A friend will
overlook
your faults .
Adorno-T-Authoritarian-Personality-Harper-Bros-1950
I can't ask for too much there, with my looks.
At least as much intelligence as I have.
Fairly intelligent, in other words.
I don't care about religion and morals, as long as they are not too bad.
Her own damn business whether she is a virgin or not.
.
.
.
Essential that she be a good companion, keep me well amused; companionship includes everything from con- versation to sex, with emphasis on congeniality.
"
Some of the low scorers come close to a tendency toward obsessional rumination about their faults and the mistakes they have made. The exag- gerated feelings of guilt and self-deprecation constitute some of the major neurotic features common in low scorers. They are frequently accompanied by depressions. Instead of aggressive self-assertion, there is often an unhealthy trend toward withdrawal in the face of difficulties.
4. WORLD AS JUNGLE
Projection of one's inner impulses, particularly of aggression, onto others will naturally lead to a conception of a dangerous and hostile world and con- sequently to a general suspiciousness of others. Thus, it was found that typical high-scoring subjects tend to manifest distrust and suspicion of others. Theirs is a conception of people as threatening in the sense of an oversimplified sur- vival-of-the-fittest idea. Feelings of victimization are often connected with such notions. The opposite variant was defined as trustingness and openness, as manifested by seeing people as essentially "good" until proved otherwise; it was expected to be found predominantly in the low-scoring subjects.
For both men and women, differentiation in terms of this pair of opposites (Category 30) was found to be highly significant (I per cent level of con- fidence).
Emphasis on the "jungle-character" of the world1 as just described, a world in which one has to destroy others to prevent them from destroying oneself, is best expressed by a quotation from M4z, a high scorer: "Nowadays it's 'get the other fellow before he gets you. ' "
1 This, as well as many other findings reported in this chapter, is in perfect agreement with the description of the authoritarian character given by Fromm (42) and Maslow (79).
? 412
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
Another high-scoring man, M57, says: "Hell, you can't have real friends in here (prison), stab you in the back. Can't trust any of them. "
Distrust in, and dislike of, other people is further manifested in the fol- lowing records of high-scoring men.
M45: "Not being able to attend to their own business, not having sense enough to understand to know when they're imposing on you. . . . "
M47: (What dislike in others? ) "Well, their actions, the way they talk. (How do you mean? ) I don't know how to explain it. . . . Maybe a fellow comes up and gives me a couple of knick-knacks just to make up to me. I don't go for that. Some of these guys shove up in lines, go to the show and holler like little kids. (What do you find most offensive? ) A guy trying to butt into my business. "
M51: (You mentioned once before that as a child you didn't accept your father as a shining example which he was held up to you as. Tell me about your feelings to- wards your father as a child. ) "Well, I resented a lot of things. I loved him. I always said I did. I used to have a kind of fit if I was ever taken away from him. . . . I always accused him of being harsh. . . . I never understood him. . . . And apparently this all falls in with Darwin's theory too. "
The fact that the high-scoring subjects, more often than the low scorers, made inquiries as to the purpose of the interviews, as to the basis of selection of the subjects, and as to the publication of the material seemed to reflect the greater suspiciousness of the former. The general resistance to "being ques- tioned" is clearly expressed in the records of the following high-scoring woman:
F72: (What kinds of things make you mad? ) "Well, for instance, my sister. When I come home and she starts asking me questions about what happened and what did you do, I don't want to have to give accounts. Not that I've anything to hide. I don't have anything to hide, but I don't like being questioned. I don't like prying. "
By comparison, the records of low-scoring subjects frequently reveal genuine liking of, and warm interest and concern for, people, along with belief in their essential "goodness. " Examples are:
M42: (How did you come to be a service station operator? ) "Just by accident. . . . I worked part time in school . . . another thing, I like to meet people . . . most people as a rule are pretty nice to me. . . . "
F3o: "I would even be content to call 'evolution' my religion. When it comes to attending or working in a church I prefer the Methodist. However, that is not im- portant. What is important is that people believe in humanity, in each other, and that the force of goodness, of progress, is the strongest force in the world. "
F34: "I always made it a point to sit next to different people on the bus and get into conversation with them. Lots of people think that everybody is getting along fine now and making lots of money. Actually, people have a very hard time. And they are worried about the future. Everyone is under a terrible strain. "
As may be suspected from the last of these records, many of the low- scoring individuals tend to be "worriers. " Thus they assume that other
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 4I3
people suffer too. However, such feelings tend to be rather structured and specific (e. g. , worry about the father) when compared with the vague and diffuse anxieties about a generally threatening environment or a lack of support which are typical of high scorers.
