)
arguments by which they are supported are palpa-
Although each of these five books is complete bly unsatisfactory and illogical, resolving them-
within itself and independent of the rest, yei we selves into a juggle with words, or into induction
feel iuclined to adopt the hypothesis of Olivet, that resting upon one or two particular cases.
arguments by which they are supported are palpa-
Although each of these five books is complete bly unsatisfactory and illogical, resolving them-
within itself and independent of the rest, yei we selves into a juggle with words, or into induction
feel iuclined to adopt the hypothesis of Olivet, that resting upon one or two particular cases.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - a
Laelius begins by a panegyric on his
friend. Then, at the request of the young men,
1. Academicorum Libri II.
he explains his own sentiments with regard to the The history of this work before it finally quitted
origin, nature, limits, and value of friendship; the hands of its author is exceedingly curious and
traces its connexion with the higher moral virtues, somewhat obscure, but must be clearly understood
and lays down the rules which ought to be ob- I before we can explain the relative position of those
## p. 734 (#754) ############################################
734
CICERO.
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portions of it which have been transmitted to mo narrative of the rise and progress of the Academic
dern times. By comparing carefully a series of Philosophy, to point out the various modifications
letters written to Atticus in the course of B. c. 45 introduced by successive professors, and to demon-
(ad Att. xiii. 32, 12-14, 16, 18, 19, 21-23, 25, 35, strate the superiority of the principles of the New
44), we find that Cicero had drawn up a treatise | Academy, as taught by Philo, over those of the
upon the Academic Philosophy in the form of a Old Academy, as advocated by Antiochus of Asca-
dialogue between Catulus, Lucullus, and Horten- lon. It is manifestly impossible, under existing
sius, and that it was comprised in two books, the circumstances, to determine with certainty the
first bearing the name of Catulus, the second that amount of difference between the two editions.
of Lucullus. A copy was sent to Atticus, and That there was a considerable difference is cerunin,
soon after it had reached him, two new introduc- for, although Cicero was in the first instance in-
tions were composed, the one in praise of Catulus, duced to depart from his plan merely because he
the other in praise of Lucullus. Scarcely had this considered the topics discussed out of keeping with
been done, when Cicero, from a conviction that the character of the individuals who were repre-
Catulus, Lucullus, and Hortensius, although men sented as discussing them, still the division of the
of highly cultivated minds, and well acquainted two books into four necessarily implies some im-
with general literature, were known to have been portant change in the arrangement if not in the
little conversant with the subtle arguments of ab- substance of the subject matter. We are, moreover,
struse philosophy, determined to withdraw them expressly informed, that many things were omitted,
altogether, and accordingly substituted Cato and and that the four books of the second edition, al-
Brutus in their place. (Ad. Att. xiii. 16. ) Imme- though more concise than the two of the first,
diately after this change had been introduced, he were at the same time better and more brilliant
received a communication from Atticus represent (splendidiora, breviora, meliora). It is probable
ing that Varro was much offended by being passed that the first book of the first edition, after giving
over in the discussion of topics in which he was a sketch of the leading principles of the different
deeply versed. Thereupon, Cicero, catching eagerly branches of the Academy as they grew out of each
at the idea thus suggested, resolved to recast the other in succession, was occupied with a detailed
whole piece, and quickly produced, under the old investigation of the speculations of Carneades, just
title, a new and highly improved edition, divided as those of Philo, which were adopted to a certain
into four books instead of two, dedicating the whole extent by Cicero himself, form the leading theme
to Varro, to whom was assigned the task of de of the second. What remains of the first book of
fending the tenets of Antiochus of Ascalon, while the second edition enables us to discover that it
the author himself undertook to support the views was devoted to the history of Academic opinions
of Philo, Atticus also taking a share in the con- from the time of Socrates and Plato, who were re-
versation. But although these alterations were garded as the fathers of the sect, down to Antiochus,
effected with great rapidity, the copy originally from whom Cicero himself had in his youth received
sent to Atticus had in the meantime been repeat- instruction while residing at Athens. The second
edly transcribed : hence both editions passed into book may have been set apart for an inquiry into
circulation, and a part of each has been preserved. the theories of Arcesilas, who, although the real
One section, containing 12 chapters, is a short founder of the New Academy, appears to have
fragment of the first book of the second or Varro been alluded to in the former edition only in an
nian edition ; the other, containing 49 chapters, is incidental and cursory manner; while the third
the entire second book of the first edition, to which and fourth books would embrace the full and clear
is prefixed the new introduction noticed above (ad development and illustration of his pregnant though
Att
. xiii. 32), together with the proper title of obscure doctrines, as explained in the eloquent dis-
Lucullus. Thus it appears that the first book of quisitions of Carneades and Philo. Such is the
the first edition has been altogether lost, and the opinion of Goerenz, and although it does not ad-
whole of the second edition, with the exception of mit of strict proof, yet it is highly plausible in it-
the fragment of the first book already mentioned self, and is fully corroborated by the hints and
and a few scraps quoted by Lactantius, Augustin, indications which appear in those portions of the
and the grammarians. Upon examining the dates dialogue now extant.
of the letters referred to, it will be seen that the The scene of the Catulus was the villa of that
first edition bad been despatched to Atticus about statesman at Cumae, while the Lucullus is supposed
the middle of June, for the new introductions were to have been held at the mansion of Hortensius
written by the 27th (ad Att. xiii. 32); that the near Bauli. The dialogues of the second edition
second edition, which is spoken of with great com- commence at the Cumanum of Varro; but, as we
placency—“Libri quidem ita exierunt (nisi forte learn from a fragment of the third book quoted by
me communis pilavtía decipit), ut in tali genere Nonius Marcellus, the parties repaired during the
ne apud Graecos quidem simile quidquam” course of the conference to the shores of the Lu-
fully completed towards the close of July (ad Att. crine lake.
xiii. 15), a few days before the last touches had The Editio Princeps is included in the collection
been given to the De Finibus (xiii. 19); and that of Cicero's philosophical works printed in 2 vols.
it was actually in the possession of Varro before fol. by Sweynheym and Pannarız, Rome, 1471,
the ides of August. (xiii. 35, 44. ) Goerenz has see above, p. 719, b. The edition of Davis, Camb.
taken greai pains to prove that these books were 8vo. 1725, was frequently reprinted, and for a long
published under the title of Academica, and that period remained the standard, but is now super-
the appellation Academicae Quaestiones, or Acade- seded by those of Goerenz, Leipzig, 8vo. 1810,
micae Disputationes, by which they are frequently forming the first volume of his edition of the philom
distinguished, are without authority and altogether sophical works of Cicero; and of Orelli, Zurich,
inappropriate.
8vo. 1827
The object proposed was, to give an accurate
--was
## p. 735 (#755) ############################################
CICERO.
735
CICERO.
tetics ; that the differences were merely verbal, and
2. De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum Libri V.
that Zeno had no excuse for breaking off from
A series of dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in Plato and Aristotle, and establishing a new school,
which the opinions of the Grecian schools, especi- which presented the same truths in a worse form.
ally of the Epicurcans, the Stoics, and the Peripa- These assertions are vigorously combated by Cato,
tetics, on the Supreme Good, that is, the finis, who argues, that the principles of his sect were
object, or end, towards which all our thoughts, essentially distinct, and descants with great energy
desires, and actions are or ought to be directed, - on the superior purity and majesty of their ideas
the kernel, as it were, of practical wisdom,—are concerning the Supreme Good; in reply to which
expounded, compared, and discussed. The style Cicero, in the fourth book, employs the weapons
is throughout perspicuous and highly polished, the with which the New Academy attacked the Stoics.
doctrines of the different sects are stated with ac- The second discourse is supposed to have been
curate impartiality according to the representations held in B. C. 52, for we find a reference (iv. 1) to
contained in accredited authorities ; but, from the the famous provision for limiting the length of
abstruse nature of many of the points investigated, speeches at the bar contained in a law passed by
and the subtilty of the arguments by which the Pompey against bribery in his second consulship,
different positions are defended, this treatise must an enactment here spoken of as having recently
be regarded as the most difficult, while it is the come into force. This was the year also in which
most perfect and finished, of all the philosophical L. Lucullus the elder died and left his son under
performances of Cicero.
the guardianship of Cato.
