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The Project Gutenberg EBook of Tacitus on Germany, by Tacitus
This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
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Title: Tacitus on Germany
Author: Tacitus
Translator: Thomas Gordon
Release Date: April 3, 2006 [EBook #2995]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TACITUS ON GERMANY ***
Produced by Dagny; John Bickers
TACITUS ON GERMANY
Translated by Thomas Gordon
PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was prepared from a 1910 edition, published
by P. F. Collier & Son Company, New York.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
The dates of the birth and death of Tacitus are uncertain, but it is
probable that he was born about 54 A. D. and died after 117. He was a
contemporary and friend of the younger Pliny, who addressed to him some
of his most famous epistles. Tacitus was apparently of the equestrian
class, was an advocate by training, and had a reputation as an orator,
though none of his speeches has survived. He held a number of important
public offices, and married the daughter of Agricola, the conqueror of
Britain, whose life he wrote.
The two chief works of Tacitus, the "Annals" and the "Histories,"
covered the history of Rome from the death of Augustus to A. D. 96;
but the greater part of the "Histories" is lost, and the fragment that
remains deals only with the year 69 and part of 70. In the "Annals"
there are several gaps, but what survives describes a large part of the
reigns of Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero. His minor works, besides the
life of Agricola, already mentioned, are a "Dialogue on Orators" and the
account of Germany, its situation, its inhabitants, their character and
customs, which is here printed.
Tacitus stands in the front rank of the historians of antiquity for the
accuracy of his learning, the fairness of his judgments, the richness,
concentration, and precision of his style. His great successor, Gibbon,
called him a "philosophical historian, whose writings will instruct the
last generations of mankind"; and Montaigne knew no author "who, in a
work of history, has taken so broad a view of human events or given a
more just analysis of particular characters. "
The "Germany" is a document of the greatest interest and importance,
since it gives us by far the most detailed account of the state of
culture among the tribes that are the ancestors of the modern Teutonic
nations, at the time when they first came into account with the
civilization of the Mediterranean.
TACITUS ON GERMANY
The whole of Germany is thus bounded; separated from Gaul, from Rhoetia
and Pannonia, by the rivers Rhine and Danube; from Sarmatia and Dacia by
mutual fear, or by high mountains: the rest is encompassed by the ocean,
which forms huge bays, and comprehends a tract of islands immense in
extent: for we have lately known certain nations and kingdoms there,
such as the war discovered. The Rhine rising in the Rhoetian Alps from a
summit altogether rocky and perpendicular, after a small winding towards
the west, is lost in the Northern Ocean. The Danube issues out of the
mountain Abnoba, one very high but very easy of ascent, and traversing
several nations, falls by six streams into the Euxine Sea; for its
seventh channel is absorbed in the Fenns.
The Germans, I am apt to believe, derive their original from no other
people; and are nowise mixed with different nations arriving amongst
them: since anciently those who went in search of new dwellings,
travelled not by land, but were carried in fleets; and into that mighty
ocean so boundless, and, as I may call it, so repugnant and forbidding,
ships from our world rarely enter. Moreover, besides the dangers from
a sea tempestuous, horrid and unknown, who would relinquish Asia, or
Africa, or Italy, to repair to Germany, a region hideous and rude, under
a rigorous climate, dismal to behold or to manure [to cultivate] unless
the same were his native country? In their old ballads (which amongst
them are the only sort of registers and history) they celebrate
_Tuisto_, a God sprung from the earth, and _Mannus_ his son, as the
fathers and founders of the nation. To _Mannus_ they assign three sons,
after whose names so many people are called; the Ingaevones, dwelling
next the ocean; the Herminones, in the middle country; and all the rest,
Instaevones. Some, borrowing a warrant from the darkness of antiquity,
maintain that the God had more sons, that thence came more denominations
of people, the Marsians, Gambrians, Suevians, and Vandalians, and that
these are the names truly genuine and original. For the rest, they
affirm Germany to be a recent word, lately bestowed: for that those
who first passed the Rhine and expulsed the Gauls, and are now named
Tungrians, were then called Germans: and thus by degrees the name of a
tribe prevailed, not that of the nation; so that by an appellation at
first occasioned by terror and conquest, they afterwards chose to be
distinguished, and assuming a name lately invented were universally
called _Germans_.
They have a tradition that Hercules also had been in their country, and
him above all other heroes they extol in their songs when they advance
to battle. Amongst them too are found that kind of verses by the recital
of which (by them called _Barding_) they inspire bravery; nay, by such
chanting itself they divine the success of the approaching fight. For,
according to the different din of the battle they urge furiously, or
shrink timorously. Nor does what they utter, so much seem to be singing
as the voice and exertion of valour. They chiefly study a tone fierce
and harsh, with a broken and unequal murmur, and therefore apply their
shields to their mouths, whence the voice may by rebounding swell with
greater fulness and force. Besides there are some of opinion, that
Ulysses, whilst he wandered about in his long and fabulous voyages, was
carried into this ocean and entered Germany, and that by him Asciburgium
was founded and named, a city at this day standing and inhabited upon
the bank of the Rhine: nay, that in the same place was formerly found an
altar dedicated to Ulysses, with the name of his father Laertes added
to his own, and that upon the confines of Germany and Rhoetia are still
extant certain monuments and tombs inscribed with Greek characters.
Traditions these which I mean not either to confirm with arguments of
my own or to refute. Let every one believe or deny the same according to
his own bent.
