No More Learning

VOL. IV. CH. XV.
29


## p. 450 (#492) ############################################

450
Battle of the Cephisus
his orders. At last they constituted themselves into an organised
society, and set out to ravage Macedonia and Greece on their own
account.
When they had exhausted one district they moved on to
another, and by this locust-like progress they and some of their
converted Turkish auxiliaries entered the great Thessalian plain in
1309. The young Duke of Neopatras, now emancipated by the death
of Guy, was too feeble to oppose them till an imperial force compelled
them to move on towards the Eden which awaited them in the Duchy
of Athens. Walter of Brienne was at first by no means displeased with
their appearance.
He knew their language, which he had learnt as a
child in Sicily, and he thought that he might use them for the accom-
plishment of his immediate object—the restoration of Athenian influence
over the moribund principality of the Angeli at Neopatras. The
Catalans accepted his proposals, and in six months they had captured
more than thirty castles of northern Greece for their new employer.
Having thus rapidly obtained his end, Walter wished to dispense
with his instrument. He picked out the best of the Catalans for his
future use and then peremptorily bade the rest begone without the for-
mality of payment for their recent services. The Catalans, thus harshly
treated, remonstrated ; Walter vowed that he would drive them out by
force, and took steps to make good his threat. In the spring of 1311,
at the head of such a force as no Athenian duke had ever led before, a
force recruited from the baronial halls of the highlands and islands of
Hellas, he rode out to rout the vulgar soldiers of fortune who had dared
to defy him. Once again, after the lapse of many centuries, the fate of
Athens was decided on the great plain of Boeotia. The Catalans, who
knew that they must conquer or die, prepared the battlefield with con-
summate skill. They ploughed up the soft ground in front of them, and
irrigated it from the neighbouring Cephisus; nature herself assisted
their strategy, and, when the armies met on 15 March, the quaking bog
was concealed with an ample covering of verdure. Walter, impetuous
as ever, charged across the plain with a shout, followed by the flower of
the Frankish chivalry. But, long before they could reach the Catalan
camp, they plunged into the quagmire. Their heavy armour and the
harness of their horses made them sink yet deeper, till they stood
imbedded in the marsh, as incapable of motion as equestrian statues.
The Catalans plied them with missiles; the Turks completed the deadly
work; and such was the carnage of that fatal day, that only some four or
five of the Frankish knights are known to have survived. The duke
was among the slain, and his head, severed by a Catalan knife, was borne
to rest in his good city of Lecce long years afterwards. His duchy lay
at the mercy of the victors, for there was none left to defend it save the
heroic duchess. But, finding resistance vain, she escaped with her little
son to France, and thus avoided the fate of many another widowed dame
of high degree who became the wife of some rough Catalan, “unworthy,"


## p. 451 (#493) ############################################

Catalan organisation of Athens
451
in the phrase of Muntaner, “ to bear her wash-hand basin. ” As for the
Greeks, they made no effort to rise in defence of the old order against
their new masters; so shallow were the roots which French rule had
struck in that foreign land. Nor have the Burgundian Dukes of Athens
left many memorials of their sway. A few coins, a few arches, a few
casual inscriptions—such is the artistic patrimony which Attica and
Boeotia have preserved from this brilliant century of Latin culture.
The victors of the Cephisus were in one respect embarrassed by the
completeness of their victory. They realised that they had no one in
their own ranks of sufficient standing to become their ruler in the
new position which their success had thrust upon them. They accord-
ingly adopted the strange plan of offering the leadership to one of their
prisoners, Boniface of Verona, the favourite of Guy II, and a great man
in Euboea. Boniface was ambitious, but he felt that he could not, with
his wide connexions in the Frankish world, cominit such an act of baseness.
He, therefore, declined; but his fellow-prisoner, Roger Deslaur, a knight
of Roussillon who had already acted as intermediary between the late
Duke and the company, had no such obligations, and accepted the post
with the castle of Sálona and the hand of its widowed lady. A year
later, however, the Catalans realised that their precarious situation (for
all the Powers interested in Greece regarded them as interlopers)
required to be strengthened by the invocation of some powerful and
recognised sovereign as their protector. Their eyes naturally turned to
their old employer, Frederick II of Sicily, and they begged him to send
one of his sons to rule over them. Frederick gladly consented to a
proposal which would add lustre to his house, and for the next 65 years
the royal family of Sicily provided absentee dukes for the Catalan
duchy of Athens, while the real political authority was always wielded
by a vicar-general whom they appointed to represent them at the
capital of Thebes. A marshal for long existed by the side of this
official, till the two offices were first combined in the same person
and then that of marshal was allowed to drop. An elaborate system of
local government was created; representative institutions were adapted
from Barcelona, whose “ Customs” supplanted the “Assises of Ro-
mania," and whose language became the official as well as the ordinary
idiom. The Greeks were, till towards the close of Catalan rule, treated
as an inferior race, while the Orthodox Church occupied the same
humble position that it had held in the Burgundian times. Feudalism
lingered in a modified form ; but it had lost its glamour, and the
court of the Catalan vicar-general must have been a very drab and
prosaic affair after the magnificent pageants of the splendour-loving
Dukes of Athens, whose flag still floated over the Argive fortresses that
had been granted to Othon de la Roche a century before.
Having thus established a connexion with one of the acknowledged
states of Europe, the Catalan Grand Company began to extend its
CH. XV.
2942


