)
119 Population of Ireland, 1801, 5,319,867 persons; 1811, 6,084,996; 1821, 6,869,544; 1831, 7,828,347; 1841, 8,222,664.
119 Population of Ireland, 1801, 5,319,867 persons; 1811, 6,084,996; 1821, 6,869,544; 1831, 7,828,347; 1841, 8,222,664.
Marx - Capital-Volume-I
?
97,614
? ? ? ? ? 97,401
? ? ? 496 Chapter 25
really free market, but maintained at their artificial value by the power of the owner to say ? Use my house, or go seek a hiring elsewhere without a character from me. . . . ' Does a man wish to better himself, to go as a plate-layer on the railway, or to begin quarry-work, the same power is ready with ? Work for me at this low rate of wages or begone at a week's notice; take your pig with you, and get what you can for the potatoes growing in your garden. ' Should his interest appear to be better served by it, an enhanced rent is sometimes preferred in these cases by the owner (i. e. , the farmer) as the penalty for leaving his service. ? (Dr. Hunter, l. c. , p. 132. )
105 --New married couples are no edifying study for grown-up brothers and sisters: and though instances must not be recorded, sufficient data are remembered to warrant the remark, that great depression and sometimes death are the lot of the female participator in the offence of incest. ? (Dr. Hunter, l. c. , p. 137. ) A member of the rural police who had for many years been a detective in the worst quarters of London, says of the girls of his village: --their boldness and shamelessness I never saw equalled during some years of police life and detective duty in the worst parts of London . . . . They live like pigs, great boys and girls, mothers and fathers, all sleeping in one room, in many instances. ? (--Child. Empl. Com. Sixth Report, 1867,? p. 77 sq. 155. )
106 --Public Health. Seventh Report, 1865,? pp. 9, 14 passim.
107 --The heaven-born employment of the hind gives dignity even to his position. He is not a slave, but a soldier of peace, and deserves his place in married men's quarters to be provided by the landlord, who has claimed a power of enforced labour similar to that the country demands of the soldier. He no more receives market-price for his work than does the soldier. Like the soldier he is caught young, ignorant, knowing only his own trade, and his own locality. Early marriage and. the operation of the various laws of settlement affect the one as enlistment and the Mutiny Act affect the other. ? (Dr. Hunter, l. c. , p. 132. ) Sometimes an exceptionally soft-hearted landlord relents as the solitude he has created. --It is a melancholy thing to stand alone in one's country,? said Lord Leicester, when complimented on the completion of Hookham. --I look around and not a house is to be seen but mine. I am the giant of Giant Castle, and have eat up all my neighbours. ?
108 A similar movement is seen during the last ten years in France; in proportion as capitalist production there takes possession of agriculture, it drives the --surplus? agricultural population into the towns. Here also we find deterioration in the housing and other conditions at the source of the surplus population. On the special --prole? tariat foncier,? to which this system of parcelling out the land has given rise, see, among others, the work of Colins, already quoted, and Karl Marx --Der Achtzehnte Brumaire des Louis Bonaparte. ? 2nd edition. Hamburg, 1869, pp. 56, &c. In 1846, the town population in France was represented by 24. 42, the agricultural by 75. 58; in 1861, the town by 28. 86, the agricultural by 71. 14 per cent. During the last 5 years, the diminution of the agricultural percentage of the population has been yet more marked. As early as 1846, Pierre Dupont in his --Ouvriers? sang:
Mal ve^tus, loge? s dans des trous,
Sous les combles, dans les de? combres,
Nous vivons avec les hiboux
Et les larrons, amis des ombres.
[Badly clothed, living in holes, under the eaves, in the ruins, with the owls and the thieves, companions of the shadows]
109 --Sixth and last Report of the Children's Employment Commission,? published at the end of March, 1867. It deals solely with the agricultural gang-system.
110 --Child. Emp. Comm. , VI. Report. " Evidence 173, p. 37.
111 Some gang-masters, however, have worked themselves up to the position of farmers of 500 acres, or proprietors of whole rows of houses.
? ? 497 Chapter 25
112 --Half the girls of Ludford have been ruined by going out? (in gangs). l. c. , p. 6, ? 32.
113 --They (gangs) have greatly increased of late years. In some places they are said to have been introduced at comparatively late dates; in others where gangs . . . have been known for many years . . . more and younger children are employed in them. ? (l. c. , p. 79, ? 174).
114 --Small farmers never employ gangs. ? --It is not on poor land, but on land which affords rent of from 40 to 50 shillings, that women and children are employed in the greatest numbers. ? (l. c. , pp. 17, 14. )
115 To one of these gentlemen the taste of his rent was so grateful that he indignantly declared to the Commission of Inquiry that the whole hubbub was only due to the name of the system. If instead of --gang? it were called --the Agricultural Juvenile Industrial Self-supporting Association,? everything would be all right.