These conversations are not supposed to have In the fifth book we are carried back to B. c. 79
been all held at the same period, nor in the same and transported from Italy to Athens, where Ci-
place, nor between the same parties. They agree cero was at that time prosecuting his studies. (Sec
in this, that, after the fashion of Aristotle (ud Att. above, p. 709,b. ) The dramatis personae are Cicero
xiii. 19), the author throughout assumes the most himself, his brother Quintus, his cousin Lucius,
prominent place, and that the rest of the actors, Pomponius Atticus, and M. Pupius Piso. These
at least those to whom important parts are as- friends having met in the Academia, the genius of
signed, were dead at the time of publication--a the place calls up the recollection of the mighty
precaution taken to avoid giving umbrage to living spirits who had once trod that holy ground, and
men by exciting jealousy in reference to the cha- Piso, at the request of his companion, enters into a
racters which they are respectively represented as full exposition of the precepts inculcated by Aris-
supporting (anaotúintov, id före putaram, ad totle and his successors on the Summum Bonum,
Att. l. c. ), but the time, the scene, and the per- the whole being wound up by a statement on the
formers are twice changed. In the third and fourth part of Cicero of the objections of the Stoics, and a
books they are different from those in the first and reply from Piso. The reason which induced Cicero
second, and in the fifth from those in any of the to carry this last dialogue back to his youthful
preceding
days was the difficulty he experienced in finding a
The first book opens with an apology for the fitting advocate for the Peripatetic doctrines, which
study of philosophy; after which Cicero relates, bad made but little progress among his country-
for the information of Brutus, a debate which took men. M. Brutus and Terentius Varro were both
place at his Cumanum, in the presence of C. Vale- alive, and therefore excluded by his plan ; L. Lu-
rius Triarius, between Cicero himself and L. Man-cullus, although dead, was not of sufficient weight
lius Torquatus, who is represented as being praetor to be introduced with propriety on such an occa-
elect and just about to enter upon his officema sion; Piso alone remained, but in consequence of
circumstance which fixes this imaginary colloquy the quarrel between Cicero and himself arising out
to the close of the year B. c. 50, a date agreeing of his support of Clodius, it was necessary to choose
perfectly with the allusion (ii. 18) to the excessive an epoch when their friendship was as yet unsha-
power then wielded by Pompey. Cicero, being ken. (See Goerenz, introd. xix. ) It will be ob-
challenged by Torquatus to state his objections to served that throughout, the author abstains entirely
the discipline of Epicurus, briefly impugns in ge- from pronouncing any judgment of his own. The
neral terms his system of physics, his imperfect opinions of the Epicureans are first distinctly ex-
logic, and, above all, the dogma that the Supreme plained, then follows the refutation by the Stoics ;
Good is Pleasure, and the Supreme Evil, Pain. the opinions of the Stoics are next explained, then
This elicits from Torquatus a lengthened explana- follows the refutation by the New Academy; in
tion of the sentiments really entertained by Epi- the third place, the opinions of the Peripatetics are
curus and the worthiest of his followers respecting explained, then follows the refutation by the Stoics.
room, sentiments which he contends had been in setting forth the opinions of Epicurus, in addi-
misunderstood and misrepresented, but whose truth tion to the writings of that sage enumerated by
he undertakes to demonstrate in a series of propo- Diogenes Laërtius, much use seems to have been
sitions; in opposition to which Cicero, in the se- made of his epistle to Menoeceus and his tepi
cond book, sets in array the reasonings by which kupiv dośw, and not unfrequently the very words
the Stoics assailed the whole system. In the of the original Greek have been literally translated;
third book we find ourselves in the library of while the lectures of Phaedrus and Zeno ( see above,
young Lucullus in his Tusculan villa, to which p. 709) would supply accurate information as to
Cicero had repaired for the purpose of consulting a the changes and additions introduced by the suc-
work of Aristotle, and there meets Cato, immersed cessive disciples of the Garden after the death of
in study and surrounded by the books of the Stoics. their master. The Stoical refutation of Epicurus,
In this way a controversy arises, in which Cicero in book second, was probably derived from Chry
maintains, that there was no real discordance be- sippus nepl Toù Kaloû kal tñs soovñs and from the
Iween the ethics of the Porch and those previously writings and oral communications of Posidonius
promulgated by the Old Academy and the Peripa- | [see above, p. 709,b. ); the Stoical doctrines in book
## p. 736 (#756) ############################################
736
CICERO.
CICERO.
third were taken from Zeno, from Diogenes, and numerous circle of friends and visitors by whom he
from Chrysippus tepl Tedwv; the refutation of the was surrounded, to propose some subject for demate
Stoics in book fourth probably proceeds from Car- which he then proceeded to examine as he sat or
neades. The Peripatetical doctrines in book fifth walked about. These exercises were continued for
are from Aristotle and Theophrastus, as explained five days, a new topic being started and exhausted
and enlarged by Antiochus of Ascalon; while the at each successive conference. There is an utter
Stoical objections are in all probability due to Dio- want of dramatic effect in this collection of dialo
dotus (see above p. 709, a. ], who, we are told else- gues, for the antagonist is throughout anonymous,
where, was strongly opposed to Antiochus. (Acad. and is not invested with any life or individuality,
ii. 36. )
but is a sort of a man of straw who brings forward
In determining the precise date at which the a succession of propositions which are bowled down
work before us was completed and published, we by Cicero as fast as they are set up. This person-
cannot agree with Goerenz, that the expression age is usually designated in MSS. by the letter A,
“ duo magna ouvrayuata absolvi” (ad Att. xii. and editors have amused themselves by quarrelling
45, Ilth June, B. c. 45) can with certainty be about the import of the symbol which they have
made to comprehend both the De Finibus and the variously interpreted to mean Atticus, Adolescens,
Academica. No distinct notice of the former oc- | Auditor, and so forth. There is little room for
curs until the 27th of June, when, in a letter to doubt as to the period when this work was actually
Atticus, (xiii. 32,) we find “Torquatus Romae est. composed, since it abounds in allusions to historical
Misi ut tibi daretur," where Torquatus denotes events and to former treatises which enable us,
the first book. On the 24th of July (ad Att. when taken in connexion with other circuinstances,
xiii. 12), the treatise is spoken of as finished. to determine the question within very narrow limits.
“ Nunc illam nep? Telv oúvtativ, sane mihi pro Thus, in the eleventh chapter of the fifth book, we
batam, Bruto, ut tibi placuit, despondimus. " Again, have a reference to the De Finibus which was not
on the 30th of the same month, “ Ita confeci quin- published until the month of August, B. C. 45,
que libros repl tenúv, ut Epicurea L. Torquato, while the dissertations before us were familiarly
Stoica M. Catoni, Tepinatitirá M. Pisoni darem. known before the middle of May in the following
'Αζηλοτύπητον id fore putaram, quod omnes illi year (ad Atl. xv. 24), and must consequently bave
decesserant" (ad Att. xiii. 19); and we learn from been given to the world early in B. C. 44, since the
an epistle, despatched only two days afterwards task appears to have been undertaken just at the
(ad Att. xiii. 21, comp. 22), that it had been for time when the Academica were completed (ad Athe
some time in the hands of Atticus, through whom xiii. 32). Schütz (Proleg. ) has satisfactorily proved
Balbus had obtained a copy of the fifth book, while that Tusculanae Disputationes is the true title, and
the widow Caerellia, in her philosophic zeal, had not Tusculanae Quaestiones as a few MSS. bave it.
contrived by some means to get possession of the The first book treats of the wisdom of despising
whole. Cicero complains of this for two reasons ; death which, it is maintained, cannot be considered
first, because it was but fitting that since the work as an evil either to the living or to the dead, whether
was dedicated to Brutus it should be presented to the soul be mortal or immortal. This leads to an
him before it became trite and stale, and in the se investigation of the real nature of death, and a re-
cond place, because he had made some changes in view of the opinions entertained by different philo-
the last book ; which he was desirous to insert be- sophers with regard to the soul. The arguments
fore finally dismissing it from his hands. It is not for its immortality are derived chiefly from the
unlikely that the formal presentation to Brutus took writings of the Stoics and of Plato, especially from
place about the middle of August, when he paid a the Phaedon.