5. HIERARCHICAL VS. EQUALIT ARIAN CONCEPTION OF HUMAN RELA TIONS
As mentioned above, the distrust of others displayed by the typical high- scoring subject may probably be ascribed to his conception of people as seeking only power and material benefits, and his assumption that, in this struggle and competition, the more ruthless must necessarily win out. His orientation in interpersonal relationships is thus toward getting power by associating with the powerful and influential, or at least toward participating in the power of those who have it. Admiration for the strong and contempt for the weak accompany this attitude. Thus, high-scoring subjects show predominantly what may be called hierarchical conception of human rela- tionships whereas those who score low conceive of an equalitarian mutuality in such relationships (Category 31a).
There is a highly significant difference (at the x per cent level) for both men and women with respect to this pair of opposites. Examples of a hierar- chical conception of human relationships are found in the following reports of high-scoring subjects:
M p: (How important is money really? ) "I don't think the best things in life are free. I don't believe people would be happy if they worked for nothing. . . . Every man has a certain ego that he has to satisfy. You like to be on top. If you're anybody at all, you don't like to be on the bottom. . . . I believe in the Bible. I believe there is someone a lot bigger and stronger than anyone on this earth. "
Msz: "Well, there are the weak and the strong. I can't elaborate on it. (What about you? ) I suppose I'm one of the weak ones (said somewhat hesitantly and reluctantly). "
Ms8: (What would money make possible? ) "Would raise our standard of living; probably buy better or higher priced automobile; move into better residential sec- tion; associations with business and fraternal groups to be raised. . . . To those in a bracket higher, except for a few staunch friends which you keep always; naturally associate with people on a higher level-with more education and more experience. After you get there, and associate with those people . . . that fires you on to the next step higher, etc. "
M4: Subject likes to mingle with people, likes big parties, used to have an inferior- ity complex, but now is at ease. Likes to associate and talk with famous people, to be in the "upper crust. " "Well, I've met a lot of people since I've been up here; it certainly made a difference to me. I've set my goal, and I want to be one of them (mentions army and navy people. a lot of wealthy and socially prominent people). "
Mz3: "There are great possibilities there (in Alaska) in the future. If a person studies it carefully and locates properly, he goes up with a town. "
F79: "In the SPARS I liked the training and the discipline and I would make a good officer. But the girls of my type had college educations and I was thrown with
? THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
waitresses, etc. I wanted to apply for officership. I admired the officers although all the other? girls were interested only in boys. . . . It made me furious to see the great advantage of those who had had college education. Those I associated with were not my type. "
F22: "In the first place, there have to be the ditch diggers. They can get what they want out of life. Certain people were cut out for certain things. People who are un- happy are the ones who have wasted their chances or are held back by lack of finances. "
The foregoing records show how preoccupied these subjects are with social mobility, with the dichotomy of the "weak and the strong," "the bottom and the top," and with the idea of "moving upwards" through the help of the powerful and the influential. There is evidence of an almost compulsive acquisitiveness and striving for success. All this is in line with the picture of Western civilization generally presented by its students (e. g. , Kardiner, 6o; Mead, 82; Fromm, 43), although it appears here in a grossly exaggerated manner.
Fromm (42) states that the most important feature of the authoritarian character is its attitude toward power and its division of people into two groups: the strong and the weak. Love, admiration, and readiness for sub- mission are automatically aroused by power of persons or institutions, while contempt is equally aroused by powerless persons or institutions. The very sight of a powerless person may lead to the urge to attack, dominate, or humiliate him.
Hero worship of acquaintances (Category 3I b) which was expected to be a characteristic primarily of high scorers, yielded only a negligible num- ber of ratings and is thus omitted from consideration as far as our material is concerned. As in other doubtful cases, one may also question the validity of our hypothesis underlying the definition of the category.
6. DEPENDENCE FOR THINGS
The orientation toward getting material benefits, predominant in the high scorers, tends to make for dependence on people, since they are used as a means for advancement. In the discussion of attitudes toward parents a dis- tinction was made between "dependence for things"-found primarily in the high scorers-as contrasted with a "love-oriented dependence" found in the typical low scorers. A similar distinction has also been made in the case of the attitude toward people in general, setting off a diffuse, ego-alien dependence which is not really love-seeking against a focal, love-seeking succorance
(Category 32a). The difference between high and low scorers with respect to this category is highly significant (I per cent level) for men, and satis- factorily significant (5 per cent level) for women.
The examples given above for the hierarchical conception of human rela- tionships illustrate one aspect of the utilitarian approach of the typical high-
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 4I5
scoring subjects toward other people. Here we are dealing with another aspect of utilitarianism, namely their orientation toward getting things and help in general. In the quotations from high-scoring subjects which follow we find friendship conceived of as a means of getting things rather than as a relationship based on mutuality in giving and taking.