116 --Gang work is cheaper than other work; that is why they are employed,? says a former gang-master (l. c. , p. 17, ? 14 ). "The gang-system is decidedly the cheapest for the farmer, and decidedly the worst for the children,? says a farmer (l. c. , p. 16, ? 3. )
117 --Undoubtedly much of the work now done by children in gangs used to be done by men and women. More men are out of work now where children and women are employed than formerly. ? (l. c. , p. 43, n. 202. ) On the other hand, --the labour question in some agricultural districts, particularly the arable, is becoming so serious in consequence of emigration, and the facility afforded by railways for getting to large towns that I (the --I? is the steward of a great lord) think the services of children are most indispensable,? (l. c. , p. 80, n. 180. ) For the --labour question? in English agricultural districts, differently from the rest of the civilised world, means the landlords' and farmers' question, viz. , how is it possible, despite an always increasing exodus of the agricultural folk, to keep up a sufficient relative surplus population in the country, and by means of it keep the wages of the agricultural labourer at a minimum?
118 The --Public Health Report,? where in dealing with the subject of children's mortality, the gang- system is treated in passing, remains unknown to the press, and, therefore, to the English public. On the other hand, the last report of the --Child. Empl. Comm. ? afforded the press sensational copy always welcome. Whilst the Liberal press asked how the fine gentlemen and ladies, and the well-paid clergy of the State Church, with whom Lincolnshire swarms, could allow such a system to arise on their estates, under their very eyes, they who send out expressly missions to the Antipodes, --for the improvement of the morals of South Sea Islanders? -- the more refined press confined itself to reflections on the coarse degradation of the agricultural population who are capable of selling their children into such slavery! Under the accursed conditions to which these --delicate? people condemn the agricultural labourer, it would not be surprising if he ate his own children. What is really wonderful is the healthy integrity of character, he has, in great part, retained. The official reports prove that the parents, even in the gang districts, loathe the gang-system. --There is much in the evidence that shows that the parents of the children would, in many instances, be glad to be aided by the requirements of a legal obligation, to resist the pressure and the temptations to which they are often subject. They are liable to be urged, at times by the parish officers, at times by employers, under threats of being themselvat discharged, to be taken to work at an age when . . . school attendance . . . would be manifestly to their greater advantage. . . . All that time and strength wasted; all the suffering from extra and unprofitable fatigue produced to the labourer and to his children; every instance in which the parent may have traced the moral ruin of his child to fhe undermining of delicacy by the over-crowding of cottages, or to the contaminating influences of the public gang, must have been so many incentives to feelings in the minds of the labouring poor which can be well understood, and which it would be needless to particularise. They must be conscious that much bodily and mental pain has thus been inflicted upon them from causes for which they were in no way answerable; to which,
? ? 498 Chapter 25
had it been in their power, they would have in no way consented; and against which they were powerless to struggle. ? (l. c. , p. xx. , ? 82, and xxiii. , n. 96.
)
119 Population of Ireland, 1801, 5,319,867 persons; 1811, 6,084,996; 1821, 6,869,544; 1831, 7,828,347; 1841, 8,222,664.
120 The result would be found yet more unfavourable if we went further back. Thus: Sheep in 1865, 3,688,742, but in 1856, 3,694,294. Pigs in 1865, 1,299,893, but in 1858, 1,409,883
121 The data of the text are put together from the materials of the --Agricultural Statistics, Ireland, General Abstracts, Dublin,? for the years 1860, el seq. , and --Agricultural Statistics, Ireland. Tables showing the estimated average produce, &c. , Dublin, 1866. ? These statistics are official, and laid before Parliament annually.
Note to 2nd edition. The official statistics for the year 1872 show, as compared with 1871, a decrease in area under cultivation of 134,915 acres. An increase occurred in the cultivation of green crops, turnips, mangold-wurzel, and the like; a decrease in the area under cultivation for wheat of 16,000 acres; oats, 14,000; barley and rye, 4,000; potatoes, 66,632; flax, 34,667; grass, clover, vetches, rape- seed, 30,000. The soil under cultivation for wheat shows for the last 5 years the following stages of decrease: -- 1868, 285,000 acres; 1869, 280,000; 1870, 259,000; 1871, 244,000; 1872, 228,000. For 1872 we find, in round numbers, an increase of 2,600 horses, 80,000 horned cattle, 68,609 sheep, and a decrease of 236,000 pigs.
122 The total yearly income under Schedule D. is different in this table from that which appears in the preceding ones, because of certain deductions allowed by law.
123 If the product also diminishes relatively per acre, it must not be forgotten that for a century and a half England has indirectly exported the soil of Ireland, without as much as allowing its cultivators the means for making up the constituents of the soil that had been exhausted.
124 As Ireland is regarded as the promised land of the --principle of population,? Th. Sadler, before the publication of his work on population, issued his famous book, --Ireland, its Evils and their Remedies. ? 2nd edition, London, 1829. Here, by comparison of the statistics of the individual provinces, and of the individual counties in each province, he proves that the misery there is not, as Malthus would have it, in proportion to the number of the population, but in inverse ratio to this.
125 Between 1851 and 1874, the total number of emigrants amounted to 2,325,922.
126 According to a table in Murphy's --Ireland Industrial, Political and Social,? 1870, 94. 6 per cent. or the holdings do not reach 100 acres, 5. 4 exceed 100 acres.