For myself, I concur in opinion with such as suppose the people of
Germany never to have mingled by inter-marriages with other nations, but
to have remained a people pure, and independent, and resembling none but
themselves. Hence amongst such a mighty multitude of men, the same make
and form is found in all, eyes stern and blue, yellow hair, huge bodies,
but vigorous only in the first onset. Of pains and labour they are not
equally patient, nor can they at all endure thrift and heat. To bear
hunger and cold they are hardened by their climate and soil.
Their lands, however somewhat different in aspect, yet taken all
together consist of gloomy forests or nasty marshes; lower and moister
towards Noricum and Pannonia; very apt to bear grain, but altogether
unkindly to fruit trees; abounding in flocks and herds, but generally
small of growth. Nor even in their oxen is found the usual stateliness,
no more than the natural ornaments and grandeur of head. In the number
of their herds they rejoice; and these are their only, these their most
desirable riches. Silver and gold the Gods have denied them, whether in
mercy or in wrath, I am unable to determine. Yet I would not venture to
aver that in Germany no vein of gold or silver is produced; for who has
ever searched? For the use and possession, it is certain they care not.
Amongst them indeed are to be seen vessels of silver, such as have
been presented to their Princes and Ambassadors, but holden in no other
esteem than vessels made of earth. The Germans however adjoining to our
frontiers value gold and silver for the purposes of commerce, and are
wont to distinguish and prefer certain of our coins. They who live more
remote are more primitive and simple in their dealings, and exchange
one commodity for another. The money which they like is the old and
long known, that indented [with milled edges], or that impressed with
a chariot and two horses. Silver too is what they seek more than gold,
from no fondness or preference, but because small pieces are more ready
in purchasing things cheap and common.
Neither in truth do they abound in iron, as from the fashion of their
weapons may be gathered. Swords they rarely use, or the larger spear.
They carry javelins or, in their own language, _framms_, pointed with a
piece of iron short and narrow, but so sharp and manageable, that with
the same weapon they can fight at a distance or hand to hand, just as
need requires. Nay, the horsemen also are content with a shield and a
javelin. The foot throw likewise weapons missive, each particular
is armed with many, and hurls them a mighty space, all naked or only
wearing a light cassock. In their equipment they show no ostentation;
only that their shields are diversified and adorned with curious
colours. With coats of mail very few are furnished, and hardly upon any
is seen a headpiece or helmet. Their horses are nowise signal either in
fashion or in fleetness; nor taught to wheel and bound, according to the
practice of the Romans: they only move them forward in a line, or turn
them right about, with such compactness and equality that no one is ever
behind the rest. To one who considers the whole it is manifest, that
in their foot their principal strength lies, and therefore they fight
intermixed with the motions and engagements of the cavalry. So that the
infantry are elected from amongst the most robust of their youth, and
placed in front of the army. The number to be sent is also ascertained,
out of every village _an hundred_, and by this very name they continue
to be called at home, _those of the hundred band_: thus what was at
first no more than a number, becomes thenceforth a title and distinction
of honour. In arraying their army, they divide the whole into distinct
battalions formed sharp in front. To recoil in battle, provided you
return again to the attack, passes with them rather for policy than
fear. Even when the combat is no more than doubtful, they bear away the
bodies of their slain. The most glaring disgrace that can befall them,
is to have quitted their shield; nor to one branded with such ignominy
is it lawful to join in their sacrifices, or to enter into their
assemblies; and many who had escaped in the day of battle, have hanged
themselves to put an end to this their infamy.
In the choice of kings they are determined by the splendour of their
race, in that of generals by their bravery. Neither is the power of
their kings unbounded or arbitrary: and their generals procure obedience
not so much by the force of their authority as by that of their example,
when they appear enterprising and brave, when they signalise themselves
by courage and prowess; and if they surpass all in admiration and
pre-eminence, if they surpass all at the head of an army. But to none
else but the Priests is it allowed to exercise correction, or to inflict
bonds or stripes. Nor when the Priests do this, is the same considered
as a punishment, or arising from the orders of the general, but from the
immediate command of the Deity, Him whom they believe to accompany them
in war. They therefore carry with them when going to fight, certain
images and figures taken out of their holy groves. What proves the
principal incentive to their valour is, that it is not at random nor by
the fortuitous conflux of men that their troops and pointed battalions
are formed, but by the conjunction of whole families, and tribes of
relations. Moreover, close to the field of battle are lodged all the
nearest and most interesting pledges of nature. Hence they hear the
doleful howlings of their wives, hence the cries of their tender
infants. These are to each particular the witnesses whom he most
reverences and dreads; these yield him the praise which affect him most.
Their wounds and maims they carry to their mothers, or to their wives,
neither are their mothers or wives shocked in telling, or in sucking
their bleeding sores. Nay, to their husbands and sons whilst engaged in
battle, they administer meat and encouragement.
In history we find, that some armies already yielding and ready to fly,
have been by women restored, through their inflexible importunity
and entreaties, presenting their breasts, and showing their impending
captivity; an evil to the Germans then by far most dreadful when it
befalls their women. So that the spirit of such cities as amongst
their hostages are enjoined to send their damsels of quality, is always
engaged more effectually than that of others. They even believe them
endowed with something celestial and the spirit of prophecy. Neither
do they disdain to consult them, nor neglect the responses which they
return. In the reign of the deified Vespasian, we have seen _Veleda_ for
a long time, and by many nations, esteemed and adored as a divinity. In
times past they likewise worshipped _Aurinia_ and several more, from
no complaisance or effort of flattery, nor as Deities of their own
creating.
Of all the Gods, Mercury is he whom they worship most. To him on certain
stated days it is lawful to offer even human victims. Hercules and Mars
they appease with beasts usually allowed for sacrifice. Some of the
Suevians make likewise immolations to _Isis_. Concerning the cause and
original of this foreign sacrifice I have found small light; unless
the figure of her image formed like a galley, show that such devotion
arrived from abroad. For the rest, from the grandeur and majesty of
beings celestial, they judge it altogether unsuitable to hold the Gods
enclosed within walls, or to represent them under any human likeness.