visit to Cicero at his Tusculanum (ad Att. xiii. 44), The second book is on the endurance of pain, in
and that two editions of the fifth book, differing in which it is demonstrated, after Zeno, Aristo, and
bome respects from each other, may have gone Pyrrho, that pain is not an evil, in opposition to
abroad, which will account for some singular varia- Aristippus and Epicurus, who held it to be the
tions and interpolations which have long exercised greatest evil, to Hieronymus of Rhodes, who placed
the ingenuity of editors. (See Goerenz. praef. p. the chief good in the absence of pain, and to the
xiv. )
numerous band of philosophers, belonging to differ-
The Editio Princeps in 4to. is without date, ent schools, who agreed that pain was an evil, al-
name of place or printer, but is believed to have though not the greatest of evils. Here everything
appeared at Cologne, from the press of Ulric Zell, is taken from the Stoics.
about 1467, and was followed by the edition of In the third book it is proved that a wise man is
Joannes ex Colonia, 4to. , Venice, 1471. The edi- insensible to sorrow; and the doctrines of the Pe
tion of Davis, 8vo. , Cambridge, 1728, was long ripatetics, of Epicurus, of the Cyrenaics, and of
held in high estimation, and frequently reprinted, Crantor, being examined in turn, and weighed
but is now superseded by those of Rath, Hal
. Sax. against the tenets of Zeno, are found wanting. The
8vo. , 1804; of Goerenz, Leipz. 1813, 8vo. , forming authorities chiefly consulted appear to have been
the third volume of the collected philosophical Chrysippus, Cleanthes, Cleitomachus, Antiochus of
works ; of Otto, Leipz. 8vo. , 1831 ; and, last and Ascalon, Carneades, and Epicurus tepi témous.
best of all, of Madvig, Copenhagen, 1839, 8vo. The thesis supported in the fourth book, which
forms a continuation to the preceding, is, that the
3. Tusculanarum Disputationem Libri V.
wise man is absolutely free from all mental dis-
This work, addressed to M. Brutus, is a quietude (animi perlurbationc). We have first a
series of discussions on various important points of curious classification of perturbations in which the
practical philosophy supposed to have been held in terms sorrow, joy, fear, pity, and a host of others,
The Tusculanum of Cicero, who, on a certain occa- are carefully analysed and defined according to the
sion, soon after the departure of Brutus for the go- discipline of the Porch; and, after a few remarks
rernment of Gaul (B. C. 46), requested one of the upon the main proposition, we find a long essay on
## p. 737 (#757) ############################################
CICERO.
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737
the best means of tranquillising the heart, and for-
tifying it against the attacks of all those passions
4. Paradora.
and desires which must be regarded as diseases of Six favourite Paradoxes of the Stoics explained
the mind. Here again the Stoics, and especially in familiar language, defended by popular argu-
Zeno and Chrysippus, are chiefly followed, although ments, and illustrated occasionally by examples
several hints can be traced to Aristotle, Plato, and derived from contemporary history, by which
even to the Pythagoreans.
means they are made the vehicles for covert attacks
The fifth book contains a reply in the affirmative upon Crassus, Hortensius, and Lucullus, and for
to the question, whether virtue is in itself sufficient vehement declamation against Clodius. This must
to insure happiness, thus carrying out to its full ex- not be viewed as a serious work, or one which the
tent the grand moral dogma of the Stoics in opposition author viewed in any other light than that of a
to the more qualified vicws of the Peripatetics and mere jeu d'esprit (* Ego vero, illa ipsa, quae vix
Academics. The materials for this section were in gymnasiis et in otio Stoici probant, ludens con-
supplied by Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, Xeno-jeci in communes locos, praef. ), for the proposi-
crates, Speusippus, Polemo, Carneades, and the tions are mere philosophical quibbles, and the
Stoics. (v. 12, 13, 18, 27.
)
arguments by which they are supported are palpa-
Although each of these five books is complete bly unsatisfactory and illogical, resolving them-
within itself and independent of the rest, yei we selves into a juggle with words, or into induction
feel iuclined to adopt the hypothesis of Olivet, that resting upon one or two particular cases. The
they were drawn up and digested according to a theorems enunciated for demonstration are, 1. That
regular and well-imagined plan, and ought to be which is morally fair (td karóv) is alone good
taken in connexion with each other as forming one (dyabòr). 2. Virtue alone is requisite to secure
harmonious whole. In fact, all the reasonings con- happiness. 3. Good and evil deeds admit of no
verge to one point. They all act in unison to de degrees, i. e. all crimes are equally heinous, all vir-
fend one position—that man possesses within himself tuous actions equally meritorious. 4. Every fool
the means of securing his own happiness. To make is a madman. 5. The wise man alone is free, and
this evident it was necessary to expose the folly of therefore every man not wise is a slave. 6. The
those alarms, and the weakness of those assailants wise man alone is rich.
by which tranquillity is scared away from the hu- The preface, which is addressed to M. Brutus,
man bosom. Hence, the fear of death, and the fear must have been written early in B. C. 46, for Cato
of pain, are shewn to be the result of ignorance and is spoken of in such terms that we cannot doubt
error, while joy, sorrow, love, hatred, with the that he was still alive, or at all events that intelli-
whole array of desires and passions which excite gence of his fate had not yet reached Italy, and
such tumults, are treated as mere visionary unsub- there is also a distinct allusion to the De Claris
stantial forms which the sage can dissipate by a vi- Oratoribus as already published. But although
gorous exertion of his will.
the offering now
esented is called a parvum
The Tusculan Disputations are certainly inferior opusculum," the result of studies prosecuted during
in recondite learning, in subtle reasoning, and in the shorter nights which followed the long watch-
elaborately finished composition, to the Academica, ings in which the Brutus had been prepared, it is
the De Finibus, and the De Officiis ; yet no one equally certain that the fourth paradox bears de-
among the philosophical essays of Cicero is more cisive evidence of having been composed before the
deservedly popular, or forms a better introduction to death of Clodius (B. C. 52), and the sixth before
such studies, on account of the easy, familiar, and the death of Crassus (B. C. 53). Hence we must
perspicuous language in which the ideas are ex- conclude that Cicero, soon after his arrival at Rome
pressed, and the liveliness imparted to each of the from Brundusium, amused himself by adding to a
discourses by the numerous entertaining and apt series of rhetorical trifles commenced some years
illustrations, many of which being poetical quota- before, and then despatched the entire collection to
tions from the earlier bards, are in themselves highly his friend.
interesting to the grammarian and the historian of The Editio Princeps of the Paradoxa was print-
literature. Certainly no work has ever been more ed along with the De Otñciis, by Fust and Schöffer,
enthusiastically, perhaps extravagantly, admired. at Mayence, 4to. , 1465, and reprinted at the same
Erasmus, after ascribing to it every conceivable ex- place by Fust and Gernshem, fol. , 1466. They
cellence both in matter and manner, declares his were published along with the De Officüs, De
conviction, that the author was directly inspired Amicitia, and De Senectute, by Sweynheym and
from heaven, while another worthy deems that his Pannartz, 410. , Rome, 1469; and the same, with
faith must have been of the same quality with that the addition of the Somnium Scipionis, by Vindelin
of Abraham.
de Spira, Venice, 4to. , 1470; besides which there
The Editio Princeps was printed at Rome by are a very great number of other editions belong-
Ulric Han, 4to. , 1469; the second by Gering, ing to the 15th century. The most useful editions
Crantz, and Friburg, fol. , Paris, about 1 471, fol- are those of Wetzel, 8vo. , Lignitz, 1808, and of
lowed by several others in the 15th century. Of Gernhard, 8vo. , Leipz. 1819, the former containing
modern editions, that of Davis, 8vo. , Camb. 1709, also the De Senectute and the De Amicitia, the
containing the emendations of Bentley, was long latter the De Senectute. The Paradora were pub-
highly valued and was frequently reprinted, but is lished separately by Borgers, 8vo. , Leyden, 1826.
now superseded by those of Rath, Hal. 8vo. , 1805 ;
of Orelli, including the Paradoxa, and enriched
5. Hortensius 8. De Philosophia.
with a collection of the best commentaries, Zurich, A dialogue in praise of philosophy, drawn up
8vo. , 1829 ; of Kühner, Jenae, 8vo. 18:29, second for the purpose of recommending such pursuits to
edition, 1835; and of Moser, Hannov. , 3 vols. the Romans. Hortensius was represented as de-
8vo. , 1836-37, which is the most complete of preciating the study and asserting the superior
claims of eloquence; his arguments were combated
any.
3
## p. 738 (#758) ############################################
738
CICERO.