127 --Reports from the Poor Law Inspectors on the Wages of Agricultural Labourers in Dublin,? 1870. See also --Agricultural labourers (Ireland). Return, etc. ? 8 March, 1861, London, 1862.
128 l. c. , pp. 29, 1. 129 l. c. , p. 12.
130 l. c. , p. 12.
131 l. c. , p. 25.
132 l. c. , p. 27.
133 l. c. , p. 25
134 l. c. , p. 1.
135 l. c. , pp. 31, 32. 136 l. c. , p. . 25.
137 l. c. , p. 30.
138 l. c. , pp. 21, 13.
? ? 499 Chapter 25
139 --Rept. of Insp. of Fact. , 31st Oct. , 1866,? p. 96.
140 The total area includes also peat, bogs, and waste land.
141 How the famine and its consequences have been deliberately made the most of, both by the individual landlords and by the English legislature, to forcibly carry out the agricultural revolution and to thin the population of Ireland down to the proportion satisfactory to the landlords, I shall show more fully in Vol. III. of this work, in the section on landed property. There also I return to the condition of the small farmers and the agricultural labourers. At present, only one quotation. Nassau W. Senior says, with other things, in his posthumous work, --Journals, Conversations and Essays relating to Ireland. ? 2 vols. London, 1868; Vol. II. , p. 282. --Well,? said Dr. G. , --we have got our Poor Law and it is a great instrument for giving the victory to the landlords. Another, and a still more powerful instrument is emigration. . . . No friend to Ireland can wish the war to be prolonged [between the landlords and the small Celtic farmers] -- still less, that it should end by the victory of the tenants. The sooner it is over -- the sooner Ireland becomes a grazing country, with the comparatively thin population which a grazing country requires, the better for all classes. ? The English Corn Laws of 1815 secured Ireland the monopoly of the free importation of corn into Great Britain. They favoured artificially, therefore, the cultivation of corn. With the abolition of the Corn Laws in 1846, this monopoly was suddenly removed. Apart from all other circumstances, this event alone was sufficient to give a great impulse to the turning of Irish arable into pasture land, to the concentration of arms, and to the eviction of small cultivators. After the fruitfulness of the Irish soil had been praised from 1815 to 1846, and proclaimed loudly as by Nature herself destined for the cultivation of wheat, English agronomists, economists, politicians, discover suddenly that it is good for nothing but to produce forage. M. Le? once de Lavergne has hastened to repeat this on the other side of the Channel. It takes a --serious? man, a` la Lavergne, to be caught by such childishness.
? ? Part 8: Primitive Accumulation
Chapter 26: The Secret of Primitive Accumulation
We have seen how money is changed into capital; how through capital surplus value is made, and from surplus value more capital. But the accumulation of capital presupposes surplus value; surplus value presupposes capitalistic production; capitalistic production presupposes the pre- existence of considerable masses of capital and of labour power in the hands of producers of commodities. The whole movement, therefore, seems to turn in a vicious circle, out of which we can only get by supposing a primitive accumulation (previous accumulation of Adam Smith) preceding capitalistic accumulation; an accumulation not the result of the capitalistic mode of production, but its starting point.
This primitive accumulation plays in Political Economy about the same part as original sin in theology. Adam bit the apple, and thereupon sin fell on the human race. Its origin is supposed to be explained when it is told as an anecdote of the past. In times long gone by there were two sorts of people; one, the diligent, intelligent, and, above all, frugal elite; the other, lazy rascals, spending their substance, and more, in riotous living. The legend of theological original sin tells us certainly how man came to be condemned to eat his bread in the sweat of his brow; but the history of economic original sin reveals to us that there are people to whom this is by no means essential. Never mind! Thus it came to pass that the former sort accumulated wealth, and the latter sort had at last nothing to sell except their own skins. And from this original sin dates the poverty of the great majority that, despite all its labour, has up to now nothing to sell but itself, and the wealth of the few that increases constantly although they have long ceased to work. Such insipid childishness is every day preached to us in the defence of property. M. Thiers, e. g. , had the assurance to repeat it with all the solemnity of a statesman to the French people, once so spirituel. But as soon as the question of property crops up, it becomes a sacred duty to proclaim the intellectual food of the infant as the one thing fit for all ages and for all stages of development. In actual history it is notorious that conquest, enslavement, robbery, murder, briefly force, play the great part. In the tender annals of Political Economy, the idyllic reigns from time immemorial. Right and --labour? were from all time the sole means of enrichment, the present year of course always excepted. As a matter of fact, the methods of primitive accumulation are anything but idyllic.