## p. 452 (#494) ############################################

452
The Infant Ferdinand of Majorca
operations in Greece. A Catalan claim to the Morea furnished it with
a plausible pretext for a raid.
Two years after the battle of the
Cephisus, Philip of Taranto had conferred that principality on
Matilda of Hainault, the daughter of Isabelle and widow of Guy II of
Athens, on condition that she married and transferred the princely
dignity to Louis of Burgundy. The object of this maneuvre was to
compensate his brother the Duke of Burgundy for losing the hand of
the titular Latin Empress of Constantinople, whom Philip, then a
widower, had resolved to marry himself. But before Louis of Burgundy
had taken possession of his Achaian principality, another claimant had
appeared there. Besides Isabelle, William of Achaia had left another
daughter, the Lady of Akova, who was regarded by some as the lawful
representative of the Villehardouin dynasty, on the ground of a supposed
will made by her father. With the object of securing her claims for her
posterity, if not for herself, she married her danghter to the Infant
Ferdinand of Majorca, who had at one time played an adventurous
part in the career of the Catalan Company and was well known in
Greece. Both the Lady of Akova and her daughter died before these
claims could be realised, but her daughter left a baby behind her, the
future King James II of Majorca ; and, on behalf of this child,
Ferdinand landed in the Morea to receive the homage of the principality.
His usurpation was at first successful; he even coined his own money at
the mint of Glaréntza, while the Catalans of Athens set out to aid their
old comrade against the Burgundian party. A battle in the forest of
Manoláda, in 1316, proved fatal, however, to the Infant's cause; and his
head, severed on the field, was displayed before the gate of Glaréntza.
The Athenian Catalans turned back at the sad news, but Louis of
Burgundy did not long enjoy the fruits of this victory; barely a month
afterwards he died, poisoned, so it was said, by the Italian Count of
Cephalonia, a medieval villain believed to be capable of every crime.
Louis' widow, the Princess of Achaia, was forced against her will by the
crooked diplomacy of Anjou to go through the form of marriage, in
1318, with John of Gravina, brother of Philip of Taranto. Matilda
stoutly refused to be this man's wife, and when at last pressure was put upon
her by the Pope to make her consent she replied that she was already
another's. This confession proved to be her ruin. The crafty Angevins
appealed to the clause in her mother's marriage contract which declared
the principality forfeit should one of Isabelle's daughters marry without
her suzerain's consent. While John of Gravina governed as Prince of
Achaia, she languished in the Castel dell'Uovo at Naples, till at last, in
1331, death released her from the clutches of her royal gaoler. Thus
closed the career of the Villehardouin family; thus, in the third genera-
tion, was the deceit of Geoffrey I visited upon the unhappy daughter of
the unhappy Isabelle. Two years later, John of Gravina exchanged the
Morea for the duchy of Durazzo, the kingdom of Albania, and the
ܪ