CICERO.
a
by Q. Lutatius Catulus, L. Licinius Lucullus, Bal- | three appeared in the early part of B. c. 41. The
bus the Stoic, Cicero himself, and perhaps other imaginary conversation is supposed to have been
personages. The work was composed and pub- heid in the presence of Cicero, somewhere about
lished 3. c. 45, immediately before the Academica, the year B. c. 76, at the house of C. Aurelius
but the imaginary conversation must have been Cotta, the pontifex maximus (consul B. c. 75), who
supposed to have been held at some period earlier well sustains the part of a New Academician,
than B. c. 60, the year in which Catulus died. A attacking and overthrowing the doctrines of others
considerable number of unimportant fragments without advancing any dogma of his own, while
have been preserved by St. Augustin, whose ad- the discipline of the Porch, mixed up however
miration is expressed in language profanely hyper- with much that belongs rather to Plato and Aris-
bolical, and by the grammarians. These have totle, is developed with great earnestness and
been carefully collected and arranged by Nobbe, power by Q. Lucilius Balbus, the pupil of Panne-
and are given in Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii
. pp. tius, and the doctrines of the Garden are playfully
479—486. (Cic. de Divin, ii. l, Tuscul. ii. 2. ) supported by Velleius (trib. pleb. B. C. 90), who
6. Timaeus s. De Universo.
occupies himself more in ridiculing the speculations
of different schools than in any laboured defence
We possess a fragment of a translation of Plato's of those espoused by himself. Accordingly, in the
Tiinaeus, executed after the completion of the first book he opens with an attack upon Plato and
Academica, as we learn from the prooemium. It the Stoics ; he then adverts briefly io the theories
extends from p. 22, ed. Bekker, with occasional of no less than 27 of the most famous philosophers,
blanks as far as p. 54, and affords a curious spe- commencing with Thales of Miletus and ending
cimen of the careless and inaccurate style in which with Diogenes of Babylon, characterising them, in
Cicero was wont to represent the meaning of his many cases not unjustly, as little superior to the
Greek originals. It was first printed in the edition dreams of madmen, the fables of poets, or the
of Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1471, and with a superstitions of the vulgar. Passing on from this
commentary by G. Valla, at Venice, in 1485. It motley crew to Epicurus, he pronounces him
is given in Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii. pp. 495 worthy of all praise, first, because he alone placed
--513.
the argument for the existence of gods upon its
7. Protagoras ex Platone.
proper and only firin basis, the belief implanted
A translation of the Protagoras of Plato into Latin. by nature in the hearts of all mankind; secondly,
because he assigned to them their real attributes,
At what period this was executed we cannot deter- happiness, immortality, apathy; representing them
mine, but it is generally believed to have been an
as dwelling within themselves, susceptible of neither
exercise undertaken in early youth. A few words pleasure nor pain from without, bestowing no
seem to have been preserved by Priscian on Do benefits and inflicting no evils on men, but fit
natus, which will be found in Orelli's Cicero, vol. objects of honour and worship on account of their
ii. pt. ii. p. 477. (Comp. Cic. de Of. ii. 24; essential excellence, a series of propositions which
Quintil. x. 5. & 2. )
are carefully elucidated by an inquiry into the
E. THEOLOGY.
forin, the mode of existence, and the mental consti-
tution of divine beings. Cotta now comes forward,
). De Natura Deorum Libri III.
takes up each point in succession, and overturns
Three, dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in the whole fabric piecemeal. He first proves that
which the speculations of the Epicureans and the the reasons assigned by Epicurus for the existence
Stoics on the existence, attributes, and providence of gods are utterly inadequate ; secondly, that,
of a Divine Being are fully stated and discussed at granting their existence, nothing can be less digni-
length, the debate being illustrated and diversified fied than the form and attributes ascribed to them;
by frequent references to the opinions entertained, and thirdly, granting these forms and qualities,
upon these topics by the most celebrated philoso 1 nothing more absurd than that men should render
phers. The number of sects and of individuals homage or feel gratitude to those from whom they
enumerated is so great, and the field of philosophic have not received and do not hope to receive any
research thrown open is so wide, that we can benefits.
scarcely believe that Cicero could have had recourse The second book contains an investigation of the
to original sources for the whole mass of informa question by Balbus, according to the principles of
tion which he lavishes so profusely on his subject, the Stoics, who divided the subject into four heads.
but must conclude that he made use of some useful 1. The existence of gods. 2. Their nature. 3.
manual or summary, such as were doubtless com- Their government of the world. 4. Their watch-
piled by the preceptors of those days for the use of ful care of human affairs (providence), which is in
their pupils, containing a view of the tenets of reality included under the third head. The ex-
different schools presented in a condensed form. istence of gods is advocated chiefly a. From the
Be that as it may, in no production do we more universal belief of mankind; b. From the well-
admire the vigorous understanding and varied authenticated accounts of their appearances upon
learning of the author, in none does he display a earth ; c. From prophesies, presentiments, omens,
greater command over appropriate language, in and auguries ; d. From the evident proofs of de-
none are liveliness and grace more happily blended sign, and of the adaptation of means to a beneficent
with lucid arrangement and brilliant eloquence. end, everywhere visible in the arrangements of the
Although the materials may have been collected material world; e. From the nature of man himself
by degrees, they were certainly moulded into and his mental constitution ; f. From certain phy,
shape with extraordinary rapidity, for we know sical considerations which tend clearly and un-
that this work was published immediately after the equivocally to the establishinent of a system of
Tusculan Disputations, and immediately before the pantheism, the introduction of which is somewhat
De Divinatione (dc Div. ii. 1), and that the whole curious in this place, since, if admitted, it would
.
## p. 739 (#759) ############################################
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At once destroy all the preceding arguments ; 9. terous and subtle logic of Cotta we may unques-
From the gradual upward progression in the works tionably trace the master-spirit of Carneades as
of creation, from plants to animals and from the represented in the writings of his disciple Cleito-
lower animals to man, which leads us to infer that machus. (Kühner, p. 98. )
the series ascends from man to beings absolutely The Editio Princeps is included in the collection
perfect. In treating of the nature of the gods, of the philosophical works of Cicero printed by
the pantheistic principle is again broadly asserted, Sweynheym and Pannartz, in 2 vols. fol. , Rome,
-God is the Universe and the Universe is God, -1471. (See above, p. 719, b. ) The edition of Davis,
whence is derived the conclusion that the Deity Camb. 8vo. , 1718, long held the first place, and
must be spherical in form, because the sphere is the has been often reprinted; but that of Moser and
most perfect of figures. But while the Universe Creuzer, 8vo. , Leipz. 1818, nust now be regarded
is God as a whole, it contains within its parts as the best. The pretended 4th book published
many gods, among the number of whom are the by Seraphinus at Bologna, 8vo. , 1811, is an absurd
heavenly bodies. Then follows a curious digres- forgery, if indeed the author ever intended or
sion on the origin of the Greek and Roman Pan- hoped to deceive, which seems doubtful.
theon, and on the causes which led men to commit
the folly of picturing to themselves gods differing
2. De Divinatione Libri II.
in shape, in age, and in apparel ; of assigning to This is intended as a continuation of the pre-
them the relationships of domestic life, and of as- ceding work, out of which the inquiry naturally
cribing to them the desires and passions by which springs. We are here presented with an exposi-
mortals are agitated. Lastly, the government tion of the conflicting opinions of the Porch and
and providence of the gods is deduced from three the Academy upon the reality of the science of
considerations : (a) From their existence, which divination, and the degree of confidence which
being granted, it necessarily follows, that they ought to be reposed in its professors. In the first
must rule the world. (B) From the admitted book the doctrines of the Stoics are defended by Q.
truth, that all things are subject to the laws of Cicero, who begins by dividing divination into two
Nature ; but Nature, when properly defined and branches. 1. The divination of Nature. 2. The
understood, is another name for God. (9) From divination of Art. To the first belong dreams,
the beauty, harmony, wisdom, and benevolence, inward presages, and presentiments, and the ecsta-
manifested in the works of creation. This last tic phrenzy, during which the mind inspired by a
section is handled with great skill and effect; the god discerns the secrets of the future, and pours
absurdity of the doctrine which taught that the forth its conceptions in prophetic words; in the
world was produced by a fortuitous concourse of second are comprehended the indications yielded by
atoms is forcibly exposed, while the arguments de the entrails of the slaughtered victim, by the flight,
rived from astronomy, from the structure of plants, the cries, and the feeding of birds, by thunder and
of fishes, of terrestial animals, and of the human lightning, by lots, by astrology, and by all those
frame, form a most interesting essay on natural strange sights and sounds which were regarded as
theology.
friend. Then, at the request of the young men,
1. Academicorum Libri II.
he explains his own sentiments with regard to the The history of this work before it finally quitted
origin, nature, limits, and value of friendship; the hands of its author is exceedingly curious and
traces its connexion with the higher moral virtues, somewhat obscure, but must be clearly understood
and lays down the rules which ought to be ob- I before we can explain the relative position of those
## p. 734 (#754) ############################################
734
CICERO.