In themselves money and commodities are no more capital than are the means of production and of subsistence. They want transforming into capital. But this transformation itself can only take place under certain circumstances that centre in this, viz. , that two very different kinds of commodity-possessors must come face to face and into contact; on the one hand, the owners of money, means of production, means of subsistence, who are eager to increase the sum of values they possess, by buying other people's labour power; on the other hand, free labourers, the sellers of their own labour power, and therefore the sellers of labour. Free labourers, in the double sense that neither they themselves form part and parcel of the means of production, as in the case of slaves, bondsmen, &c. , nor do the means of production belong to them, as in the case of peasant- proprietors; they are, therefore, free from, unencumbered by, any means of production of their
? 501 Chapter 26
own. With this polarization of the market for commodities, the fundamental conditions of capitalist production are given. The capitalist system presupposes the complete separation of the labourers from all property in the means by which they can realize their labour. As soon as capitalist production is once on its own legs, it not only maintains this separation, but reproduces it on a continually extending scale. The process, therefore, that clears the way for the capitalist system, can be none other than the process which takes away from the labourer the possession of his means of production; a process that transforms, on the one hand, the social means of subsistence and of production into capital, on the other, the immediate producers into wage labourers. The so-called primitive accumulation, therefore, is nothing else than the historical process of divorcing the producer from the means of production. It appears as primitive, because it forms the prehistoric stage of capital and of the mode of production corresponding with it.
The economic structure of capitalist society has grown out of the economic structure of feudal society. The dissolution of the latter set free the elements of the former.
The immediate producer, the labourer, could only dispose of his own person after he had ceased to be attached to the soil and ceased to be the slave, serf, or bondsman of another. To become a free seller of labour power, who carries his commodity wherever he finds a market, he must further have escaped from the regime of the guilds, their rules for apprentices and journeymen, and the impediments of their labour regulations. Hence, the historical movement which changes the producers into wage-workers, appears, on the one hand, as their emancipation from serfdom and from the fetters of the guilds, and this side alone exists for our bourgeois historians. But, on the other hand, these new freedmen became sellers of themselves only after they had been robbed of all their own means of production, and of all the guarantees of existence afforded by the old feudal arrangements. And the history of this, their expropriation, is written in the annals of mankind in letters of blood and fire.
The industrial capitalists, these new potentates, had on their part not only to displace the guild masters of handicrafts, but also the feudal lords, the possessors of the sources of wealth. In this respect, their conquest of social power appears as the fruit of a victorious struggle both against feudal lordship and its revolting prerogatives, and against the guilds and the fetters they laid on the free development of production and the free exploitation of man by man. The chevaliers d'industrie, however, only succeeded in supplanting the chevaliers of the sword by making use of events of which they themselves were wholly innocent. They have risen by means as vile as those by which the Roman freedman once on a time made himself the master of his patronus.
The starting point of the development that gave rise to the wage labourer as well as to the capitalist, was the servitude of the labourer. The advance consisted in a change of form of this servitude, in the transformation of feudal exploitation into capitalist exploitation. To understand its march, we need not go back very far. Although we come across the first beginnings of capitalist production as early as the 14th or 15th century, sporadically, in certain towns of the Mediterranean, the capitalistic era dates from the 16th century. Wherever it appears, the abolition of serfdom has been long effected, and the highest development of the middle ages, the existence of sovereign towns, has been long on the wane.
In the history of primitive accumulation, all revolutions are epoch-making that act as levers for the capital class in course of formation; but, above all, those moments when great masses of men are suddenly and forcibly torn from their means of subsistence, and hurled as free and --unattached? proletarians on the labour-market. The expropriation of the agricultural producer, of the peasant, from the soil, is the basis of the whole process. The history of this expropriation, in different countries, assumes different aspects, and runs through its various phases in different
? 502 Chapter 26
orders of succession, and at different periods. In England alone, which we take as our example, has it the classic form. 1
1In Italy, where capitalistic production developed earliest, the dissolution of serfdom also took place earlier than elsewhere. The serf was emancipated in that country before he had acquired any prescriptive right to the soil. His emancipation at once transformed him into a free proletarian, who, moreover, found his master ready waiting for him in the towns, for the most part handed down as legacies from the Roman time. When the revolution of the world-market, about the end of the 15th century, annihilated Northern Italy's commercial supremacy, a movement in the reverse direction set in. The labourers of the towns were driven en masse into the country, and gave an impulse, never before seen, to the petite culture, carried on in the form of gardening.
? ? Chapter 27: Expropriation of the Agricultural Population From the Land
In England, serfdom had practically disappeared in the last part of the 14th century. The immense majority of the population1 consisted then, and to a still larger extent, in the 15th century, of free peasant proprietors, whatever was the feudal title under which their right of property was hidden. In the larger seignorial domains, the old bailiff, himself a serf, was displaced by the free farmer. The wage labourers of agriculture consisted partly of peasants, who utilised their leisure time by working on the large estates, partly of an independent special class of wage labourers, relatively and absolutely few in numbers. The latter also were practically at the same time peasant farmers, since, besides their wages, they had allotted to them arable land to the extent of 4 or more acres, together with their cottages. Besides they, with the rest of the peasants, enjoyed the usufruct of the common land, which gave pasture to their cattle, furnished them with timber, fire-wood, turf, &c. 2 In all countries of Europe, feudal production is characterised by division of the soil amongst the greatest possible number of subfeudatories. The might of the feudal lord, like that of the sovereign, depended not on the length of his rent roll, but on the number of his subjects, and the latter depended on the number of peasant proprietors. 3 Although, therefore, the English land, after the Norman Conquest, was distributed in gigantic baronies, one of which often included some 900 of the old Anglo-Saxon lordships, it was bestrewn with small peasant properties, only here and there interspersed with great seignorial domains. Such conditions, together with the prosperity of the towns so characteristic of the 15th century, allowed of that wealth of the people which Chancellor Fortescue so eloquently paints in his --Laudes legum Angliae;? but it excluded the possibility of capitalistic wealth.