They consecrate whole woods and groves, and by the names of the Gods
they call these recesses; divinities these, which only in contemplation
and mental reverence they behold.
To the use of lots and auguries, they are addicted beyond all other
nations. Their method of divining by lots is exceeding simple. From a
tree which bears fruit they cut a twig, and divide it into two small
pieces. These they distinguish by so many several marks, and throw them
at random and without order upon a white garment. Then the Priest of the
community, if for the public the lots are consulted, or the father of
a family if about a private concern, after he has solemnly invoked the
Gods, with eyes lifted up to heaven, takes up every piece thrice, and
having done thus forms a judgment according to the marks before made. If
the chances have proved forbidding, they are no more consulted upon the
same affair during the same day; even when they are inviting, yet, for
confirmation, the faith of auguries too is tried. Yea, here also is the
known practice of divining events from the voices and flight of birds.
But to this nation it is peculiar, to learn presages and admonitions
divine from horses also. These are nourished by the State in the same
sacred woods and grooves, all milk-white and employed in no earthly
labour. These yoked in the holy chariot, are accompanied by the Priest
and the King, or the Chief of the community, who both carefully observed
his actions and neighing. Nor in any sort of augury is more faith and
assurance reposed, not by the populace only, but even by the nobles,
even by the Priests. These account themselves the ministers of the Gods,
and the horses privy to his will. They have likewise another method of
divination, whence to learn the issue of great and mighty wars. From the
nation with whom they are at war they contrive, it avails not how, to
gain a captive: him they engage in combat with one selected from amongst
themselves, each armed after the manner of his country, and according
as the victory falls to this or to the other, gather a presage of the
whole.
Affairs of smaller moment the chiefs determine: about matters of
higher consequence the whole nation deliberates; yet in such sort,
that whatever depends upon the pleasure and decision of the people, is
examined and discussed by the chiefs. Where no accident or emergency
intervenes, they assemble upon stated days, either, when the moon
changes, or is full: since they believe such seasons to be the most
fortunate for beginning all transactions. Neither in reckoning of time
do they count, like us, the number of days but that of nights. In this
style their ordinances are framed, in this style their diets appointed;
and with them the night seems to lead and govern the day. From their
extensive liberty this evil and default flows, that they meet not at
once, nor as men commanded and afraid to disobey; so that often the
second day, nay often the third, is consumed through the slowness of the
members in assembling. They sit down as they list, promiscuously, like a
crowd, and all armed. It is by the Priests that silence is enjoined,
and with the power of correction the Priests are then invested. Then the
King or Chief is heard, as are others, each according to his precedence
in age, or in nobility, or in warlike renown, or in eloquence; and the
influence of every speaker proceeds rather from his ability to persuade
than from any authority to command. If the proposition displease, they
reject it by an inarticulate murmur: if it be pleasing, they brandish
their javelins. The most honourable manner of signifying their assent,
is to express their applause by the sound of their arms.
In the assembly it is allowed to present accusations, and to prosecute
capital offences. Punishments vary according to the quality of the
crime. Traitors and deserters they hang upon trees. Cowards, and
sluggards, and unnatural prostitutes they smother in mud and bogs under
an heap of hurdles. Such diversity in their executions has this view,
that in punishing of glaring iniquities, it behooves likewise to
display them to sight; but effeminacy and pollution must be buried and
concealed. In lighter transgressions too the penalty is measured by
the fault, and the delinquents upon conviction are condemned to pay a
certain number of horses or cattle. Part of this mulct accrues to the
King or to the community, part to him whose wrongs are vindicated, or to
his next kindred. In the same assemblies are also chosen their chiefs
or rulers, such as administer justice in their villages and boroughs.
To each of these are assigned an hundred persons chosen from amongst
the populace, to accompany and assist him, men who help him at once with
their authority and their counsel.
Without being armed they transact nothing, whether of public or private
concernment. But it is repugnant to their custom for any man to use
arms, before the community has attested his capacity to wield them.
Upon such testimonial, either one of the rulers, or his father, or
some kinsman dignify the young man in the midst of the assembly, with
a shield and javelin. This amongst them is the _manly robe_, this first
degree of honour conferred upon their youth. Before this they seem
no more than part of a private family, but thenceforward part of the
Commonweal. The princely dignity they confer even upon striplings, whose
race is eminently noble, or whose fathers have done great and signal
services to the State. For about the rest, who are more vigorous and
long since tried, they crowd to attend; nor is it any shame to be seen
amongst the followers of these. Nay, there are likewise degrees of
followers, higher or lower, just as he whom they follow judges fit.
Mighty too is the emulation amongst these followers, of each to be first
in favour with his Prince; mighty also the emulation of the Princes,
to excel in the number and valour of followers. This is their principal
state, this their chief force, to be at all times surrounded with a huge
band of chosen young men, for ornament and glory in peace, for security
and defence in war. Nor is it amongst his own people only, but even from
the neighbouring communities, that any of their Princes reaps so
much renown and a name so great, when he surpasses in the number and
magnanimity of his followers. For such are courted by Embassies, and
distinguished with presents, and by the terror of their fame alone often
dissipate wars.
In the day of battle, it is scandalous to the Prince to be surpassed in
feats of bravery, scandalous to his followers to fail in matching the
bravery of the Prince. But it is infamy during life, and indelible
reproach, to return alive from a battle where their Prince was slain.