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portions of it which have been transmitted to mo narrative of the rise and progress of the Academic
dern times. By comparing carefully a series of Philosophy, to point out the various modifications
letters written to Atticus in the course of B. c. 45 introduced by successive professors, and to demon-
(ad Att. xiii. 32, 12-14, 16, 18, 19, 21-23, 25, 35, strate the superiority of the principles of the New
44), we find that Cicero had drawn up a treatise | Academy, as taught by Philo, over those of the
upon the Academic Philosophy in the form of a Old Academy, as advocated by Antiochus of Asca-
dialogue between Catulus, Lucullus, and Horten- lon. It is manifestly impossible, under existing
sius, and that it was comprised in two books, the circumstances, to determine with certainty the
first bearing the name of Catulus, the second that amount of difference between the two editions.
of Lucullus. A copy was sent to Atticus, and That there was a considerable difference is cerunin,
soon after it had reached him, two new introduc- for, although Cicero was in the first instance in-
tions were composed, the one in praise of Catulus, duced to depart from his plan merely because he
the other in praise of Lucullus. Scarcely had this considered the topics discussed out of keeping with
been done, when Cicero, from a conviction that the character of the individuals who were repre-
Catulus, Lucullus, and Hortensius, although men sented as discussing them, still the division of the
of highly cultivated minds, and well acquainted two books into four necessarily implies some im-
with general literature, were known to have been portant change in the arrangement if not in the
little conversant with the subtle arguments of ab- substance of the subject matter. We are, moreover,
struse philosophy, determined to withdraw them expressly informed, that many things were omitted,
altogether, and accordingly substituted Cato and and that the four books of the second edition, al-
Brutus in their place. (Ad. Att. xiii. 16. ) Imme- though more concise than the two of the first,
diately after this change had been introduced, he were at the same time better and more brilliant
received a communication from Atticus represent (splendidiora, breviora, meliora). It is probable
ing that Varro was much offended by being passed that the first book of the first edition, after giving
over in the discussion of topics in which he was a sketch of the leading principles of the different
deeply versed. Thereupon, Cicero, catching eagerly branches of the Academy as they grew out of each
at the idea thus suggested, resolved to recast the other in succession, was occupied with a detailed
whole piece, and quickly produced, under the old investigation of the speculations of Carneades, just
title, a new and highly improved edition, divided as those of Philo, which were adopted to a certain
into four books instead of two, dedicating the whole extent by Cicero himself, form the leading theme
to Varro, to whom was assigned the task of de of the second. What remains of the first book of
fending the tenets of Antiochus of Ascalon, while the second edition enables us to discover that it
the author himself undertook to support the views was devoted to the history of Academic opinions
of Philo, Atticus also taking a share in the con- from the time of Socrates and Plato, who were re-
versation. But although these alterations were garded as the fathers of the sect, down to Antiochus,
effected with great rapidity, the copy originally from whom Cicero himself had in his youth received
sent to Atticus had in the meantime been repeat- instruction while residing at Athens. The second
edly transcribed : hence both editions passed into book may have been set apart for an inquiry into
circulation, and a part of each has been preserved. the theories of Arcesilas, who, although the real
One section, containing 12 chapters, is a short founder of the New Academy, appears to have
fragment of the first book of the second or Varro been alluded to in the former edition only in an
nian edition ; the other, containing 49 chapters, is incidental and cursory manner; while the third
the entire second book of the first edition, to which and fourth books would embrace the full and clear
is prefixed the new introduction noticed above (ad development and illustration of his pregnant though
Att
. xiii. 32), together with the proper title of obscure doctrines, as explained in the eloquent dis-
Lucullus. Thus it appears that the first book of quisitions of Carneades and Philo. Such is the
the first edition has been altogether lost, and the opinion of Goerenz, and although it does not ad-
whole of the second edition, with the exception of mit of strict proof, yet it is highly plausible in it-
the fragment of the first book already mentioned self, and is fully corroborated by the hints and
and a few scraps quoted by Lactantius, Augustin, indications which appear in those portions of the
and the grammarians. Upon examining the dates dialogue now extant.
of the letters referred to, it will be seen that the The scene of the Catulus was the villa of that
first edition bad been despatched to Atticus about statesman at Cumae, while the Lucullus is supposed
the middle of June, for the new introductions were to have been held at the mansion of Hortensius
written by the 27th (ad Att. xiii. 32); that the near Bauli. The dialogues of the second edition
second edition, which is spoken of with great com- commence at the Cumanum of Varro; but, as we
placency—“Libri quidem ita exierunt (nisi forte learn from a fragment of the third book quoted by
me communis pilavtía decipit), ut in tali genere Nonius Marcellus, the parties repaired during the
ne apud Graecos quidem simile quidquam” course of the conference to the shores of the Lu-
fully completed towards the close of July (ad Att. crine lake.
xiii. 15), a few days before the last touches had The Editio Princeps is included in the collection
been given to the De Finibus (xiii. 19); and that of Cicero's philosophical works printed in 2 vols.
it was actually in the possession of Varro before fol. by Sweynheym and Pannarız, Rome, 1471,
the ides of August. (xiii. 35, 44. ) Goerenz has see above, p. 719, b. The edition of Davis, Camb.
taken greai pains to prove that these books were 8vo. 1725, was frequently reprinted, and for a long
published under the title of Academica, and that period remained the standard, but is now super-
the appellation Academicae Quaestiones, or Acade- seded by those of Goerenz, Leipzig, 8vo. 1810,
micae Disputationes, by which they are frequently forming the first volume of his edition of the philom
distinguished, are without authority and altogether sophical works of Cicero; and of Orelli, Zurich,
inappropriate.
8vo. 1827
The object proposed was, to give an accurate
--was
## p. 735 (#755) ############################################
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735
CICERO.
tetics ; that the differences were merely verbal, and
2. De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum Libri V.
that Zeno had no excuse for breaking off from
A series of dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in Plato and Aristotle, and establishing a new school,
which the opinions of the Grecian schools, especi- which presented the same truths in a worse form.
ally of the Epicurcans, the Stoics, and the Peripa- These assertions are vigorously combated by Cato,
tetics, on the Supreme Good, that is, the finis, who argues, that the principles of his sect were
object, or end, towards which all our thoughts, essentially distinct, and descants with great energy
desires, and actions are or ought to be directed, - on the superior purity and majesty of their ideas
the kernel, as it were, of practical wisdom,—are concerning the Supreme Good; in reply to which
expounded, compared, and discussed. The style Cicero, in the fourth book, employs the weapons
is throughout perspicuous and highly polished, the with which the New Academy attacked the Stoics.
doctrines of the different sects are stated with ac- The second discourse is supposed to have been
curate impartiality according to the representations held in B. C. 52, for we find a reference (iv. 1) to
contained in accredited authorities ; but, from the the famous provision for limiting the length of
abstruse nature of many of the points investigated, speeches at the bar contained in a law passed by
and the subtilty of the arguments by which the Pompey against bribery in his second consulship,
different positions are defended, this treatise must an enactment here spoken of as having recently
be regarded as the most difficult, while it is the come into force. This was the year also in which
most perfect and finished, of all the philosophical L. Lucullus the elder died and left his son under
performances of Cicero.
the guardianship of Cato.