? ? ? ? ? 97,401
? ? ? 496 Chapter 25
really free market, but maintained at their artificial value by the power of the owner to say ? Use my house, or go seek a hiring elsewhere without a character from me. . . . ' Does a man wish to better himself, to go as a plate-layer on the railway, or to begin quarry-work, the same power is ready with ? Work for me at this low rate of wages or begone at a week's notice; take your pig with you, and get what you can for the potatoes growing in your garden. ' Should his interest appear to be better served by it, an enhanced rent is sometimes preferred in these cases by the owner (i. e. , the farmer) as the penalty for leaving his service. ? (Dr. Hunter, l. c. , p. 132. )
105 --New married couples are no edifying study for grown-up brothers and sisters: and though instances must not be recorded, sufficient data are remembered to warrant the remark, that great depression and sometimes death are the lot of the female participator in the offence of incest. ? (Dr. Hunter, l. c. , p. 137. ) A member of the rural police who had for many years been a detective in the worst quarters of London, says of the girls of his village: --their boldness and shamelessness I never saw equalled during some years of police life and detective duty in the worst parts of London . . . . They live like pigs, great boys and girls, mothers and fathers, all sleeping in one room, in many instances. ? (--Child. Empl. Com. Sixth Report, 1867,? p. 77 sq. 155. )
106 --Public Health. Seventh Report, 1865,? pp. 9, 14 passim.
107 --The heaven-born employment of the hind gives dignity even to his position. He is not a slave, but a soldier of peace, and deserves his place in married men's quarters to be provided by the landlord, who has claimed a power of enforced labour similar to that the country demands of the soldier. He no more receives market-price for his work than does the soldier. Like the soldier he is caught young, ignorant, knowing only his own trade, and his own locality. Early marriage and. the operation of the various laws of settlement affect the one as enlistment and the Mutiny Act affect the other. ? (Dr. Hunter, l. c. , p. 132. ) Sometimes an exceptionally soft-hearted landlord relents as the solitude he has created. --It is a melancholy thing to stand alone in one's country,? said Lord Leicester, when complimented on the completion of Hookham. --I look around and not a house is to be seen but mine. I am the giant of Giant Castle, and have eat up all my neighbours. ?
108 A similar movement is seen during the last ten years in France; in proportion as capitalist production there takes possession of agriculture, it drives the --surplus? agricultural population into the towns. Here also we find deterioration in the housing and other conditions at the source of the surplus population. On the special --prole? tariat foncier,? to which this system of parcelling out the land has given rise, see, among others, the work of Colins, already quoted, and Karl Marx --Der Achtzehnte Brumaire des Louis Bonaparte. ? 2nd edition. Hamburg, 1869, pp. 56, &c. In 1846, the town population in France was represented by 24. 42, the agricultural by 75. 58; in 1861, the town by 28. 86, the agricultural by 71. 14 per cent. During the last 5 years, the diminution of the agricultural percentage of the population has been yet more marked. As early as 1846, Pierre Dupont in his --Ouvriers? sang:
Mal ve^tus, loge? s dans des trous,
Sous les combles, dans les de? combres,
Nous vivons avec les hiboux
Et les larrons, amis des ombres.
[Badly clothed, living in holes, under the eaves, in the ruins, with the owls and the thieves, companions of the shadows]
109 --Sixth and last Report of the Children's Employment Commission,? published at the end of March, 1867. It deals solely with the agricultural gang-system.
110 --Child. Emp. Comm. , VI. Report. " Evidence 173, p. 37.
111 Some gang-masters, however, have worked themselves up to the position of farmers of 500 acres, or proprietors of whole rows of houses.
? ? 497 Chapter 25
112 --Half the girls of Ludford have been ruined by going out? (in gangs). l. c. , p. 6, ? 32.
113 --They (gangs) have greatly increased of late years. In some places they are said to have been introduced at comparatively late dates; in others where gangs . . . have been known for many years . . . more and younger children are employed in them. ? (l. c. , p. 79, ? 174).
114 --Small farmers never employ gangs. ? --It is not on poor land, but on land which affords rent of from 40 to 50 shillings, that women and children are employed in the greatest numbers. ? (l. c. , pp. 17, 14. )
115 To one of these gentlemen the taste of his rent was so grateful that he indignantly declared to the Commission of Inquiry that the whole hubbub was only due to the name of the system. If instead of --gang? it were called --the Agricultural Juvenile Industrial Self-supporting Association,? everything would be all right.