M43: "Oh, help in lots of needs, sickness, money, well, a friend can just help in most any way. "
M45: (What do you look for in friends? ) ". . . even though there is no conversa- tion between you, know that he's there at all times and if you need any help at any time. . . . "
In line with this, high scorers tend to be oriented toward persons in positions of authority or power, or toward support; low scorers tend to be longing for someone who will really love them without reservation the way they happen to be and "in spite of shortcomings. " Low-scorers also tend to place emphasis more on expectations of receiving love, understanding, and companionship from their friends. Examples from the interview protocols of men scoring extremely low on the ethnocentrism questionnaire follow:
M48: (What do friends offer a person? ) "Well, offer you an understanding-they understand you and make allowances for your shortcomings . . . and like you in spite of it. "
Ms6: (What do friends offer us? ) "That's another thing-I have always been so discriminating in choice that haven't had many friends . . . my friends have always been people I could confide in-faith, companionship. "
Msg: ". . . . A person has very few friends in a lifetime.
A friend will overlook your faults . . . and stand by you. "
The longing for intensive, personalized relations, in which there is com- plete mutual acceptance and overlooking of faults is evident in these records. At the same time, however, one gets the impression that a tendency to pre- occupation with oneself, sometimes expressed in overcriticism, is character- istic of low scorers.
7. MANIPULA TION VS. LIBIDINIZA TION OF PEOPLE AND GENUINE WORK ADJUSTMENT
A similar differentiation was made between an exploitive-manipulative- opportunistic attitude as opposed to one of personalized nurturance (Cate- gory 32 b). Differences between high scorers and low scorers here show the expected trend without being statistically significant. Nonetheless, there are
I 5 positive instances but only 4 negative ones for men, and I I positive as compared with 3 negative for women.
An extreme example of a manipulative orientation toward people in gen- eral, and toward sex partners in particular, is given in the record of a high- scoring prison inmate:
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
M5'1: (Why pick on an older woman? ) "Well, I forgot. She had money and I didn't. . . . I never had any relations with anyone that didn't have money connected with it, even those homosexual affairs. . . . I ran away from home and that's mainly the way I supported myself. " Subject quotes Dr. as saying that he was only interested in men for their pocketbooks and he didn't know if he would be safe with a mule. (Preference in type of homosexual partner? ) "Yes, I always had prefer- ences, but I never let the preference stand in the way of-only thing I was ever interested in was the rent. I wasn't faithful, in other words, I wasn't expected to be. I was alone so much, I got bored. (Did any men attract you aside from the money aspect? ) Oh, yes, but I never let love, so called, stand in the way. . . . " Subject emphasizes that if he were a woman, he would not let any love aspect stand in the way of marrying for as much money as possible and getting all he could in the way of money out of the sex relationship.
This statement not only shows a particularly drastic form of opportunistic attitude but also the view that affect should not be allowed to interfere with one's advantage: "I never let love, so called, stand in the way. "
A narrowly opportunistic, externalized attitude toward work and the persons connected with it is illustrated in the records of the following high scorers:
M4o: (Advantages of designing? ) "Fairly decent, remunerative enough, and contacts are better than that of an ordinary worker. (Else? ) You got a better chance to get what you want. (How do you mean? ) You're constantly being thrown in with people who are up there . . . if can't get anything in theater work, legitimate stage, voice, I'll go in for that. "
Ms8: "They come to me and say, 'Can you do this and that for me? ' To keep good will, you'll do a lot of things. And then I go to work-and that's a source of dissatisfaction, to think that I help those people who can hardly read or write . . . kinda gets me down-doing their work, and then I've got to go out and do shift work-something wrong there . . . it's disheartening. Wife says to get out of the ration board work, but I feel eventually it might give me the push I need to get into something different. . . . I don't know how to go out and look for work. . . . I've just done this kind of work, no education, can't offer anything definite other than oil. . . . "
F68: "This is a nine-to-five job and when I am through I am through. You don't have to worry about personal things on this kind of a job. "
Fromm (42) emphasizes that for the authoritarian character the relation- ship with his fellow men has lost its direct, human character and has assumed a spirit of manipulation and instrumentality.
By contrast, the following records of low-scoring subjects illustrate their need to do something for people, to help them, to give, and to receive affec- tion in return. They also show their tendency to libidinize their relations with people and to view their work from the standpoint of its social value rather than merely from that of external success.
M42: (Advantages of scouting? ) "I like to work with young people . . . satisfac- tion of helping someone. . . . It doesn't pay financially, but . . . you are happier . . . makes good friends. . . . "
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 4I7
M49: "Yes, and I've alway's been impressed by articles I've read in magazines . . . about a small company built up by the manager from himself and a helper . . . and just got in people that were very agreeable . . . and the ideal was lots of benefits and fellows felt they had a share in things, and each worker wasn't a machine, but an individual. . . . " Subject emphasizes personal relationship in this example of em- ployer-employee setup, with a strong personal nurturance by the former, and grate- fulness and cooperation of workers. "I think I'd be happy if I could find that kind of a company, and it wouldn't really matter too much what the actual job was, that is, within reason. I've always thought those (personal relationships) were the most important thing in a job. "
M54: "At 17, wanted to be a doctor, but it didn't materialize because joined the service. " Subject can't remember the origin of this interest. Perhaps some friends whose parents were doctors and subject liked to help bandage up other kids, minor scratches, etc.