## p. 453 (#495) ############################################

The Duchy of Neopatras
453
Angevin possessions in Epirus ; while the titular Empress Catherine of
Valois, acting for her son Robert of Taranto, whose father Philip was
then dead, combined in her own person the suzerainty and actual
ownership of Achaia, as well as the claim to the defunct Latin Empire.
This arrangement had the advantage of uniting in a single hand all the
Angevin dominions in Greece—the principality of Achaia, the castle of
Lepanto, the island of Corfù, and the island-county of Cephalonia,
which last had been conquered from the Orsini by John of Gravina in
1324.
If the Catalans had failed to found a principality in the South, they
were much more successful in the North. The feeble Duke of Neopatras
had died, the last of his race, in 1318, and the head of the Company, at
the time Alfonso Fadrique, a bastard of King Frederick II of Sicily,
conquered the best part of the former dominions of the Thessalian
Angeli. At Neopatras itself he established a second Catalan capital,
styling himself Vicar-General of the Duchies of Athens and Neopatras.
The Sicilian Dukes of Athens assumed the double title, and, long after
the Catalan duchies had passed away, the Kings of Aragon, their
successors, continued to bear it. Venice profited by the dismemberment of
this Greek state to occupy Ptéleon at the entrance to the Pagasaean Gulf,
her first acquisition on the Greek mainland since Modon and Coron. On
the other side of Greece the principal line of the Angeli had also been
extinguished in 1318 by the murder of the Despot Thomas, a victim of
Count Nicholas of Cephalonia, another member of that unscrupulous
family. The assassin soon perished by the hand of his brother John II,
who thus continued the traditions of the Hellenised Orsini. But the
new ruler of Epirus was a patron of Greek letters ; at his command a
paraphrase of Homer was written; while the famous church of Our Lady
of Consolation at Arta still contains an inscription recording the Orsini
and the two bears? which were the emblems of their house-one of the
most curious and least-known monuments of the Latin domination in
Greek lands.
Meanwhile, the house of Brienne had not abandoned the idea of
recovering the lost duchy of Athens. Young Walter had grown up
to manhood, and, in 1331, landed in Epirus to reconquer his father's
dominions. Once again, however, the brilliant qualities of chivalry were
seen to be inferior to the less showy strategy of the Catalans. The
Greeks remained unmoved by the appearance of this deliverer from the
“extreme slavery” which a contemporary described as their lot, and the
only lasting result of this futile expedition was the destruction by
the Catalans themselves of the noble castle of St Omer, for fear lest it
should fall into the invader's hands. The abode of the Theban barons
is connected with literature as well as art, for the original of one of the
1 See the author's article on the old Epirote capital in the Morning Post for
16 May 1908.
CH. XV.


## p. 454 (#496) ############################################

454
Rise of the Acciajuoli
most valuable memorials of Frankish rule, the French version of the
Chronicle of the Morea, was found within its walls—a proof of culture
among its inmates.
Walter's subsequent career was connected with
Florentine and English history rather than with Athens, for he became
tyrant of Florence, and died, fighting against our Black Prince, at the
battle of Poitiers. The family of Enghien, into which his sister had
married, succeeded to his Argive castles and his Athenian claims.
While the titular Duke of Athens thus retired to rule over Florence,
a Florentine family, destined ultimately to succeed to his Greek duchy,
established itself in the Morea. Of the numerous visitors who have
journeyed from Florence to see the famous Certosa, few realise that it
was constructed out of the Greek revenues of its founder. Niccolò
Acciajuoli had made the acquaintance of the titular Empress Catherine
of Valois at the Neapolitan Court, whither he had gone to seek his
fortune; he became her man of business and the director of her children's
education, and, when she and her son Robert obtained through his
negotiations the principality of Achaia, he received his reward in the
shape of broad estates in that land. He gradually increased his stake
in the country, and in 1358 was invested by his old pupil, the Emperor
Robert, with the town and castle of Corinth, whence the Acropolis of
Athens can be seen, and whence, thirty years later, it was to be conquered.
At the other end of the Corinthian Gulf, the archbishopric of Patras
was occupied by three members of the Acciajuoli clan, which thus con-
tinued to prosper while the feeble rule of an absentee prince and another
disputed succession on his death in 1364 weakened the hold of the
Angevins upon the principality. Philip II' of Taranto, the brother, and
Hugh of Lusignan, Prince of Galilee, the stepson, of the titular Emperor
Robert, then contended for the possession of the Morea till the latter
abandoned the struggle for another similar contest in Cyprus. During
these internal convulsions, the Byzantine province had grown stronger
and was better governed than the neighbouring Frankish principality.
The imperial viceroys of Mistrâ had been appointed for much longer
periods than had been the case before; and, in 1348, the Emperor John
Cantacuzene had sent his son Manuel as Despot for life to the Morea.
Thenceforth, as the seat of a younger member of the imperial family,
Mistrâ became more and more important; and its splendid Byzantine
churches still testify to the value which, as the Greek Empire declined,
the Emperors attached to this isolated fragment of Greece. It is a
curious freak of history that, in the last as in the early days of Greek
freedom, the two most flourishing cities of Hellas were once more Athens
and Sparta—the Athens of the Acciajuoli, the Sparta, as Mistrâ was
often pedantically styled, of the Palaeologi.
The peril that was to prove fatal alike to the medieval Athens and
i Philip III on the list of titular Emperors of Romania.