116 --Gang work is cheaper than other work; that is why they are employed,? says a former gang-master (l. c. , p. 17, ? 14 ). "The gang-system is decidedly the cheapest for the farmer, and decidedly the worst for the children,? says a farmer (l. c. , p. 16, ? 3. )
117 --Undoubtedly much of the work now done by children in gangs used to be done by men and women. More men are out of work now where children and women are employed than formerly. ? (l. c. , p. 43, n. 202. ) On the other hand, --the labour question in some agricultural districts, particularly the arable, is becoming so serious in consequence of emigration, and the facility afforded by railways for getting to large towns that I (the --I? is the steward of a great lord) think the services of children are most indispensable,? (l. c. , p. 80, n. 180. ) For the --labour question? in English agricultural districts, differently from the rest of the civilised world, means the landlords' and farmers' question, viz. , how is it possible, despite an always increasing exodus of the agricultural folk, to keep up a sufficient relative surplus population in the country, and by means of it keep the wages of the agricultural labourer at a minimum?
118 The --Public Health Report,? where in dealing with the subject of children's mortality, the gang- system is treated in passing, remains unknown to the press, and, therefore, to the English public. On the other hand, the last report of the --Child. Empl. Comm. ? afforded the press sensational copy always welcome. Whilst the Liberal press asked how the fine gentlemen and ladies, and the well-paid clergy of the State Church, with whom Lincolnshire swarms, could allow such a system to arise on their estates, under their very eyes, they who send out expressly missions to the Antipodes, --for the improvement of the morals of South Sea Islanders? -- the more refined press confined itself to reflections on the coarse degradation of the agricultural population who are capable of selling their children into such slavery! Under the accursed conditions to which these --delicate? people condemn the agricultural labourer, it would not be surprising if he ate his own children. What is really wonderful is the healthy integrity of character, he has, in great part, retained. The official reports prove that the parents, even in the gang districts, loathe the gang-system. --There is much in the evidence that shows that the parents of the children would, in many instances, be glad to be aided by the requirements of a legal obligation, to resist the pressure and the temptations to which they are often subject. They are liable to be urged, at times by the parish officers, at times by employers, under threats of being themselvat discharged, to be taken to work at an age when . . . school attendance . . . would be manifestly to their greater advantage. . . . All that time and strength wasted; all the suffering from extra and unprofitable fatigue produced to the labourer and to his children; every instance in which the parent may have traced the moral ruin of his child to fhe undermining of delicacy by the over-crowding of cottages, or to the contaminating influences of the public gang, must have been so many incentives to feelings in the minds of the labouring poor which can be well understood, and which it would be needless to particularise. They must be conscious that much bodily and mental pain has thus been inflicted upon them from causes for which they were in no way answerable; to which,
? ? 498 Chapter 25
had it been in their power, they would have in no way consented; and against which they were powerless to struggle. ? (l. c. , p. xx. , ? 82, and xxiii. , n. 96.
)
119 Population of Ireland, 1801, 5,319,867 persons; 1811, 6,084,996; 1821, 6,869,544; 1831, 7,828,347; 1841, 8,222,664.
120 The result would be found yet more unfavourable if we went further back. Thus: Sheep in 1865, 3,688,742, but in 1856, 3,694,294. Pigs in 1865, 1,299,893, but in 1858, 1,409,883
121 The data of the text are put together from the materials of the --Agricultural Statistics, Ireland, General Abstracts, Dublin,? for the years 1860, el seq. , and --Agricultural Statistics, Ireland. Tables showing the estimated average produce, &c. , Dublin, 1866. ? These statistics are official, and laid before Parliament annually.
Note to 2nd edition. The official statistics for the year 1872 show, as compared with 1871, a decrease in area under cultivation of 134,915 acres. An increase occurred in the cultivation of green crops, turnips, mangold-wurzel, and the like; a decrease in the area under cultivation for wheat of 16,000 acres; oats, 14,000; barley and rye, 4,000; potatoes, 66,632; flax, 34,667; grass, clover, vetches, rape- seed, 30,000. The soil under cultivation for wheat shows for the last 5 years the following stages of decrease: -- 1868, 285,000 acres; 1869, 280,000; 1870, 259,000; 1871, 244,000; 1872, 228,000. For 1872 we find, in round numbers, an increase of 2,600 horses, 80,000 horned cattle, 68,609 sheep, and a decrease of 236,000 pigs.
122 The total yearly income under Schedule D. is different in this table from that which appears in the preceding ones, because of certain deductions allowed by law.
123 If the product also diminishes relatively per acre, it must not be forgotten that for a century and a half England has indirectly exported the soil of Ireland, without as much as allowing its cultivators the means for making up the constituents of the soil that had been exhausted.
124 As Ireland is regarded as the promised land of the --principle of population,? Th. Sadler, before the publication of his work on population, issued his famous book, --Ireland, its Evils and their Remedies. ? 2nd edition, London, 1829. Here, by comparison of the statistics of the individual provinces, and of the individual counties in each province, he proves that the misery there is not, as Malthus would have it, in proportion to the number of the population, but in inverse ratio to this.
125 Between 1851 and 1874, the total number of emigrants amounted to 2,325,922.
126 According to a table in Murphy's --Ireland Industrial, Political and Social,? 1870, 94. 6 per cent. or the holdings do not reach 100 acres, 5. 4 exceed 100 acres.
127 --Reports from the Poor Law Inspectors on the Wages of Agricultural Labourers in Dublin,? 1870. See also --Agricultural labourers (Ireland). Return, etc. ? 8 March, 1861, London, 1862.