M5s: (What would a lot of money make possible for you? ) "Do some charitable work, though not in established patterns, for example help some of my friends. Con- tribute to the 1\1arch of Dimes, to end cancer, etc. "
Ms6: "Security and a chance to do something for others. Seems to me now I have been helping others all my life. "
M59: "To treat others as a person would wish to be treated himself and to help those less fortunate than oneself, and to be a part of the community or society that one is in, to take an active part in it, and being kind and generous and to more or less have a high regard for your fellow man. . . . The only happiness that we really know of is . . . here on earth, so why not try to enjoy the people and things on this earth, rather than a life somewhere else. . . . ( What attracts you in a friend? ) A person on the same intellectual level and one who has common ideas. You enjoy going out with him. You enjoy conversation and you like to do things for a friend. "
F7o: "If I had a lot of money I didn't know what to do with, I might run a small private hospital. For instance, for rheumatic fever patients. There are so many chil- dren with certain diseases that can't get the proper medical care, because their parents can't afford to have them hospitalized sufficiently long-like rheumatic fever patients. I wish to do a few altruistic things like my own private charity or some- thing. I don't think I'd buy expensive objects of art; well, maybe I would. I might buy quite a few material things, go to a lot of concerts and plays. One seems to be able to spend a lot of money on those. "
F7s: (What do you like about public health nursing? ) "You get to know people. You have to. You go into their homes and see them when they are well, help them prevent sickness instead of just seeing them in bed sick. I think it is a more useful occupation than bedside nursing, but that is important too. "
The foregoing records also illustrate the ability, characteristic of low scorers to form genuine object cathexis (Category 32c), an ability probably due to the fact that they formed better identifications in early childhood. Thirteen low-scoring and only I of the high-scoring men show evidence in their interviews of this ability to form genuine, nonopportunistic object relationships. It is also found in the records of 8 low-scoring and 3 high- scoring women. Here, as in the case of most other ratings, it is very difficult to evaluate sex differences since-as was mentioned before-the ratings of the sample of women show considerably higher numbers of "Neutrals. "
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
8. SOCIAL STATUS VS. INTRINSIC WORTH IN FRIENDSHIP
In line with all this, the traits which high-scoring subjects tend to desire most in their friends are that their social or economic status be prominent or at least "acceptable. " Low scorers, on the other hand, tend to accept a friend more often on the basis of intrinsic worth or the companionship and com- mon interests he offers. Theirs is an intellectual-aesthetic approach, and they appreciate in their friends "easy-going" traits, social awareness and insight, and generally "low" values (i. e. , values in esteem with low scorers as defined in this volume). The difference is significant at the I per cent level for both men and women.
Examples of emphasis on status in high scorers follow.
M p: (How do you choose your friends? ) "Well, I have a standard based along my own expectations in life. Somebody's got to have a goal in life, got to have man- ners, don't have to be a big shot, but I like 'em to have some position. I don't like these fly-by-nights. . . . A lot of my friends are social people. "
Ms8: (What would more money make possible? ) "Would raise our standard of living; probably buy better, or higher-priced automobile; move into better resi- dential section; associations . . . to those in a bracket higher . . . with people on a higher level. "
M4: "Picked a chum-usually one close chum. " In high school he got into the ruling clique because he worked on the other boys' cars and radios. Apparently going into this "ruling clique" has made a great impression on him. Before, he felt uneasy around many people, uncertain of his appearance. The girls he asked out hadn't accepted him; he felt much more secure after he got into this clique-he felt that he amounted to something; it helped him get over his inferiority complex.
F;1: "When I was a child, I was brighter than I am now. Moving up here may have retarded me. I was very unhappy when we first moved up here. I cried and cried. It was about a year and a half before I got in with the right crowd and joined a high school sorority. "
F6o tells the interviewer that she has "been a 'governess' in the home of _ _ _ _ and in 's family-first in the home of the older son, and then the younger. Talked to on the phone when she was at the time of the birth of the third child. Also worked for (Southern California). " And her sis- ter worked for , who later was _ _ _ _
F78 reports that she has "no really close girl friends. " She looks for someone "I wouldn't have to make excuses for-someone well brought up, nice appearance, who dresses neatly. "
The foregoing records manifest once more the desire of many high- scoring subjects to associate with the "right kind of people" and their tend- ency to judge people on the basis of such external criteria as "position" and "nice appearance. "
Low-scoring subjects, on the other hand, not only tend to emphasize the intrinsic worth in their friends but tend explicitly to deny the importance of status. There may be, in some of these cases, an underlying concern with
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 419
status, but the fact that they disclaim it shows that they have at least some inclination to resist conventionalism. There are, furthermore, other goals which take the place of conventional ones. There is more acceptance of passivity and relaxation, more emphasis on enjoyment and "fun. " At the same time, there is active pursuing of intellectual goals. Examples follow.