These conversations are not supposed to have In the fifth book we are carried back to B. c. 79
been all held at the same period, nor in the same and transported from Italy to Athens, where Ci-
place, nor between the same parties. They agree cero was at that time prosecuting his studies. (Sec
in this, that, after the fashion of Aristotle (ud Att. above, p. 709,b. ) The dramatis personae are Cicero
xiii. 19), the author throughout assumes the most himself, his brother Quintus, his cousin Lucius,
prominent place, and that the rest of the actors, Pomponius Atticus, and M. Pupius Piso. These
at least those to whom important parts are as- friends having met in the Academia, the genius of
signed, were dead at the time of publication--a the place calls up the recollection of the mighty
precaution taken to avoid giving umbrage to living spirits who had once trod that holy ground, and
men by exciting jealousy in reference to the cha- Piso, at the request of his companion, enters into a
racters which they are respectively represented as full exposition of the precepts inculcated by Aris-
supporting (anaotúintov, id före putaram, ad totle and his successors on the Summum Bonum,
Att. l. c. ), but the time, the scene, and the per- the whole being wound up by a statement on the
formers are twice changed. In the third and fourth part of Cicero of the objections of the Stoics, and a
books they are different from those in the first and reply from Piso. The reason which induced Cicero
second, and in the fifth from those in any of the to carry this last dialogue back to his youthful
preceding
days was the difficulty he experienced in finding a
The first book opens with an apology for the fitting advocate for the Peripatetic doctrines, which
study of philosophy; after which Cicero relates, bad made but little progress among his country-
for the information of Brutus, a debate which took men. M. Brutus and Terentius Varro were both
place at his Cumanum, in the presence of C. Vale- alive, and therefore excluded by his plan ; L. Lu-
rius Triarius, between Cicero himself and L. Man-cullus, although dead, was not of sufficient weight
lius Torquatus, who is represented as being praetor to be introduced with propriety on such an occa-
elect and just about to enter upon his officema sion; Piso alone remained, but in consequence of
circumstance which fixes this imaginary colloquy the quarrel between Cicero and himself arising out
to the close of the year B. c. 50, a date agreeing of his support of Clodius, it was necessary to choose
perfectly with the allusion (ii. 18) to the excessive an epoch when their friendship was as yet unsha-
power then wielded by Pompey. Cicero, being ken. (See Goerenz, introd. xix. ) It will be ob-
challenged by Torquatus to state his objections to served that throughout, the author abstains entirely
the discipline of Epicurus, briefly impugns in ge- from pronouncing any judgment of his own. The
neral terms his system of physics, his imperfect opinions of the Epicureans are first distinctly ex-
logic, and, above all, the dogma that the Supreme plained, then follows the refutation by the Stoics ;
Good is Pleasure, and the Supreme Evil, Pain. the opinions of the Stoics are next explained, then
This elicits from Torquatus a lengthened explana- follows the refutation by the New Academy; in
tion of the sentiments really entertained by Epi- the third place, the opinions of the Peripatetics are
curus and the worthiest of his followers respecting explained, then follows the refutation by the Stoics.
room, sentiments which he contends had been in setting forth the opinions of Epicurus, in addi-
misunderstood and misrepresented, but whose truth tion to the writings of that sage enumerated by
he undertakes to demonstrate in a series of propo- Diogenes Laërtius, much use seems to have been
sitions; in opposition to which Cicero, in the se- made of his epistle to Menoeceus and his tepi
cond book, sets in array the reasonings by which kupiv dośw, and not unfrequently the very words
the Stoics assailed the whole system. In the of the original Greek have been literally translated;
third book we find ourselves in the library of while the lectures of Phaedrus and Zeno ( see above,
young Lucullus in his Tusculan villa, to which p. 709) would supply accurate information as to
Cicero had repaired for the purpose of consulting a the changes and additions introduced by the suc-
work of Aristotle, and there meets Cato, immersed cessive disciples of the Garden after the death of
in study and surrounded by the books of the Stoics. their master. The Stoical refutation of Epicurus,
In this way a controversy arises, in which Cicero in book second, was probably derived from Chry
maintains, that there was no real discordance be- sippus nepl Toù Kaloû kal tñs soovñs and from the
Iween the ethics of the Porch and those previously writings and oral communications of Posidonius
promulgated by the Old Academy and the Peripa- | [see above, p. 709,b. ); the Stoical doctrines in book
## p. 736 (#756) ############################################
736
CICERO.
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third were taken from Zeno, from Diogenes, and numerous circle of friends and visitors by whom he
from Chrysippus tepl Tedwv; the refutation of the was surrounded, to propose some subject for demate
Stoics in book fourth probably proceeds from Car- which he then proceeded to examine as he sat or
neades. The Peripatetical doctrines in book fifth walked about. These exercises were continued for
are from Aristotle and Theophrastus, as explained five days, a new topic being started and exhausted
and enlarged by Antiochus of Ascalon; while the at each successive conference. There is an utter
Stoical objections are in all probability due to Dio- want of dramatic effect in this collection of dialo
dotus (see above p. 709, a. ], who, we are told else- gues, for the antagonist is throughout anonymous,
where, was strongly opposed to Antiochus. (Acad. and is not invested with any life or individuality,
ii. 36. )
but is a sort of a man of straw who brings forward
In determining the precise date at which the a succession of propositions which are bowled down
work before us was completed and published, we by Cicero as fast as they are set up. This person-
cannot agree with Goerenz, that the expression age is usually designated in MSS. by the letter A,
“ duo magna ouvrayuata absolvi” (ad Att. xii. and editors have amused themselves by quarrelling
45, Ilth June, B. c. 45) can with certainty be about the import of the symbol which they have
made to comprehend both the De Finibus and the variously interpreted to mean Atticus, Adolescens,
Academica. No distinct notice of the former oc- | Auditor, and so forth. There is little room for
curs until the 27th of June, when, in a letter to doubt as to the period when this work was actually
Atticus, (xiii. 32,) we find “Torquatus Romae est. composed, since it abounds in allusions to historical
Misi ut tibi daretur," where Torquatus denotes events and to former treatises which enable us,
the first book. On the 24th of July (ad Att. when taken in connexion with other circuinstances,
xiii. 12), the treatise is spoken of as finished. to determine the question within very narrow limits.
“ Nunc illam nep? Telv oúvtativ, sane mihi pro Thus, in the eleventh chapter of the fifth book, we
batam, Bruto, ut tibi placuit, despondimus. " Again, have a reference to the De Finibus which was not
on the 30th of the same month, “ Ita confeci quin- published until the month of August, B. C. 45,
que libros repl tenúv, ut Epicurea L. Torquato, while the dissertations before us were familiarly
Stoica M. Catoni, Tepinatitirá M. Pisoni darem. known before the middle of May in the following
'Αζηλοτύπητον id fore putaram, quod omnes illi year (ad Atl. xv. 24), and must consequently bave
decesserant" (ad Att. xiii. 19); and we learn from been given to the world early in B. C. 44, since the
an epistle, despatched only two days afterwards task appears to have been undertaken just at the
(ad Att. xiii. 21, comp. 22), that it had been for time when the Academica were completed (ad Athe
some time in the hands of Atticus, through whom xiii. 32). Schütz (Proleg. ) has satisfactorily proved
Balbus had obtained a copy of the fifth book, while that Tusculanae Disputationes is the true title, and
the widow Caerellia, in her philosophic zeal, had not Tusculanae Quaestiones as a few MSS. bave it.
contrived by some means to get possession of the The first book treats of the wisdom of despising
whole. Cicero complains of this for two reasons ; death which, it is maintained, cannot be considered
first, because it was but fitting that since the work as an evil either to the living or to the dead, whether
was dedicated to Brutus it should be presented to the soul be mortal or immortal. This leads to an
him before it became trite and stale, and in the se investigation of the real nature of death, and a re-
cond place, because he had made some changes in view of the opinions entertained by different philo-
the last book ; which he was desirous to insert be- sophers with regard to the soul. The arguments
fore finally dismissing it from his hands. It is not for its immortality are derived chiefly from the
unlikely that the formal presentation to Brutus took writings of the Stoics and of Plato, especially from
place about the middle of August, when he paid a the Phaedon.
visit to Cicero at his Tusculanum (ad Att. xiii. 44), The second book is on the endurance of pain, in
and that two editions of the fifth book, differing in which it is demonstrated, after Zeno, Aristo, and
bome respects from each other, may have gone Pyrrho, that pain is not an evil, in opposition to
abroad, which will account for some singular varia- Aristippus and Epicurus, who held it to be the
tions and interpolations which have long exercised greatest evil, to Hieronymus of Rhodes, who placed
the ingenuity of editors. (See Goerenz. praef. p. the chief good in the absence of pain, and to the
xiv. )
numerous band of philosophers, belonging to differ-
The Editio Princeps in 4to. is without date, ent schools, who agreed that pain was an evil, al-
name of place or printer, but is believed to have though not the greatest of evils. Here everything
appeared at Cologne, from the press of Ulric Zell, is taken from the Stoics.