128 l. c. , pp. 29, 1. 129 l. c. , p. 12.
130 l. c. , p. 12.
131 l. c. , p. 25.
132 l. c. , p. 27.
133 l. c. , p. 25
134 l. c. , p. 1.
135 l. c. , pp. 31, 32. 136 l. c. , p. . 25.
137 l. c. , p. 30.
138 l. c. , pp. 21, 13.
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139 --Rept. of Insp. of Fact. , 31st Oct. , 1866,? p. 96.
140 The total area includes also peat, bogs, and waste land.
141 How the famine and its consequences have been deliberately made the most of, both by the individual landlords and by the English legislature, to forcibly carry out the agricultural revolution and to thin the population of Ireland down to the proportion satisfactory to the landlords, I shall show more fully in Vol. III. of this work, in the section on landed property. There also I return to the condition of the small farmers and the agricultural labourers. At present, only one quotation. Nassau W. Senior says, with other things, in his posthumous work, --Journals, Conversations and Essays relating to Ireland. ? 2 vols. London, 1868; Vol. II. , p. 282. --Well,? said Dr. G. , --we have got our Poor Law and it is a great instrument for giving the victory to the landlords. Another, and a still more powerful instrument is emigration. . . . No friend to Ireland can wish the war to be prolonged [between the landlords and the small Celtic farmers] -- still less, that it should end by the victory of the tenants. The sooner it is over -- the sooner Ireland becomes a grazing country, with the comparatively thin population which a grazing country requires, the better for all classes. ? The English Corn Laws of 1815 secured Ireland the monopoly of the free importation of corn into Great Britain. They favoured artificially, therefore, the cultivation of corn. With the abolition of the Corn Laws in 1846, this monopoly was suddenly removed. Apart from all other circumstances, this event alone was sufficient to give a great impulse to the turning of Irish arable into pasture land, to the concentration of arms, and to the eviction of small cultivators. After the fruitfulness of the Irish soil had been praised from 1815 to 1846, and proclaimed loudly as by Nature herself destined for the cultivation of wheat, English agronomists, economists, politicians, discover suddenly that it is good for nothing but to produce forage. M. Le? once de Lavergne has hastened to repeat this on the other side of the Channel. It takes a --serious? man, a` la Lavergne, to be caught by such childishness.
? ? Part 8: Primitive Accumulation
Chapter 26: The Secret of Primitive Accumulation
We have seen how money is changed into capital; how through capital surplus value is made, and from surplus value more capital. But the accumulation of capital presupposes surplus value; surplus value presupposes capitalistic production; capitalistic production presupposes the pre- existence of considerable masses of capital and of labour power in the hands of producers of commodities. The whole movement, therefore, seems to turn in a vicious circle, out of which we can only get by supposing a primitive accumulation (previous accumulation of Adam Smith) preceding capitalistic accumulation; an accumulation not the result of the capitalistic mode of production, but its starting point.
This primitive accumulation plays in Political Economy about the same part as original sin in theology. Adam bit the apple, and thereupon sin fell on the human race. Its origin is supposed to be explained when it is told as an anecdote of the past. In times long gone by there were two sorts of people; one, the diligent, intelligent, and, above all, frugal elite; the other, lazy rascals, spending their substance, and more, in riotous living. The legend of theological original sin tells us certainly how man came to be condemned to eat his bread in the sweat of his brow; but the history of economic original sin reveals to us that there are people to whom this is by no means essential. Never mind! Thus it came to pass that the former sort accumulated wealth, and the latter sort had at last nothing to sell except their own skins. And from this original sin dates the poverty of the great majority that, despite all its labour, has up to now nothing to sell but itself, and the wealth of the few that increases constantly although they have long ceased to work. Such insipid childishness is every day preached to us in the defence of property. M. Thiers, e. g. , had the assurance to repeat it with all the solemnity of a statesman to the French people, once so spirituel. But as soon as the question of property crops up, it becomes a sacred duty to proclaim the intellectual food of the infant as the one thing fit for all ages and for all stages of development. In actual history it is notorious that conquest, enslavement, robbery, murder, briefly force, play the great part. In the tender annals of Political Economy, the idyllic reigns from time immemorial. Right and --labour? were from all time the sole means of enrichment, the present year of course always excepted. As a matter of fact, the methods of primitive accumulation are anything but idyllic.
In themselves money and commodities are no more capital than are the means of production and of subsistence. They want transforming into capital. But this transformation itself can only take place under certain circumstances that centre in this, viz. , that two very different kinds of commodity-possessors must come face to face and into contact; on the one hand, the owners of money, means of production, means of subsistence, who are eager to increase the sum of values they possess, by buying other people's labour power; on the other hand, free labourers, the sellers of their own labour power, and therefore the sellers of labour. Free labourers, in the double sense that neither they themselves form part and parcel of the means of production, as in the case of slaves, bondsmen, &c. , nor do the means of production belong to them, as in the case of peasant- proprietors; they are, therefore, free from, unencumbered by, any means of production of their
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own. With this polarization of the market for commodities, the fundamental conditions of capitalist production are given. The capitalist system presupposes the complete separation of the labourers from all property in the means by which they can realize their labour. As soon as capitalist production is once on its own legs, it not only maintains this separation, but reproduces it on a continually extending scale. The process, therefore, that clears the way for the capitalist system, can be none other than the process which takes away from the labourer the possession of his means of production; a process that transforms, on the one hand, the social means of subsistence and of production into capital, on the other, the immediate producers into wage labourers. The so-called primitive accumulation, therefore, is nothing else than the historical process of divorcing the producer from the means of production. It appears as primitive, because it forms the prehistoric stage of capital and of the mode of production corresponding with it.