To preserve their Prince, to defend him, and to ascribe to his glory all
their own valorous deeds, is the sum and most sacred part of their oath.
The Princes fight for victory; for the Prince his followers fight. Many
of the young nobility, when their own community comes to languish in
its vigour by long peace and inactivity, betake themselves through
impatience in other States which then prove to be in war. For,
besides that this people cannot brook repose, besides that by perilous
adventures they more quickly blazon their fame, they cannot otherwise
than by violence and war support their huge train of retainers. For from
the liberality of their Prince, they demand and enjoy that _war-horse_
of theirs, with that _victorious javelin_ dyed in the blood of their
enemies. In the place of pay, they are supplied with a daily table and
repasts; though grossly prepared, yet very profuse. For maintaining such
liberality and munificence, a fund is furnished by continual wars and
plunder. Nor could you so easily persuade them to cultivate the ground,
or to await the return of the seasons and produce of the year, as
to provoke the foe and to risk wounds and death: since stupid and
spiritless they account it, to acquire by their sweat what they can gain
by their blood.
Upon any recess from war, they do not much attend the chase. Much more
of their time they pass in indolence, resigned to sleep and repasts. All
the most brave, all the most warlike, apply to nothing at all; but to
their wives, to the ancient men, and to even the most impotent domestic,
trust all the care of their house, and of their lands and possessions.
They themselves loiter. Such is the amazing diversity of their nature,
that in the same men is found so much delight in sloth, with so much
enmity to tranquillity and repose. The communities are wont, of their
own accord and man by man, to bestow upon their Princes a certain number
of beasts, or a certain portion of grain; a contribution which passes
indeed for a mark of reverence and honour, but serves also to supply
their necessities. They chiefly rejoice in the gifts which come from the
bordering countries, such as are sent not only by particulars but in the
name of the State; curious horses, splendid armour, rich harness, with
collars of silver and gold. Now too they have learnt, what we have
taught them, to receive money.
That none of the several people in Germany live together in cities, is
abundantly known; nay, that amongst them none of their dwellings are
suffered to be contiguous. They inhabit apart and distinct, just as a
fountain, or a field, or a wood happened to invite them to settle. They
raise their villages in opposite rows, but not in our manner with the
houses joined one to another. Every man has a vacant space quite round
his own, whether for security against accidents from fire, or that they
want the art of building. With them in truth, is unknown even the use of
mortar and of tiles. In all their structures they employ materials
quite gross and unhewn, void of fashion and comeliness. Some parts
they besmear with an earth so pure and resplendent, that it resembles
painting and colours. They are likewise wont to scoop caves deep in the
ground, and over them to lay great heaps of dung. Thither they retire
for shelter in the winter, and thither convey their grain: for by such
close places they mollify the rigorous and excessive cold. Besides
when at any time their enemy invades them, he can only ravage the
open country, but either knows not such recesses as are invisible and
subterraneous; or must suffer them to escape him, on this very account
that he is uncertain where to find them.
For their covering a mantle is what they all wear, fastened with a clasp
or, for want of it, with a thorn. As far as this reaches not they
are naked, and lie whole days before the fire. The most wealthy are
distinguished with a vest, not one large and flowing like those of
Sarmatians and Parthians, but girt close about them and expressing the
proportion of every limb. They likewise wear the skins of savage beasts,
a dress which those bordering upon the Rhine use without any fondness or
delicacy, but about which such who live further in the country are more
curious, as void of all apparel introduced by commerce. They choose
certain wild beasts, and, having flayed them, diversify their hides with
many spots, as also with the skins of monsters from the deep, such as
are engendered in the distant ocean and in seas unknown. Neither does
the dress of the women differ from that of the men, save that the
women are orderly attired in linen embroidered with purple, and use no
sleeves, so that all their arms are bare. The upper part of their breast
is withal exposed.
Yet the laws of matrimony are severely observed there; for in the whole
of their manners is aught more praiseworthy than this: for they are
almost the only Barbarians contented with one wife, excepting a very few
amongst them; men of dignity who marry divers wives, from no wantonness
or lubricity, but courted for the lustre of their family into many
alliances.
To the husband, the wife tenders no dowry; but the husband, to the wife.
The parents and relations attend and declare their approbation of the
presents, not presents adapted to feminine pomp and delicacy, nor such
as serve to deck the new married woman; but oxen and horse accoutred,
and a shield, with a javelin and sword. By virtue of these gifts, she
is espoused. She too on her part brings her husband some arms. This they
esteem the highest tie, these the holy mysteries, and matrimonial Gods.
That the woman may not suppose herself free from the considerations of
fortitude and fighting, or exempt from the casualties of war, the very
first solemnities of her wedding serve to warn her, that she comes to
her husband as a partner in his hazards and fatigues, that she is to
suffer alike with him, to adventure alike, during peace or during war.
This the oxen joined in the same yoke plainly indicate, this the horse
ready equipped, this the present of arms. 'Tis thus she must be content
to live, thus to resign life. The arms which she then receives she must
preserve inviolate, and to her sons restore the same, as presents worthy
of them, such as their wives may again receive, and still resign to her
grandchildren.
They therefore live in a state of chastity well secured; corrupted by no
seducing shows and public diversions, by no irritations from banqueting.
Of learning and of any secret intercourse by letters, they are all
equally ignorant, men and women. Amongst a people so numerous, adultery
is exceeding rare; a crime instantly punished, and the punishment left
to be inflicted by the husband. He, having cut off her hair, expells her
from his house naked, in presence of her kindred, and pursues her with
stripes throughout the village. For, to a woman who has prostituted her
person, no pardon is ever granted. However beautiful she may be, however
young, however abounding in wealth, a husband she can never find.