## p. 455 (#497) ############################################

The Serbians in Northern Greece
455
ܪ
the medieval Sparta had ere this appeared on the horizon of Greece.
The growing Turkish danger had at last induced the Papacy to recog-
nise the Catalan conquest of Attica, and extend its benediction over
those whom it had hitherto described as “sons of perdition. ” But the
new generation of Catalans that had succeeded to the sturdy conquerors
of the Cephisus was a degenerate race, given to drink and divided by
quarrels, which led to the introduction of the Turks, by this time
established in Europe. For the moment, however, the north of Greece
had been annexed to the ephemeral empire of the great Serbian Tsar,
Stephen Dušan; and, even after his death in 1355, Serbian rule lin-
gered on for a time and provided a more or less feeble barrier between
the duchy of Athens and the Ottoman power. On the other side of con-
tinental Greece, the tottering Greek despotat of Epirus, long disputed
between the Byzantine and the Serbian Empires, had finally perished in
1358 with the Despot Nicephorus II, becoming partly Serb and partly
Albanian, while the former island-domain of the Orsini, the county
palatine of Cephalonia, had been conferred by the Angevins upon
Leonardo Tocco of Benevento, who united four out of the seven Ionian
islands in his hand, adopted from one of them the style of “ Duke of
Leucadia," and founded a family which, after over a century's rule in
Greece, has only become extinct at Naples in our own time. Elsewhere,
in Chios and Lesbos, two other fresh Italian factors had appeared in the
many-coloured map of the Levant: the Genoese families of Zaccaria and
Gattilusio. The rule of the Zaccaria in the former island lasted only
from 1304 to 1329, but in 1346 Chios was re-conquered by a band of
Genoese, who formed a chartered company, or maona, which, reconstituted
some years later under the title of the “ Maona of the Giustiniani,” held
the island till the Turkish conquest in 1566. Lesbos, in 1355, was bestowed
by the Greek Emperor, John V, upon his brother-in-law, Francesco
Gattilusio, whose dynasty survived by nine years the fall of Constanti-
nople, while in 1374 Genoa obtained Famagosta in pledge from King
Peter II of Cyprus. Yet another bulwark of Latin rule had been
created in the Aegean by the capture of Rhodes from the Seljūqs, the
successors of the Greek governors, by the Knights of St John in 1309.
But, if Latin Christendon was as strong as ever in the islands of the
Aegean and the Ionian seas, it was weaker in the continental states
that lay between them.
The death of Frederick III, King of Sicily and Duke of Athens, in
1377, was a severe blow to the two Catalan duchies, for the claims
of his daughter and heiress, Maria, were disputed by Pedro IV of
Aragon, who found support with the clergy, the leading nobles, and the
burgesses of Athens and Neopatras. Another competitor, however,
appeared upon the scene, and repeated on a smaller scale the history of
the Catalan Company seventy years earlier. During the struggle between
the Kings of France and Navarre, the latter had been assisted by a body
יל
CH. XV.


