, quse cultum
Dei semper ampliare studuit et ejus
ecclesiam privilegiorum specialitate de-
corare curavit, huno honoris titulum
Dei ecclesise reverenter remisit: quod
constitutio prim1 Henrici evidenter
explanat, cujus series sic est: * Ut
null us missorum nostrorum cujuscun-
que inpeditionis argumentum in elec-
tione Romani pontificis componere
audeat, omnino prohibemus. ' Si lai-
oalis aimplicitas bonum, quod de jure
habuit, reverenter contempsit, sane-
titas Pontificalia ad bonum, quod
nunquam habuit, quomodo manum
ponit. "
* Id. id. id. , 19 : " Paternitati ergo
vestre dignum supplicare duximus,
quatinus fidem et devotionem domini
nostri regis (i. e. , Otto) attendentes
. . . ipsius electionem et consecrationem
auctoritate vestra confirmare et im-
periali coronatione annuere paterna
pietate dignemini. "
Cf. 20 and 21.
Id. id. id. , 27: " Reverendo in
Christo Patri ao Domino, carissimo
domino Innocentio Dei gratia sancte
Romans sedis summo pontifici. Otto
eadem gratia et sua Romanorum rex
et semper Augustus debitam subjec-
tionem ac reverentiam cum filiali
dilectione. "
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