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Title: Tacitus on Germany
Author: Tacitus
Translator: Thomas Gordon
Release Date: April 3, 2006 [EBook #2995]
Language: English
*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TACITUS ON GERMANY ***
Produced by Dagny; John Bickers
TACITUS ON GERMANY
Translated by Thomas Gordon
PREPARER'S NOTE
This text was prepared from a 1910 edition, published
by P. F. Collier & Son Company, New York.
INTRODUCTORY NOTE
The dates of the birth and death of Tacitus are uncertain, but it is
probable that he was born about 54 A. D. and died after 117. He was a
contemporary and friend of the younger Pliny, who addressed to him some
of his most famous epistles. Tacitus was apparently of the equestrian
class, was an advocate by training, and had a reputation as an orator,
though none of his speeches has survived. He held a number of important
public offices, and married the daughter of Agricola, the conqueror of
Britain, whose life he wrote.
The two chief works of Tacitus, the "Annals" and the "Histories,"
covered the history of Rome from the death of Augustus to A. D. 96;
but the greater part of the "Histories" is lost, and the fragment that
remains deals only with the year 69 and part of 70. In the "Annals"
there are several gaps, but what survives describes a large part of the
reigns of Tiberius, Claudius, and Nero. His minor works, besides the
life of Agricola, already mentioned, are a "Dialogue on Orators" and the
account of Germany, its situation, its inhabitants, their character and
customs, which is here printed.
Tacitus stands in the front rank of the historians of antiquity for the
accuracy of his learning, the fairness of his judgments, the richness,
concentration, and precision of his style. His great successor, Gibbon,
called him a "philosophical historian, whose writings will instruct the
last generations of mankind"; and Montaigne knew no author "who, in a
work of history, has taken so broad a view of human events or given a
more just analysis of particular characters. "
The "Germany" is a document of the greatest interest and importance,
since it gives us by far the most detailed account of the state of
culture among the tribes that are the ancestors of the modern Teutonic
nations, at the time when they first came into account with the
civilization of the Mediterranean.
TACITUS ON GERMANY
The whole of Germany is thus bounded; separated from Gaul, from Rhoetia
and Pannonia, by the rivers Rhine and Danube; from Sarmatia and Dacia by
mutual fear, or by high mountains: the rest is encompassed by the ocean,
which forms huge bays, and comprehends a tract of islands immense in
extent: for we have lately known certain nations and kingdoms there,
such as the war discovered. The Rhine rising in the Rhoetian Alps from a
summit altogether rocky and perpendicular, after a small winding towards
the west, is lost in the Northern Ocean. The Danube issues out of the
mountain Abnoba, one very high but very easy of ascent, and traversing
several nations, falls by six streams into the Euxine Sea; for its
seventh channel is absorbed in the Fenns.
The Germans, I am apt to believe, derive their original from no other
people; and are nowise mixed with different nations arriving amongst
them: since anciently those who went in search of new dwellings,
travelled not by land, but were carried in fleets; and into that mighty
ocean so boundless, and, as I may call it, so repugnant and forbidding,
ships from our world rarely enter. Moreover, besides the dangers from
a sea tempestuous, horrid and unknown, who would relinquish Asia, or
Africa, or Italy, to repair to Germany, a region hideous and rude, under
a rigorous climate, dismal to behold or to manure [to cultivate] unless
the same were his native country? In their old ballads (which amongst
them are the only sort of registers and history) they celebrate
_Tuisto_, a God sprung from the earth, and _Mannus_ his son, as the
fathers and founders of the nation. To _Mannus_ they assign three sons,
after whose names so many people are called; the Ingaevones, dwelling
next the ocean; the Herminones, in the middle country; and all the rest,
Instaevones. Some, borrowing a warrant from the darkness of antiquity,
maintain that the God had more sons, that thence came more denominations
of people, the Marsians, Gambrians, Suevians, and Vandalians, and that
these are the names truly genuine and original. For the rest, they
affirm Germany to be a recent word, lately bestowed: for that those
who first passed the Rhine and expulsed the Gauls, and are now named
Tungrians, were then called Germans: and thus by degrees the name of a
tribe prevailed, not that of the nation; so that by an appellation at
first occasioned by terror and conquest, they afterwards chose to be
distinguished, and assuming a name lately invented were universally
called _Germans_.
They have a tradition that Hercules also had been in their country, and
him above all other heroes they extol in their songs when they advance
to battle. Amongst them too are found that kind of verses by the recital
of which (by them called _Barding_) they inspire bravery; nay, by such
chanting itself they divine the success of the approaching fight. For,
according to the different din of the battle they urge furiously, or
shrink timorously. Nor does what they utter, so much seem to be singing
as the voice and exertion of valour. They chiefly study a tone fierce
and harsh, with a broken and unequal murmur, and therefore apply their
shields to their mouths, whence the voice may by rebounding swell with
greater fulness and force. Besides there are some of opinion, that
Ulysses, whilst he wandered about in his long and fabulous voyages, was
carried into this ocean and entered Germany, and that by him Asciburgium
was founded and named, a city at this day standing and inhabited upon
the bank of the Rhine: nay, that in the same place was formerly found an
altar dedicated to Ulysses, with the name of his father Laertes added
to his own, and that upon the confines of Germany and Rhoetia are still
extant certain monuments and tombs inscribed with Greek characters.
Traditions these which I mean not either to confirm with arguments of
my own or to refute. Let every one believe or deny the same according to
his own bent.