## p. 456 (#498) ############################################

456
The Navarrese Company
וי
of Navarrese of good family, who, at the peace, had offered their services
to their sovereign's brother for the conquest of Durazzo, and were at this
time lying idle in the south of Italy. Meanwhile, the principality of
Achaia, on the death of the childless Philip II in 1373, had been offered
to Queen Joanna I of Naples, conferred by her upon one of her numerous
husbands, Otto of Brunswick, and then pawned in 1377 for five years
to the Knights of St John. All the time, however, the lawful heir
was the nephew of Philip and last titular Emperor of Constantinople,
Jacques de Baux, who thought that in the disturbed condition of Greece
the moment had arrived to make good his claim to Achaia, and that the
Navarrese Company would be the best means of doing so. The Company
entered his service, captured Corfù from the Neapolitan officials, and in
1380 entered Attica, of which Baux as Prince of Achaia might claim
the suzerainty, and as the uncle of Maria of Sicily might desire the
conquest. The Navarrese, under the leadership of Mahiot de Coquerel,
and Pedro de S. Superan, known as “Bordo” or the “bastard,” were
aided by the Sicilian party against the mutual enemy, and the important
castle of Livadia, a town which had attained great prominence under
Catalan rule and had received special privileges at the Catalan conquest,
fell into their hands. Sálona and the castle of Athens, however, held
out, and their defenders expected their duke, the King of Aragon, to
reward their loyalty by signing two series of capitulations which their
envoys presented to him. Pedro IV granted many of their requests, and
shewed his appreciation of the glamour which must ever attach to the
sovereign of the Acropolis by describing that sacred rock as “the most
precious jewel that exists in the world, and such that all the kings of
Christendom together could in vain imitate. ” But so great had been
the ravages of civil war in the duchy, that he was forced to invite Greeks
and Albanians to settle there, the beginning of the Albanian colonisation
of Attica and Boeotia. As for the Navarrese, they marched into the
Morea in 1381, came to terms with the Knights of St John, already
weary of their bargain, and occupied the principality in the name of
Jacques de Baux. When the latter died in 1383, they became practi-
cally independent, despite the protests of rival claimants. Androllsa,
in Messenia, was the Navarrese capital; Coquerel, and, after him, S.
Superan, ruled with the title of Vicar, which the latter in 1396
exchanged for that of Prince. Thus, at the end of the fourteenth century,
a Navarrese principality was carved out of Achaia, just as at its begin-
ning a Catalan duchy had been created in Attica.
The existence of the latter was now drawing to a close. While the
Duke of Athens remained an absentee at Barcelona, Nerio Acciajuoli,
the adopted son of the great Niccolò, was watching every move in the
game from the citadel of Corinth. Like a clever diplomatist, he pre-
pared his plans carefully; and, when all was ready, easily found his
casus belli.
The important castle of Sálona was at this time in the