about 1467, and was followed by the edition of In the third book it is proved that a wise man is
Joannes ex Colonia, 4to. , Venice, 1471. The edi- insensible to sorrow; and the doctrines of the Pe
tion of Davis, 8vo. , Cambridge, 1728, was long ripatetics, of Epicurus, of the Cyrenaics, and of
held in high estimation, and frequently reprinted, Crantor, being examined in turn, and weighed
but is now superseded by those of Rath, Hal
. Sax. against the tenets of Zeno, are found wanting. The
8vo. , 1804; of Goerenz, Leipz. 1813, 8vo. , forming authorities chiefly consulted appear to have been
the third volume of the collected philosophical Chrysippus, Cleanthes, Cleitomachus, Antiochus of
works ; of Otto, Leipz. 8vo. , 1831 ; and, last and Ascalon, Carneades, and Epicurus tepi témous.
best of all, of Madvig, Copenhagen, 1839, 8vo. The thesis supported in the fourth book, which
forms a continuation to the preceding, is, that the
3. Tusculanarum Disputationem Libri V.
wise man is absolutely free from all mental dis-
This work, addressed to M. Brutus, is a quietude (animi perlurbationc). We have first a
series of discussions on various important points of curious classification of perturbations in which the
practical philosophy supposed to have been held in terms sorrow, joy, fear, pity, and a host of others,
The Tusculanum of Cicero, who, on a certain occa- are carefully analysed and defined according to the
sion, soon after the departure of Brutus for the go- discipline of the Porch; and, after a few remarks
rernment of Gaul (B. C. 46), requested one of the upon the main proposition, we find a long essay on
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CICERO.
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737
the best means of tranquillising the heart, and for-
tifying it against the attacks of all those passions
4. Paradora.
and desires which must be regarded as diseases of Six favourite Paradoxes of the Stoics explained
the mind. Here again the Stoics, and especially in familiar language, defended by popular argu-
Zeno and Chrysippus, are chiefly followed, although ments, and illustrated occasionally by examples
several hints can be traced to Aristotle, Plato, and derived from contemporary history, by which
even to the Pythagoreans.
means they are made the vehicles for covert attacks
The fifth book contains a reply in the affirmative upon Crassus, Hortensius, and Lucullus, and for
to the question, whether virtue is in itself sufficient vehement declamation against Clodius. This must
to insure happiness, thus carrying out to its full ex- not be viewed as a serious work, or one which the
tent the grand moral dogma of the Stoics in opposition author viewed in any other light than that of a
to the more qualified vicws of the Peripatetics and mere jeu d'esprit (* Ego vero, illa ipsa, quae vix
Academics. The materials for this section were in gymnasiis et in otio Stoici probant, ludens con-
supplied by Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, Xeno-jeci in communes locos, praef. ), for the proposi-
crates, Speusippus, Polemo, Carneades, and the tions are mere philosophical quibbles, and the
Stoics. (v. 12, 13, 18, 27.
)
arguments by which they are supported are palpa-
Although each of these five books is complete bly unsatisfactory and illogical, resolving them-
within itself and independent of the rest, yei we selves into a juggle with words, or into induction
feel iuclined to adopt the hypothesis of Olivet, that resting upon one or two particular cases. The
they were drawn up and digested according to a theorems enunciated for demonstration are, 1. That
regular and well-imagined plan, and ought to be which is morally fair (td karóv) is alone good
taken in connexion with each other as forming one (dyabòr). 2. Virtue alone is requisite to secure
harmonious whole. In fact, all the reasonings con- happiness. 3. Good and evil deeds admit of no
verge to one point. They all act in unison to de degrees, i. e. all crimes are equally heinous, all vir-
fend one position—that man possesses within himself tuous actions equally meritorious. 4. Every fool
the means of securing his own happiness. To make is a madman. 5. The wise man alone is free, and
this evident it was necessary to expose the folly of therefore every man not wise is a slave. 6. The
those alarms, and the weakness of those assailants wise man alone is rich.
by which tranquillity is scared away from the hu- The preface, which is addressed to M. Brutus,
man bosom. Hence, the fear of death, and the fear must have been written early in B. C. 46, for Cato
of pain, are shewn to be the result of ignorance and is spoken of in such terms that we cannot doubt
error, while joy, sorrow, love, hatred, with the that he was still alive, or at all events that intelli-
whole array of desires and passions which excite gence of his fate had not yet reached Italy, and
such tumults, are treated as mere visionary unsub- there is also a distinct allusion to the De Claris
stantial forms which the sage can dissipate by a vi- Oratoribus as already published. But although
gorous exertion of his will.
the offering now
esented is called a parvum
The Tusculan Disputations are certainly inferior opusculum," the result of studies prosecuted during
in recondite learning, in subtle reasoning, and in the shorter nights which followed the long watch-
elaborately finished composition, to the Academica, ings in which the Brutus had been prepared, it is
the De Finibus, and the De Officiis ; yet no one equally certain that the fourth paradox bears de-
among the philosophical essays of Cicero is more cisive evidence of having been composed before the
deservedly popular, or forms a better introduction to death of Clodius (B. C. 52), and the sixth before
such studies, on account of the easy, familiar, and the death of Crassus (B. C. 53). Hence we must
perspicuous language in which the ideas are ex- conclude that Cicero, soon after his arrival at Rome
pressed, and the liveliness imparted to each of the from Brundusium, amused himself by adding to a
discourses by the numerous entertaining and apt series of rhetorical trifles commenced some years
illustrations, many of which being poetical quota- before, and then despatched the entire collection to
tions from the earlier bards, are in themselves highly his friend.
interesting to the grammarian and the historian of The Editio Princeps of the Paradoxa was print-
literature. Certainly no work has ever been more ed along with the De Otñciis, by Fust and Schöffer,
enthusiastically, perhaps extravagantly, admired. at Mayence, 4to. , 1465, and reprinted at the same
Erasmus, after ascribing to it every conceivable ex- place by Fust and Gernshem, fol. , 1466. They
cellence both in matter and manner, declares his were published along with the De Officüs, De
conviction, that the author was directly inspired Amicitia, and De Senectute, by Sweynheym and
from heaven, while another worthy deems that his Pannartz, 410. , Rome, 1469; and the same, with
faith must have been of the same quality with that the addition of the Somnium Scipionis, by Vindelin
of Abraham.
de Spira, Venice, 4to. , 1470; besides which there
The Editio Princeps was printed at Rome by are a very great number of other editions belong-
Ulric Han, 4to. , 1469; the second by Gering, ing to the 15th century. The most useful editions
Crantz, and Friburg, fol. , Paris, about 1 471, fol- are those of Wetzel, 8vo. , Lignitz, 1808, and of
lowed by several others in the 15th century. Of Gernhard, 8vo. , Leipz. 1819, the former containing
modern editions, that of Davis, 8vo. , Camb. 1709, also the De Senectute and the De Amicitia, the
containing the emendations of Bentley, was long latter the De Senectute. The Paradora were pub-
highly valued and was frequently reprinted, but is lished separately by Borgers, 8vo. , Leyden, 1826.
now superseded by those of Rath, Hal. 8vo. , 1805 ;
of Orelli, including the Paradoxa, and enriched
5. Hortensius 8. De Philosophia.
with a collection of the best commentaries, Zurich, A dialogue in praise of philosophy, drawn up
8vo. , 1829 ; of Kühner, Jenae, 8vo. 18:29, second for the purpose of recommending such pursuits to
edition, 1835; and of Moser, Hannov. , 3 vols. the Romans. Hortensius was represented as de-
8vo. , 1836-37, which is the most complete of preciating the study and asserting the superior
claims of eloquence; his arguments were combated
any.
3
## p. 738 (#758) ############################################
738
CICERO.