For myself, I concur in opinion with such as suppose the people of
Germany never to have mingled by inter-marriages with other nations, but
to have remained a people pure, and independent, and resembling none but
themselves. Hence amongst such a mighty multitude of men, the same make
and form is found in all, eyes stern and blue, yellow hair, huge bodies,
but vigorous only in the first onset. Of pains and labour they are not
equally patient, nor can they at all endure thrift and heat. To bear
hunger and cold they are hardened by their climate and soil.
Their lands, however somewhat different in aspect, yet taken all
together consist of gloomy forests or nasty marshes; lower and moister
towards Noricum and Pannonia; very apt to bear grain, but altogether
unkindly to fruit trees; abounding in flocks and herds, but generally
small of growth. Nor even in their oxen is found the usual stateliness,
no more than the natural ornaments and grandeur of head. In the number
of their herds they rejoice; and these are their only, these their most
desirable riches. Silver and gold the Gods have denied them, whether in
mercy or in wrath, I am unable to determine. Yet I would not venture to
aver that in Germany no vein of gold or silver is produced; for who has
ever searched? For the use and possession, it is certain they care not.
Amongst them indeed are to be seen vessels of silver, such as have
been presented to their Princes and Ambassadors, but holden in no other
esteem than vessels made of earth. The Germans however adjoining to our
frontiers value gold and silver for the purposes of commerce, and are
wont to distinguish and prefer certain of our coins. They who live more
remote are more primitive and simple in their dealings, and exchange
one commodity for another. The money which they like is the old and
long known, that indented [with milled edges], or that impressed with
a chariot and two horses. Silver too is what they seek more than gold,
from no fondness or preference, but because small pieces are more ready
in purchasing things cheap and common.
Neither in truth do they abound in iron, as from the fashion of their
weapons may be gathered. Swords they rarely use, or the larger spear.
They carry javelins or, in their own language, _framms_, pointed with a
piece of iron short and narrow, but so sharp and manageable, that with
the same weapon they can fight at a distance or hand to hand, just as
need requires. Nay, the horsemen also are content with a shield and a
javelin. The foot throw likewise weapons missive, each particular
is armed with many, and hurls them a mighty space, all naked or only
wearing a light cassock. In their equipment they show no ostentation;
only that their shields are diversified and adorned with curious
colours. With coats of mail very few are furnished, and hardly upon any
is seen a headpiece or helmet. Their horses are nowise signal either in
fashion or in fleetness; nor taught to wheel and bound, according to the
practice of the Romans: they only move them forward in a line, or turn
them right about, with such compactness and equality that no one is ever
behind the rest. To one who considers the whole it is manifest, that
in their foot their principal strength lies, and therefore they fight
intermixed with the motions and engagements of the cavalry. So that the
infantry are elected from amongst the most robust of their youth, and
placed in front of the army. The number to be sent is also ascertained,
out of every village _an hundred_, and by this very name they continue
to be called at home, _those of the hundred band_: thus what was at
first no more than a number, becomes thenceforth a title and distinction
of honour. In arraying their army, they divide the whole into distinct
battalions formed sharp in front. To recoil in battle, provided you
return again to the attack, passes with them rather for policy than
fear. Even when the combat is no more than doubtful, they bear away the
bodies of their slain. The most glaring disgrace that can befall them,
is to have quitted their shield; nor to one branded with such ignominy
is it lawful to join in their sacrifices, or to enter into their
assemblies; and many who had escaped in the day of battle, have hanged
themselves to put an end to this their infamy.
In the choice of kings they are determined by the splendour of their
race, in that of generals by their bravery. Neither is the power of
their kings unbounded or arbitrary: and their generals procure obedience
not so much by the force of their authority as by that of their example,
when they appear enterprising and brave, when they signalise themselves
by courage and prowess; and if they surpass all in admiration and
pre-eminence, if they surpass all at the head of an army. But to none
else but the Priests is it allowed to exercise correction, or to inflict
bonds or stripes. Nor when the Priests do this, is the same considered
as a punishment, or arising from the orders of the general, but from the
immediate command of the Deity, Him whom they believe to accompany them
in war. They therefore carry with them when going to fight, certain
images and figures taken out of their holy groves. What proves the
principal incentive to their valour is, that it is not at random nor by
the fortuitous conflux of men that their troops and pointed battalions
are formed, but by the conjunction of whole families, and tribes of
relations. Moreover, close to the field of battle are lodged all the
nearest and most interesting pledges of nature. Hence they hear the
doleful howlings of their wives, hence the cries of their tender
infants. These are to each particular the witnesses whom he most
reverences and dreads; these yield him the praise which affect him most.
Their wounds and maims they carry to their mothers, or to their wives,
neither are their mothers or wives shocked in telling, or in sucking
their bleeding sores. Nay, to their husbands and sons whilst engaged in
battle, they administer meat and encouragement.
In history we find, that some armies already yielding and ready to fly,
have been by women restored, through their inflexible importunity
and entreaties, presenting their breasts, and showing their impending
captivity; an evil to the Germans then by far most dreadful when it
befalls their women. So that the spirit of such cities as amongst
their hostages are enjoined to send their damsels of quality, is always
engaged more effectually than that of others. They even believe them
endowed with something celestial and the spirit of prophecy. Neither
do they disdain to consult them, nor neglect the responses which they
return. In the reign of the deified Vespasian, we have seen _Veleda_ for
a long time, and by many nations, esteemed and adored as a divinity. In
times past they likewise worshipped _Aurinia_ and several more, from
no complaisance or effort of flattery, nor as Deities of their own
creating.
Of all the Gods, Mercury is he whom they worship most. To him on certain
stated days it is lawful to offer even human victims. Hercules and Mars
they appease with beasts usually allowed for sacrifice. Some of the
Suevians make likewise immolations to _Isis_. Concerning the cause and
original of this foreign sacrifice I have found small light; unless
the figure of her image formed like a galley, show that such devotion
arrived from abroad. For the rest, from the grandeur and majesty of
beings celestial, they judge it altogether unsuitable to hold the Gods
enclosed within walls, or to represent them under any human likeness.