## p. 457 (#499) ############################################

Florentine capture of Athens
457
possession of a woman, and her only daughter, the young countess, was
the greatest heiress of the Catalan duchies. Nerio applied, on behalf of
his brother-in-law, for her hand; the offer was scornfully refused, and a
Serbian princeling preferred to the Florentine upstart's kinsman. The
choice of a Slav offended Franks and Greeks alike; Nerio invaded
the duchies by land and sea, and in 1387 was master of the city of
Athens. The Acropolis, however, held out under the command of a
valiant Spaniard, Pedro de Pau, and John I of Aragon, who had by that
time succeeded Pedro IV as Duke of Athens and Neopatras, wrote as late
as 22 April 1388 to the Countess of Sálona, offering her the “Castle
of Athens," if she could succour its garrison? Ten days later, the
Acropolis was Nerio's; Catalan domination was over. Two Catalan
fiefs alone, the county of Sálona and the island of Aegina, remained
independent, but memorials of Catalan rule may still be seen in the
castles of Livadia and Lamia and in a. curious fresco at Athens. Other-
wise, the Catalans melted away, as if they had never been masters of the
city of the sages, till at last the title of Athens and Neopatras in the
style of the Kings of Spain was the sole reminder of the Greek duchies
that had once been theirs.
The epoch that had now been reached was one of change all over
Greece. Two years before Nerio hoisted his flag on the Acropolis,
another Florentine, Esau Buondelmonti, had put an end to Serbian rule
at Joánnina by marrying the widow of Thomas Preljubović, the former
ruler of Epirus, while Esau's sister was regent of Cephalonia. Venice,
as well as Florence, had increased her Greek possessions. In 1363 a
Cretan insurrection, more serious than any that had yet occurred
because headed by Venetian colonists, involved Tito Venier, the Marquess
of Cerigo, whose family had recovered their island by intermarriage with
its Greek lords. Thenceforth Cerigo remained either wholly or partially
a Venetian colony. In 1386 Venetian replaced Neapolitan rule at
Corfù, and in 1388 the republic purchased Argos and Nauplia, the
ancient fiefs of the French Dukes of Athens, from their last representa-
tive, Marie d'Enghien. Two years later, the islands of Tenos and
Myconus became Venetian by bequest of the Ghisi. In 1383 the murder
of Niccolò dalle Carceri, a great Euboean baron who was also Duke of
Naxos, and the usurpation of Francesco Crispo, a Lombard of Veronese
origin, had installed a new dynasty in the archipelago, which not only
allowed two Euboean baronies to come under Venetian influence but also
made the duchy of Naxos more dependent upon the goodwill of the
republic. Thus, if Florence was predominant at Athens, in Epirus,
and in the county palatine, Venice was stronger than ever in Negropont
and Crete, held the Argive castles as well as Modon and Coron in the
Morea, and was mistress of Corfù and Cerigo. As Ptéleon was a
1 Institut d'Estudis Catalans : Anuari (1907), p. 253.
CH. XV.


## p. 458 (#500) ############################################

458
Nerio Acciajuoli
Venetian colony, and as the Marquess of Boudonitza had long belonged
to the Venetian family of Zorzi, both the northern and the southern
Marches of Greece were in Venetian hands. Athens itself was soon to
follow.
Nerio's ambition had not been appeased by the acquisition of that
city; he coveted the Argive appurtenances of the Athenian duchy in its
palmy days. Accordingly, he instigated his son-in-law, the Despot
Theodore Palaeologus, who then ruled at Mistrâ, to seize Argos before
the Venetian commissioner could arrive. On this occasion, however, the
wily Florentine over-reached himself; he became the prisoner of the
Navarrese Company, acting on behalf of Venice, and had to strip the
silver plates off the doors of the Parthenon and rob the treasury of
that venerable cathedral in order to raise his ransom. In 1393 the
Turks, by the conquest of Thessaly and Neopatras, became his neighbours
on the north, and it became evident that the Turkish conquest of Athens,
which he avoided by the payment of tribute, was only a question of
time. Before the year 1394 was many weeks old, the Catalan county of
Sálona had become Turkish, the Dowager Countess had been handed
over to the insults of the soldiery, and her daughter sent to the harem
of the Sultan, who ere long was reported to have murdered the ill-fated
heiress of the Fadriques. The memory of her tragic fate still lingers
round the castle rock of Sálona, and the loss of this western bulwark of
Athens sounded like a death-knell in the ears of Nerio. King Ladislas
of Naples might confer upon him the coveted title of Duke of Athens-
a name to conjure with in the cultured world of Florence, but when, a
few months later, the first Florentine wearer of the title lay a-dying, he
foresaw clearly the fate that was hovering over his new-won dominions.
Nerio left no legitimate sons; but he had a bastard, Antonio, the
child of a fair Athenian, and to him he left Thebes and Livadia, while
he bequeathed the city of Athens and his valuable stud to the Parthenon,
in which he desired to be buried. It was not to be expected that
the Orthodox Greeks, who had recently been allowed for the first time
since the Frankish conquest to have their own metropolitan resident at
Athens, and had thereby recovered their national consciousness, would
permit their city to become the property of a Roman Catholic cathe-
dral. While, therefore, Nerio's two sons-in-law, the Despot Theodore I
and Carlo I Tocco, were fighting over the possession of Corinth, the
Metropolitan of Athens called in the Turks. The Acropolis, however,
held out, and its governor, one of Nerio's executors, offered to hand
over Athens to the Venetian bailie of Negropont for the republic, on
condition that the ancient privileges of the Athenians should be re-
spected. The bailie dispersed the Turks, and the home government
decided to accept Athens, but on one ground alone: its proximity to
the Venetian colonies, which might be injured if it were allowed to fall
into Turkish or other hands. A governor, styled podestà and captain,