M49: "There was one Chinese fellow, and we used to go swimming and play ping- pong . . . and he was married just after I got there and . . . his home was in an alley with no street address; just plain, simple people; and they could be serious, but if you wanted to have a lot of fun .
Some of the low scorers come close to a tendency toward obsessional rumination about their faults and the mistakes they have made. The exag- gerated feelings of guilt and self-deprecation constitute some of the major neurotic features common in low scorers. They are frequently accompanied by depressions. Instead of aggressive self-assertion, there is often an unhealthy trend toward withdrawal in the face of difficulties.
4. WORLD AS JUNGLE
Projection of one's inner impulses, particularly of aggression, onto others will naturally lead to a conception of a dangerous and hostile world and con- sequently to a general suspiciousness of others. Thus, it was found that typical high-scoring subjects tend to manifest distrust and suspicion of others. Theirs is a conception of people as threatening in the sense of an oversimplified sur- vival-of-the-fittest idea. Feelings of victimization are often connected with such notions. The opposite variant was defined as trustingness and openness, as manifested by seeing people as essentially "good" until proved otherwise; it was expected to be found predominantly in the low-scoring subjects.
For both men and women, differentiation in terms of this pair of opposites (Category 30) was found to be highly significant (I per cent level of con- fidence).
Emphasis on the "jungle-character" of the world1 as just described, a world in which one has to destroy others to prevent them from destroying oneself, is best expressed by a quotation from M4z, a high scorer: "Nowadays it's 'get the other fellow before he gets you. ' "
1 This, as well as many other findings reported in this chapter, is in perfect agreement with the description of the authoritarian character given by Fromm (42) and Maslow (79).
? 412
THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
Another high-scoring man, M57, says: "Hell, you can't have real friends in here (prison), stab you in the back. Can't trust any of them. "
Distrust in, and dislike of, other people is further manifested in the fol- lowing records of high-scoring men.
M45: "Not being able to attend to their own business, not having sense enough to understand to know when they're imposing on you. . . . "
M47: (What dislike in others? ) "Well, their actions, the way they talk. (How do you mean? ) I don't know how to explain it. . . . Maybe a fellow comes up and gives me a couple of knick-knacks just to make up to me. I don't go for that. Some of these guys shove up in lines, go to the show and holler like little kids. (What do you find most offensive? ) A guy trying to butt into my business. "
M51: (You mentioned once before that as a child you didn't accept your father as a shining example which he was held up to you as. Tell me about your feelings to- wards your father as a child. ) "Well, I resented a lot of things. I loved him. I always said I did. I used to have a kind of fit if I was ever taken away from him. . . . I always accused him of being harsh. . . . I never understood him. . . . And apparently this all falls in with Darwin's theory too. "
The fact that the high-scoring subjects, more often than the low scorers, made inquiries as to the purpose of the interviews, as to the basis of selection of the subjects, and as to the publication of the material seemed to reflect the greater suspiciousness of the former. The general resistance to "being ques- tioned" is clearly expressed in the records of the following high-scoring woman:
F72: (What kinds of things make you mad? ) "Well, for instance, my sister. When I come home and she starts asking me questions about what happened and what did you do, I don't want to have to give accounts. Not that I've anything to hide. I don't have anything to hide, but I don't like being questioned. I don't like prying. "
By comparison, the records of low-scoring subjects frequently reveal genuine liking of, and warm interest and concern for, people, along with belief in their essential "goodness. " Examples are:
M42: (How did you come to be a service station operator? ) "Just by accident. . . . I worked part time in school . . . another thing, I like to meet people . . . most people as a rule are pretty nice to me. . . . "
F3o: "I would even be content to call 'evolution' my religion. When it comes to attending or working in a church I prefer the Methodist. However, that is not im- portant. What is important is that people believe in humanity, in each other, and that the force of goodness, of progress, is the strongest force in the world. "
F34: "I always made it a point to sit next to different people on the bus and get into conversation with them. Lots of people think that everybody is getting along fine now and making lots of money. Actually, people have a very hard time. And they are worried about the future. Everyone is under a terrible strain. "
As may be suspected from the last of these records, many of the low- scoring individuals tend to be "worriers. " Thus they assume that other
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 4I3
people suffer too. However, such feelings tend to be rather structured and specific (e. g. , worry about the father) when compared with the vague and diffuse anxieties about a generally threatening environment or a lack of support which are typical of high scorers.
5. HIERARCHICAL VS. EQUALIT ARIAN CONCEPTION OF HUMAN RELA TIONS
As mentioned above, the distrust of others displayed by the typical high- scoring subject may probably be ascribed to his conception of people as seeking only power and material benefits, and his assumption that, in this struggle and competition, the more ruthless must necessarily win out. His orientation in interpersonal relationships is thus toward getting power by associating with the powerful and influential, or at least toward participating in the power of those who have it. Admiration for the strong and contempt for the weak accompany this attitude. Thus, high-scoring subjects show predominantly what may be called hierarchical conception of human rela- tionships whereas those who score low conceive of an equalitarian mutuality in such relationships (Category 31a).