CICERO.
a
by Q. Lutatius Catulus, L. Licinius Lucullus, Bal- | three appeared in the early part of B. c. 41. The
bus the Stoic, Cicero himself, and perhaps other imaginary conversation is supposed to have been
personages. The work was composed and pub- heid in the presence of Cicero, somewhere about
lished 3. c. 45, immediately before the Academica, the year B. c. 76, at the house of C. Aurelius
but the imaginary conversation must have been Cotta, the pontifex maximus (consul B. c. 75), who
supposed to have been held at some period earlier well sustains the part of a New Academician,
than B. c. 60, the year in which Catulus died. A attacking and overthrowing the doctrines of others
considerable number of unimportant fragments without advancing any dogma of his own, while
have been preserved by St. Augustin, whose ad- the discipline of the Porch, mixed up however
miration is expressed in language profanely hyper- with much that belongs rather to Plato and Aris-
bolical, and by the grammarians. These have totle, is developed with great earnestness and
been carefully collected and arranged by Nobbe, power by Q. Lucilius Balbus, the pupil of Panne-
and are given in Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii
. pp. tius, and the doctrines of the Garden are playfully
479—486. (Cic. de Divin, ii. l, Tuscul. ii. 2. ) supported by Velleius (trib. pleb. B. C. 90), who
6. Timaeus s. De Universo.
occupies himself more in ridiculing the speculations
of different schools than in any laboured defence
We possess a fragment of a translation of Plato's of those espoused by himself. Accordingly, in the
Tiinaeus, executed after the completion of the first book he opens with an attack upon Plato and
Academica, as we learn from the prooemium. It the Stoics ; he then adverts briefly io the theories
extends from p. 22, ed. Bekker, with occasional of no less than 27 of the most famous philosophers,
blanks as far as p. 54, and affords a curious spe- commencing with Thales of Miletus and ending
cimen of the careless and inaccurate style in which with Diogenes of Babylon, characterising them, in
Cicero was wont to represent the meaning of his many cases not unjustly, as little superior to the
Greek originals. It was first printed in the edition dreams of madmen, the fables of poets, or the
of Sweynheym and Pannartz, 1471, and with a superstitions of the vulgar. Passing on from this
commentary by G. Valla, at Venice, in 1485. It motley crew to Epicurus, he pronounces him
is given in Orelli's Cicero, vol. iv. pt. ii. pp. 495 worthy of all praise, first, because he alone placed
--513.
the argument for the existence of gods upon its
7. Protagoras ex Platone.
proper and only firin basis, the belief implanted
A translation of the Protagoras of Plato into Latin. by nature in the hearts of all mankind; secondly,
because he assigned to them their real attributes,
At what period this was executed we cannot deter- happiness, immortality, apathy; representing them
mine, but it is generally believed to have been an
as dwelling within themselves, susceptible of neither
exercise undertaken in early youth. A few words pleasure nor pain from without, bestowing no
seem to have been preserved by Priscian on Do benefits and inflicting no evils on men, but fit
natus, which will be found in Orelli's Cicero, vol. objects of honour and worship on account of their
ii. pt. ii. p. 477. (Comp. Cic. de Of. ii. 24; essential excellence, a series of propositions which
Quintil. x. 5. & 2. )
are carefully elucidated by an inquiry into the
E. THEOLOGY.
forin, the mode of existence, and the mental consti-
tution of divine beings. Cotta now comes forward,
). De Natura Deorum Libri III.
takes up each point in succession, and overturns
Three, dialogues dedicated to M. Brutus, in the whole fabric piecemeal. He first proves that
which the speculations of the Epicureans and the the reasons assigned by Epicurus for the existence
Stoics on the existence, attributes, and providence of gods are utterly inadequate ; secondly, that,
of a Divine Being are fully stated and discussed at granting their existence, nothing can be less digni-
length, the debate being illustrated and diversified fied than the form and attributes ascribed to them;
by frequent references to the opinions entertained, and thirdly, granting these forms and qualities,
upon these topics by the most celebrated philoso 1 nothing more absurd than that men should render
phers. The number of sects and of individuals homage or feel gratitude to those from whom they
enumerated is so great, and the field of philosophic have not received and do not hope to receive any
research thrown open is so wide, that we can benefits.
scarcely believe that Cicero could have had recourse The second book contains an investigation of the
to original sources for the whole mass of informa question by Balbus, according to the principles of
tion which he lavishes so profusely on his subject, the Stoics, who divided the subject into four heads.
but must conclude that he made use of some useful 1. The existence of gods. 2. Their nature. 3.
manual or summary, such as were doubtless com- Their government of the world. 4. Their watch-
piled by the preceptors of those days for the use of ful care of human affairs (providence), which is in
their pupils, containing a view of the tenets of reality included under the third head. The ex-
different schools presented in a condensed form. istence of gods is advocated chiefly a. From the
Be that as it may, in no production do we more universal belief of mankind; b. From the well-
admire the vigorous understanding and varied authenticated accounts of their appearances upon
learning of the author, in none does he display a earth ; c. From prophesies, presentiments, omens,
greater command over appropriate language, in and auguries ; d. From the evident proofs of de-
none are liveliness and grace more happily blended sign, and of the adaptation of means to a beneficent
with lucid arrangement and brilliant eloquence. end, everywhere visible in the arrangements of the
Although the materials may have been collected material world; e. From the nature of man himself
by degrees, they were certainly moulded into and his mental constitution ; f. From certain phy,
shape with extraordinary rapidity, for we know sical considerations which tend clearly and un-
that this work was published immediately after the equivocally to the establishinent of a system of
Tusculan Disputations, and immediately before the pantheism, the introduction of which is somewhat
De Divinatione (dc Div. ii. 1), and that the whole curious in this place, since, if admitted, it would
.
## p. 739 (#759) ############################################
CICERO.
739
CICERO.
At once destroy all the preceding arguments ; 9. terous and subtle logic of Cotta we may unques-
From the gradual upward progression in the works tionably trace the master-spirit of Carneades as
of creation, from plants to animals and from the represented in the writings of his disciple Cleito-
lower animals to man, which leads us to infer that machus. (Kühner, p. 98. )
the series ascends from man to beings absolutely The Editio Princeps is included in the collection
perfect. In treating of the nature of the gods, of the philosophical works of Cicero printed by
the pantheistic principle is again broadly asserted, Sweynheym and Pannartz, in 2 vols. fol. , Rome,
-God is the Universe and the Universe is God, -1471. (See above, p. 719, b. ) The edition of Davis,
whence is derived the conclusion that the Deity Camb. 8vo. , 1718, long held the first place, and
must be spherical in form, because the sphere is the has been often reprinted; but that of Moser and
most perfect of figures. But while the Universe Creuzer, 8vo. , Leipz. 1818, nust now be regarded
is God as a whole, it contains within its parts as the best. The pretended 4th book published
many gods, among the number of whom are the by Seraphinus at Bologna, 8vo. , 1811, is an absurd
heavenly bodies. Then follows a curious digres- forgery, if indeed the author ever intended or
sion on the origin of the Greek and Roman Pan- hoped to deceive, which seems doubtful.
theon, and on the causes which led men to commit
the folly of picturing to themselves gods differing
2. De Divinatione Libri II.
in shape, in age, and in apparel ; of assigning to This is intended as a continuation of the pre-
them the relationships of domestic life, and of as- ceding work, out of which the inquiry naturally
cribing to them the desires and passions by which springs. We are here presented with an exposi-
mortals are agitated. Lastly, the government tion of the conflicting opinions of the Porch and
and providence of the gods is deduced from three the Academy upon the reality of the science of
considerations : (a) From their existence, which divination, and the degree of confidence which
being granted, it necessarily follows, that they ought to be reposed in its professors. In the first
must rule the world. (B) From the admitted book the doctrines of the Stoics are defended by Q.
truth, that all things are subject to the laws of Cicero, who begins by dividing divination into two
Nature ; but Nature, when properly defined and branches. 1. The divination of Nature. 2. The
understood, is another name for God. (9) From divination of Art. To the first belong dreams,
the beauty, harmony, wisdom, and benevolence, inward presages, and presentiments, and the ecsta-
manifested in the works of creation. This last tic phrenzy, during which the mind inspired by a
section is handled with great skill and effect; the god discerns the secrets of the future, and pours
absurdity of the doctrine which taught that the forth its conceptions in prophetic words; in the
world was produced by a fortuitous concourse of second are comprehended the indications yielded by
atoms is forcibly exposed, while the arguments de the entrails of the slaughtered victim, by the flight,
rived from astronomy, from the structure of plants, the cries, and the feeding of birds, by thunder and
of fishes, of terrestial animals, and of the human lightning, by lots, by astrology, and by all those
frame, form a most interesting essay on natural strange sights and sounds which were regarded as
theology.