The economic structure of capitalist society has grown out of the economic structure of feudal society. The dissolution of the latter set free the elements of the former.
The immediate producer, the labourer, could only dispose of his own person after he had ceased to be attached to the soil and ceased to be the slave, serf, or bondsman of another. To become a free seller of labour power, who carries his commodity wherever he finds a market, he must further have escaped from the regime of the guilds, their rules for apprentices and journeymen, and the impediments of their labour regulations. Hence, the historical movement which changes the producers into wage-workers, appears, on the one hand, as their emancipation from serfdom and from the fetters of the guilds, and this side alone exists for our bourgeois historians. But, on the other hand, these new freedmen became sellers of themselves only after they had been robbed of all their own means of production, and of all the guarantees of existence afforded by the old feudal arrangements. And the history of this, their expropriation, is written in the annals of mankind in letters of blood and fire.
The industrial capitalists, these new potentates, had on their part not only to displace the guild masters of handicrafts, but also the feudal lords, the possessors of the sources of wealth. In this respect, their conquest of social power appears as the fruit of a victorious struggle both against feudal lordship and its revolting prerogatives, and against the guilds and the fetters they laid on the free development of production and the free exploitation of man by man. The chevaliers d'industrie, however, only succeeded in supplanting the chevaliers of the sword by making use of events of which they themselves were wholly innocent. They have risen by means as vile as those by which the Roman freedman once on a time made himself the master of his patronus.
The starting point of the development that gave rise to the wage labourer as well as to the capitalist, was the servitude of the labourer. The advance consisted in a change of form of this servitude, in the transformation of feudal exploitation into capitalist exploitation. To understand its march, we need not go back very far. Although we come across the first beginnings of capitalist production as early as the 14th or 15th century, sporadically, in certain towns of the Mediterranean, the capitalistic era dates from the 16th century. Wherever it appears, the abolition of serfdom has been long effected, and the highest development of the middle ages, the existence of sovereign towns, has been long on the wane.
In the history of primitive accumulation, all revolutions are epoch-making that act as levers for the capital class in course of formation; but, above all, those moments when great masses of men are suddenly and forcibly torn from their means of subsistence, and hurled as free and --unattached? proletarians on the labour-market. The expropriation of the agricultural producer, of the peasant, from the soil, is the basis of the whole process. The history of this expropriation, in different countries, assumes different aspects, and runs through its various phases in different
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orders of succession, and at different periods. In England alone, which we take as our example, has it the classic form. 1
1In Italy, where capitalistic production developed earliest, the dissolution of serfdom also took place earlier than elsewhere. The serf was emancipated in that country before he had acquired any prescriptive right to the soil. His emancipation at once transformed him into a free proletarian, who, moreover, found his master ready waiting for him in the towns, for the most part handed down as legacies from the Roman time. When the revolution of the world-market, about the end of the 15th century, annihilated Northern Italy's commercial supremacy, a movement in the reverse direction set in. The labourers of the towns were driven en masse into the country, and gave an impulse, never before seen, to the petite culture, carried on in the form of gardening.
? ? Chapter 27: Expropriation of the Agricultural Population From the Land
In England, serfdom had practically disappeared in the last part of the 14th century. The immense majority of the population1 consisted then, and to a still larger extent, in the 15th century, of free peasant proprietors, whatever was the feudal title under which their right of property was hidden. In the larger seignorial domains, the old bailiff, himself a serf, was displaced by the free farmer. The wage labourers of agriculture consisted partly of peasants, who utilised their leisure time by working on the large estates, partly of an independent special class of wage labourers, relatively and absolutely few in numbers. The latter also were practically at the same time peasant farmers, since, besides their wages, they had allotted to them arable land to the extent of 4 or more acres, together with their cottages. Besides they, with the rest of the peasants, enjoyed the usufruct of the common land, which gave pasture to their cattle, furnished them with timber, fire-wood, turf, &c. 2 In all countries of Europe, feudal production is characterised by division of the soil amongst the greatest possible number of subfeudatories. The might of the feudal lord, like that of the sovereign, depended not on the length of his rent roll, but on the number of his subjects, and the latter depended on the number of peasant proprietors. 3 Although, therefore, the English land, after the Norman Conquest, was distributed in gigantic baronies, one of which often included some 900 of the old Anglo-Saxon lordships, it was bestrewn with small peasant properties, only here and there interspersed with great seignorial domains. Such conditions, together with the prosperity of the towns so characteristic of the 15th century, allowed of that wealth of the people which Chancellor Fortescue so eloquently paints in his --Laudes legum Angliae;? but it excluded the possibility of capitalistic wealth.