There is a highly significant difference (at the x per cent level) for both men and women with respect to this pair of opposites. Examples of a hierar- chical conception of human relationships are found in the following reports of high-scoring subjects:
M p: (How important is money really? ) "I don't think the best things in life are free. I don't believe people would be happy if they worked for nothing. . . . Every man has a certain ego that he has to satisfy. You like to be on top. If you're anybody at all, you don't like to be on the bottom. . . . I believe in the Bible. I believe there is someone a lot bigger and stronger than anyone on this earth. "
Msz: "Well, there are the weak and the strong. I can't elaborate on it. (What about you? ) I suppose I'm one of the weak ones (said somewhat hesitantly and reluctantly). "
Ms8: (What would money make possible? ) "Would raise our standard of living; probably buy better or higher priced automobile; move into better residential sec- tion; associations with business and fraternal groups to be raised. . . . To those in a bracket higher, except for a few staunch friends which you keep always; naturally associate with people on a higher level-with more education and more experience. After you get there, and associate with those people . . . that fires you on to the next step higher, etc. "
M4: Subject likes to mingle with people, likes big parties, used to have an inferior- ity complex, but now is at ease. Likes to associate and talk with famous people, to be in the "upper crust. " "Well, I've met a lot of people since I've been up here; it certainly made a difference to me. I've set my goal, and I want to be one of them (mentions army and navy people. a lot of wealthy and socially prominent people). "
Mz3: "There are great possibilities there (in Alaska) in the future. If a person studies it carefully and locates properly, he goes up with a town. "
F79: "In the SPARS I liked the training and the discipline and I would make a good officer. But the girls of my type had college educations and I was thrown with
? THE AUTHORIT ARIAN PERSONALITY
waitresses, etc. I wanted to apply for officership. I admired the officers although all the other? girls were interested only in boys. . . . It made me furious to see the great advantage of those who had had college education. Those I associated with were not my type. "
F22: "In the first place, there have to be the ditch diggers. They can get what they want out of life. Certain people were cut out for certain things. People who are un- happy are the ones who have wasted their chances or are held back by lack of finances. "
The foregoing records show how preoccupied these subjects are with social mobility, with the dichotomy of the "weak and the strong," "the bottom and the top," and with the idea of "moving upwards" through the help of the powerful and the influential. There is evidence of an almost compulsive acquisitiveness and striving for success. All this is in line with the picture of Western civilization generally presented by its students (e. g. , Kardiner, 6o; Mead, 82; Fromm, 43), although it appears here in a grossly exaggerated manner.
Fromm (42) states that the most important feature of the authoritarian character is its attitude toward power and its division of people into two groups: the strong and the weak. Love, admiration, and readiness for sub- mission are automatically aroused by power of persons or institutions, while contempt is equally aroused by powerless persons or institutions. The very sight of a powerless person may lead to the urge to attack, dominate, or humiliate him.
Hero worship of acquaintances (Category 3I b) which was expected to be a characteristic primarily of high scorers, yielded only a negligible num- ber of ratings and is thus omitted from consideration as far as our material is concerned. As in other doubtful cases, one may also question the validity of our hypothesis underlying the definition of the category.
6. DEPENDENCE FOR THINGS
The orientation toward getting material benefits, predominant in the high scorers, tends to make for dependence on people, since they are used as a means for advancement. In the discussion of attitudes toward parents a dis- tinction was made between "dependence for things"-found primarily in the high scorers-as contrasted with a "love-oriented dependence" found in the typical low scorers. A similar distinction has also been made in the case of the attitude toward people in general, setting off a diffuse, ego-alien dependence which is not really love-seeking against a focal, love-seeking succorance
(Category 32a). The difference between high and low scorers with respect to this category is highly significant (I per cent level) for men, and satis- factorily significant (5 per cent level) for women.
The examples given above for the hierarchical conception of human rela- tionships illustrate one aspect of the utilitarian approach of the typical high-
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 4I5
scoring subjects toward other people. Here we are dealing with another aspect of utilitarianism, namely their orientation toward getting things and help in general. In the quotations from high-scoring subjects which follow we find friendship conceived of as a means of getting things rather than as a relationship based on mutuality in giving and taking.
M43: "Oh, help in lots of needs, sickness, money, well, a friend can just help in most any way. "
M45: (What do you look for in friends? ) ". . . even though there is no conversa- tion between you, know that he's there at all times and if you need any help at any time. . . . "
In line with this, high scorers tend to be oriented toward persons in positions of authority or power, or toward support; low scorers tend to be longing for someone who will really love them without reservation the way they happen to be and "in spite of shortcomings. " Low-scorers also tend to place emphasis more on expectations of receiving love, understanding, and companionship from their friends. Examples from the interview protocols of men scoring extremely low on the ethnocentrism questionnaire follow:
M48: (What do friends offer a person? ) "Well, offer you an understanding-they understand you and make allowances for your shortcomings . . . and like you in spite of it. "
Ms6: (What do friends offer us? ) "That's another thing-I have always been so discriminating in choice that haven't had many friends . . . my friends have always been people I could confide in-faith, companionship. "
Msg: ". . . . A person has very few friends in a lifetime.