They consecrate whole woods and groves, and by the names of the Gods
they call these recesses; divinities these, which only in contemplation
and mental reverence they behold.
To the use of lots and auguries, they are addicted beyond all other
nations. Their method of divining by lots is exceeding simple. From a
tree which bears fruit they cut a twig, and divide it into two small
pieces. These they distinguish by so many several marks, and throw them
at random and without order upon a white garment. Then the Priest of the
community, if for the public the lots are consulted, or the father of
a family if about a private concern, after he has solemnly invoked the
Gods, with eyes lifted up to heaven, takes up every piece thrice, and
having done thus forms a judgment according to the marks before made. If
the chances have proved forbidding, they are no more consulted upon the
same affair during the same day; even when they are inviting, yet, for
confirmation, the faith of auguries too is tried. Yea, here also is the
known practice of divining events from the voices and flight of birds.
But to this nation it is peculiar, to learn presages and admonitions
divine from horses also. These are nourished by the State in the same
sacred woods and grooves, all milk-white and employed in no earthly
labour. These yoked in the holy chariot, are accompanied by the Priest
and the King, or the Chief of the community, who both carefully observed
his actions and neighing. Nor in any sort of augury is more faith and
assurance reposed, not by the populace only, but even by the nobles,
even by the Priests. These account themselves the ministers of the Gods,
and the horses privy to his will. They have likewise another method of
divination, whence to learn the issue of great and mighty wars. From the
nation with whom they are at war they contrive, it avails not how, to
gain a captive: him they engage in combat with one selected from amongst
themselves, each armed after the manner of his country, and according
as the victory falls to this or to the other, gather a presage of the
whole.
Affairs of smaller moment the chiefs determine: about matters of
higher consequence the whole nation deliberates; yet in such sort,
that whatever depends upon the pleasure and decision of the people, is
examined and discussed by the chiefs. Where no accident or emergency
intervenes, they assemble upon stated days, either, when the moon
changes, or is full: since they believe such seasons to be the most
fortunate for beginning all transactions. Neither in reckoning of time
do they count, like us, the number of days but that of nights. In this
style their ordinances are framed, in this style their diets appointed;
and with them the night seems to lead and govern the day. From their
extensive liberty this evil and default flows, that they meet not at
once, nor as men commanded and afraid to disobey; so that often the
second day, nay often the third, is consumed through the slowness of the
members in assembling. They sit down as they list, promiscuously, like a
crowd, and all armed. It is by the Priests that silence is enjoined,
and with the power of correction the Priests are then invested. Then the
King or Chief is heard, as are others, each according to his precedence
in age, or in nobility, or in warlike renown, or in eloquence; and the
influence of every speaker proceeds rather from his ability to persuade
than from any authority to command. If the proposition displease, they
reject it by an inarticulate murmur: if it be pleasing, they brandish
their javelins. The most honourable manner of signifying their assent,
is to express their applause by the sound of their arms.
In the assembly it is allowed to present accusations, and to prosecute
capital offences. Punishments vary according to the quality of the
crime. Traitors and deserters they hang upon trees. Cowards, and
sluggards, and unnatural prostitutes they smother in mud and bogs under
an heap of hurdles. Such diversity in their executions has this view,
that in punishing of glaring iniquities, it behooves likewise to
display them to sight; but effeminacy and pollution must be buried and
concealed. In lighter transgressions too the penalty is measured by
the fault, and the delinquents upon conviction are condemned to pay a
certain number of horses or cattle. Part of this mulct accrues to the
King or to the community, part to him whose wrongs are vindicated, or to
his next kindred. In the same assemblies are also chosen their chiefs
or rulers, such as administer justice in their villages and boroughs.
To each of these are assigned an hundred persons chosen from amongst
the populace, to accompany and assist him, men who help him at once with
their authority and their counsel.
Without being armed they transact nothing, whether of public or private
concernment. But it is repugnant to their custom for any man to use
arms, before the community has attested his capacity to wield them.
Upon such testimonial, either one of the rulers, or his father, or
some kinsman dignify the young man in the midst of the assembly, with
a shield and javelin. This amongst them is the _manly robe_, this first
degree of honour conferred upon their youth. Before this they seem
no more than part of a private family, but thenceforward part of the
Commonweal. The princely dignity they confer even upon striplings, whose
race is eminently noble, or whose fathers have done great and signal
services to the State. For about the rest, who are more vigorous and
long since tried, they crowd to attend; nor is it any shame to be seen
amongst the followers of these. Nay, there are likewise degrees of
followers, higher or lower, just as he whom they follow judges fit.
Mighty too is the emulation amongst these followers, of each to be first
in favour with his Prince; mighty also the emulation of the Princes,
to excel in the number and valour of followers. This is their principal
state, this their chief force, to be at all times surrounded with a huge
band of chosen young men, for ornament and glory in peace, for security
and defence in war. Nor is it amongst his own people only, but even from
the neighbouring communities, that any of their Princes reaps so
much renown and a name so great, when he surpasses in the number and
magnanimity of his followers. For such are courted by Embassies, and
distinguished with presents, and by the terror of their fame alone often
dissipate wars.
In the day of battle, it is scandalous to the Prince to be surpassed in
feats of bravery, scandalous to his followers to fail in matching the
bravery of the Prince. But it is infamy during life, and indelible
reproach, to return alive from a battle where their Prince was slain.