A friend will overlook your faults . . . and stand by you. "
The longing for intensive, personalized relations, in which there is com- plete mutual acceptance and overlooking of faults is evident in these records. At the same time, however, one gets the impression that a tendency to pre- occupation with oneself, sometimes expressed in overcriticism, is character- istic of low scorers.
7. MANIPULA TION VS. LIBIDINIZA TION OF PEOPLE AND GENUINE WORK ADJUSTMENT
A similar differentiation was made between an exploitive-manipulative- opportunistic attitude as opposed to one of personalized nurturance (Cate- gory 32 b). Differences between high scorers and low scorers here show the expected trend without being statistically significant. Nonetheless, there are
I 5 positive instances but only 4 negative ones for men, and I I positive as compared with 3 negative for women.
An extreme example of a manipulative orientation toward people in gen- eral, and toward sex partners in particular, is given in the record of a high- scoring prison inmate:
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
M5'1: (Why pick on an older woman? ) "Well, I forgot. She had money and I didn't. . . . I never had any relations with anyone that didn't have money connected with it, even those homosexual affairs. . . . I ran away from home and that's mainly the way I supported myself. " Subject quotes Dr. as saying that he was only interested in men for their pocketbooks and he didn't know if he would be safe with a mule. (Preference in type of homosexual partner? ) "Yes, I always had prefer- ences, but I never let the preference stand in the way of-only thing I was ever interested in was the rent. I wasn't faithful, in other words, I wasn't expected to be. I was alone so much, I got bored. (Did any men attract you aside from the money aspect? ) Oh, yes, but I never let love, so called, stand in the way. . . . " Subject emphasizes that if he were a woman, he would not let any love aspect stand in the way of marrying for as much money as possible and getting all he could in the way of money out of the sex relationship.
This statement not only shows a particularly drastic form of opportunistic attitude but also the view that affect should not be allowed to interfere with one's advantage: "I never let love, so called, stand in the way. "
A narrowly opportunistic, externalized attitude toward work and the persons connected with it is illustrated in the records of the following high scorers:
M4o: (Advantages of designing? ) "Fairly decent, remunerative enough, and contacts are better than that of an ordinary worker. (Else? ) You got a better chance to get what you want. (How do you mean? ) You're constantly being thrown in with people who are up there . . . if can't get anything in theater work, legitimate stage, voice, I'll go in for that. "
Ms8: "They come to me and say, 'Can you do this and that for me? ' To keep good will, you'll do a lot of things. And then I go to work-and that's a source of dissatisfaction, to think that I help those people who can hardly read or write . . . kinda gets me down-doing their work, and then I've got to go out and do shift work-something wrong there . . . it's disheartening. Wife says to get out of the ration board work, but I feel eventually it might give me the push I need to get into something different. . . . I don't know how to go out and look for work. . . . I've just done this kind of work, no education, can't offer anything definite other than oil. . . . "
F68: "This is a nine-to-five job and when I am through I am through. You don't have to worry about personal things on this kind of a job. "
Fromm (42) emphasizes that for the authoritarian character the relation- ship with his fellow men has lost its direct, human character and has assumed a spirit of manipulation and instrumentality.
By contrast, the following records of low-scoring subjects illustrate their need to do something for people, to help them, to give, and to receive affec- tion in return. They also show their tendency to libidinize their relations with people and to view their work from the standpoint of its social value rather than merely from that of external success.
M42: (Advantages of scouting? ) "I like to work with young people . . . satisfac- tion of helping someone. . . . It doesn't pay financially, but . . . you are happier . . . makes good friends. . . . "
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 4I7
M49: "Yes, and I've alway's been impressed by articles I've read in magazines . . . about a small company built up by the manager from himself and a helper . . . and just got in people that were very agreeable . . . and the ideal was lots of benefits and fellows felt they had a share in things, and each worker wasn't a machine, but an individual. . . . " Subject emphasizes personal relationship in this example of em- ployer-employee setup, with a strong personal nurturance by the former, and grate- fulness and cooperation of workers. "I think I'd be happy if I could find that kind of a company, and it wouldn't really matter too much what the actual job was, that is, within reason. I've always thought those (personal relationships) were the most important thing in a job. "
M54: "At 17, wanted to be a doctor, but it didn't materialize because joined the service. " Subject can't remember the origin of this interest. Perhaps some friends whose parents were doctors and subject liked to help bandage up other kids, minor scratches, etc.