To preserve their Prince, to defend him, and to ascribe to his glory all
their own valorous deeds, is the sum and most sacred part of their oath.
The Princes fight for victory; for the Prince his followers fight. Many
of the young nobility, when their own community comes to languish in
its vigour by long peace and inactivity, betake themselves through
impatience in other States which then prove to be in war. For,
besides that this people cannot brook repose, besides that by perilous
adventures they more quickly blazon their fame, they cannot otherwise
than by violence and war support their huge train of retainers. For from
the liberality of their Prince, they demand and enjoy that _war-horse_
of theirs, with that _victorious javelin_ dyed in the blood of their
enemies. In the place of pay, they are supplied with a daily table and
repasts; though grossly prepared, yet very profuse. For maintaining such
liberality and munificence, a fund is furnished by continual wars and
plunder. Nor could you so easily persuade them to cultivate the ground,
or to await the return of the seasons and produce of the year, as
to provoke the foe and to risk wounds and death: since stupid and
spiritless they account it, to acquire by their sweat what they can gain
by their blood.
Upon any recess from war, they do not much attend the chase. Much more
of their time they pass in indolence, resigned to sleep and repasts. All
the most brave, all the most warlike, apply to nothing at all; but to
their wives, to the ancient men, and to even the most impotent domestic,
trust all the care of their house, and of their lands and possessions.
They themselves loiter. Such is the amazing diversity of their nature,
that in the same men is found so much delight in sloth, with so much
enmity to tranquillity and repose. The communities are wont, of their
own accord and man by man, to bestow upon their Princes a certain number
of beasts, or a certain portion of grain; a contribution which passes
indeed for a mark of reverence and honour, but serves also to supply
their necessities. They chiefly rejoice in the gifts which come from the
bordering countries, such as are sent not only by particulars but in the
name of the State; curious horses, splendid armour, rich harness, with
collars of silver and gold. Now too they have learnt, what we have
taught them, to receive money.
That none of the several people in Germany live together in cities, is
abundantly known; nay, that amongst them none of their dwellings are
suffered to be contiguous. They inhabit apart and distinct, just as a
fountain, or a field, or a wood happened to invite them to settle. They
raise their villages in opposite rows, but not in our manner with the
houses joined one to another. Every man has a vacant space quite round
his own, whether for security against accidents from fire, or that they
want the art of building. With them in truth, is unknown even the use of
mortar and of tiles. In all their structures they employ materials
quite gross and unhewn, void of fashion and comeliness. Some parts
they besmear with an earth so pure and resplendent, that it resembles
painting and colours. They are likewise wont to scoop caves deep in the
ground, and over them to lay great heaps of dung. Thither they retire
for shelter in the winter, and thither convey their grain: for by such
close places they mollify the rigorous and excessive cold. Besides
when at any time their enemy invades them, he can only ravage the
open country, but either knows not such recesses as are invisible and
subterraneous; or must suffer them to escape him, on this very account
that he is uncertain where to find them.
For their covering a mantle is what they all wear, fastened with a clasp
or, for want of it, with a thorn. As far as this reaches not they
are naked, and lie whole days before the fire. The most wealthy are
distinguished with a vest, not one large and flowing like those of
Sarmatians and Parthians, but girt close about them and expressing the
proportion of every limb. They likewise wear the skins of savage beasts,
a dress which those bordering upon the Rhine use without any fondness or
delicacy, but about which such who live further in the country are more
curious, as void of all apparel introduced by commerce. They choose
certain wild beasts, and, having flayed them, diversify their hides with
many spots, as also with the skins of monsters from the deep, such as
are engendered in the distant ocean and in seas unknown. Neither does
the dress of the women differ from that of the men, save that the
women are orderly attired in linen embroidered with purple, and use no
sleeves, so that all their arms are bare. The upper part of their breast
is withal exposed.
Yet the laws of matrimony are severely observed there; for in the whole
of their manners is aught more praiseworthy than this: for they are
almost the only Barbarians contented with one wife, excepting a very few
amongst them; men of dignity who marry divers wives, from no wantonness
or lubricity, but courted for the lustre of their family into many
alliances.
To the husband, the wife tenders no dowry; but the husband, to the wife.
The parents and relations attend and declare their approbation of the
presents, not presents adapted to feminine pomp and delicacy, nor such
as serve to deck the new married woman; but oxen and horse accoutred,
and a shield, with a javelin and sword. By virtue of these gifts, she
is espoused. She too on her part brings her husband some arms. This they
esteem the highest tie, these the holy mysteries, and matrimonial Gods.
That the woman may not suppose herself free from the considerations of
fortitude and fighting, or exempt from the casualties of war, the very
first solemnities of her wedding serve to warn her, that she comes to
her husband as a partner in his hazards and fatigues, that she is to
suffer alike with him, to adventure alike, during peace or during war.
This the oxen joined in the same yoke plainly indicate, this the horse
ready equipped, this the present of arms. 'Tis thus she must be content
to live, thus to resign life. The arms which she then receives she must
preserve inviolate, and to her sons restore the same, as presents worthy
of them, such as their wives may again receive, and still resign to her
grandchildren.
They therefore live in a state of chastity well secured; corrupted by no
seducing shows and public diversions, by no irritations from banqueting.
Of learning and of any secret intercourse by letters, they are all
equally ignorant, men and women. Amongst a people so numerous, adultery
is exceeding rare; a crime instantly punished, and the punishment left
to be inflicted by the husband. He, having cut off her hair, expells her
from his house naked, in presence of her kindred, and pursues her with
stripes throughout the village. For, to a woman who has prostituted her
person, no pardon is ever granted. However beautiful she may be, however
young, however abounding in wealth, a husband she can never find.