M5s: (What would a lot of money make possible for you? ) "Do some charitable work, though not in established patterns, for example help some of my friends. Con- tribute to the 1\1arch of Dimes, to end cancer, etc. "
Ms6: "Security and a chance to do something for others. Seems to me now I have been helping others all my life. "
M59: "To treat others as a person would wish to be treated himself and to help those less fortunate than oneself, and to be a part of the community or society that one is in, to take an active part in it, and being kind and generous and to more or less have a high regard for your fellow man. . . . The only happiness that we really know of is . . . here on earth, so why not try to enjoy the people and things on this earth, rather than a life somewhere else. . . . ( What attracts you in a friend? ) A person on the same intellectual level and one who has common ideas. You enjoy going out with him. You enjoy conversation and you like to do things for a friend. "
F7o: "If I had a lot of money I didn't know what to do with, I might run a small private hospital. For instance, for rheumatic fever patients. There are so many chil- dren with certain diseases that can't get the proper medical care, because their parents can't afford to have them hospitalized sufficiently long-like rheumatic fever patients. I wish to do a few altruistic things like my own private charity or some- thing. I don't think I'd buy expensive objects of art; well, maybe I would. I might buy quite a few material things, go to a lot of concerts and plays. One seems to be able to spend a lot of money on those. "
F7s: (What do you like about public health nursing? ) "You get to know people. You have to. You go into their homes and see them when they are well, help them prevent sickness instead of just seeing them in bed sick. I think it is a more useful occupation than bedside nursing, but that is important too. "
The foregoing records also illustrate the ability, characteristic of low scorers to form genuine object cathexis (Category 32c), an ability probably due to the fact that they formed better identifications in early childhood. Thirteen low-scoring and only I of the high-scoring men show evidence in their interviews of this ability to form genuine, nonopportunistic object relationships. It is also found in the records of 8 low-scoring and 3 high- scoring women. Here, as in the case of most other ratings, it is very difficult to evaluate sex differences since-as was mentioned before-the ratings of the sample of women show considerably higher numbers of "Neutrals. "
? THE AUTHORITARIAN PERSONALITY
8. SOCIAL STATUS VS. INTRINSIC WORTH IN FRIENDSHIP
In line with all this, the traits which high-scoring subjects tend to desire most in their friends are that their social or economic status be prominent or at least "acceptable. " Low scorers, on the other hand, tend to accept a friend more often on the basis of intrinsic worth or the companionship and com- mon interests he offers. Theirs is an intellectual-aesthetic approach, and they appreciate in their friends "easy-going" traits, social awareness and insight, and generally "low" values (i. e. , values in esteem with low scorers as defined in this volume). The difference is significant at the I per cent level for both men and women.
Examples of emphasis on status in high scorers follow.
M p: (How do you choose your friends? ) "Well, I have a standard based along my own expectations in life. Somebody's got to have a goal in life, got to have man- ners, don't have to be a big shot, but I like 'em to have some position. I don't like these fly-by-nights. . . . A lot of my friends are social people. "
Ms8: (What would more money make possible? ) "Would raise our standard of living; probably buy better, or higher-priced automobile; move into better resi- dential section; associations . . . to those in a bracket higher . . . with people on a higher level. "
M4: "Picked a chum-usually one close chum. " In high school he got into the ruling clique because he worked on the other boys' cars and radios. Apparently going into this "ruling clique" has made a great impression on him. Before, he felt uneasy around many people, uncertain of his appearance. The girls he asked out hadn't accepted him; he felt much more secure after he got into this clique-he felt that he amounted to something; it helped him get over his inferiority complex.
F;1: "When I was a child, I was brighter than I am now. Moving up here may have retarded me. I was very unhappy when we first moved up here. I cried and cried. It was about a year and a half before I got in with the right crowd and joined a high school sorority. "
F6o tells the interviewer that she has "been a 'governess' in the home of _ _ _ _ and in 's family-first in the home of the older son, and then the younger. Talked to on the phone when she was at the time of the birth of the third child. Also worked for (Southern California). " And her sis- ter worked for , who later was _ _ _ _
F78 reports that she has "no really close girl friends. " She looks for someone "I wouldn't have to make excuses for-someone well brought up, nice appearance, who dresses neatly. "
The foregoing records manifest once more the desire of many high- scoring subjects to associate with the "right kind of people" and their tend- ency to judge people on the basis of such external criteria as "position" and "nice appearance. "
Low-scoring subjects, on the other hand, not only tend to emphasize the intrinsic worth in their friends but tend explicitly to deny the importance of status. There may be, in some of these cases, an underlying concern with
? SEX, PEOPLE, AND SELF SEEN THROUGH INTERVIEWS 419
status, but the fact that they disclaim it shows that they have at least some inclination to resist conventionalism. There are, furthermore, other goals which take the place of conventional ones. There is more acceptance of passivity and relaxation, more emphasis on enjoyment and "fun. " At the same time, there is active pursuing of intellectual goals. Examples follow.
M49: "There was one Chinese fellow, and we used to go swimming and play ping- pong . . . and he was married just after I got there and . . . his home was in an alley with no street address; just plain, simple people; and they could be serious, but if you wanted to have a lot of fun .