## p. 459 (#501) ############################################

Condition of Athens
459
יל
was appointed, and so little desirable did the position seem that four
months elapsed before any Venetian noble could be found to accept it.
Nor need this reluctance surprise us. Athens at the close of the four-
teenth century, as we know from the contemporary account of an Italian
visitor, could not have been a very desirable residence. The city con-
tained “about a thousand hearths” but not a single inn ; Turkish
pirates infested the coast, and Antonio Acciajuoli harried the country-
side. Still, the “Church of St Mary” was the wonder of the pious
pilgrim, just as the relics which it contained had been the envy of
Queen Sibylla of Aragon. Twenty of the columns of the “house of
Hadrian,” as the temple of the Olympian Zeus was popularly described,
were then standing, and the remains of the Roman aqueduct marked,
according to the local ciceroni, “ the study of Aristotle. ” Venice,
however, was not long concerned with the care of this glorious
heritage which she so lightly esteemed. The bastard Antonio routed
her forces in the pass between Thebes and Negropont, and after a long
siege forced the gallant defenders of the Acropolis to surrender from
sheer starvation. To save appearances the shrewd conqueror, having
obtained all that he wanted, agreed to become the nominal vassal of the
republic for “Sythines," as Athens was then called, while the Venetians
compensated themselves for its actual loss by the acquisition of the two
keys of the Corinthian Gulf-Lepanto, in 1407, from Paul Boua Spata,
its Albanian lord, and Patras from its Latin archbishop on a five years'
lease. The former of these places remained Venetian for over ninety
years; the latter, with an interval, till 1419, when it was restored to
ecclesiastical rule, and consequently lost. Four years later the republic
purchased Salonica.
The Turkish defeat at Angora in 1402 gave Greece, like the other
Christian states of the Near East, a brief respite from her doom, and the
tide of Turkish conquest temporarily receded. The Despot Theodore I
of Mistrâ, who had endeavoured to strengthen the fighting forces of the
Morea by the admission of a large Albanian immigration, and by handing
over Corinth to the Knights of St John, now urged the latter to occupy
the county of Sálona instead. Turkish rule was, however, soon restored
there; and in 1414 the sister creation of the Crusaders, the historic
marquessate of Boudonitza, finally disappeared from the map. Mean-
while, in the Frankish principality of Achaia a new and vigorous prince,
the last of the line, had arisen. On the death of S. Superan in 1402,
his widow had succeeded him, but the real power was vested in her
nephew Centurione Zaccaria, a member of the Genoese family which
had once ruled over Chios. Centurione, following the precedent of the
first Villehardouin, deprived S. Superan's children of their birthright
and, by the same legal quibble, received in 1404 the title of Prince of
Achaia from the King of Naples. But the Frankish portion of the
peninsula was dwindling away before the advancing Greeks. The young
CH, XV.


## p. 460 (#502) ############################################

460
Greek revival in the Morea
Despot Theodore II, who had succeeded his namesake in 1407, was a
son of the Emperor Manuel II, who therefore took a double interest in
a part of his diminished Empire which seemed best able to resist a
Turkish attack. Manuel visited the Morea, rebuilt the six-mile rampart
across the Isthmus, and reduced the lawless Mainates to order. Nor
was he the only Greek who occupied himself in the welfare of the
Peloponnese. It was at this time that the philosopher George Gemistòs
Pléthon, who was teaching the doctrines of Plato at Mistrâ, drew up his
elaborate scheme for the regeneration of the country. If Pléthon was
an idealist, the other side of the picture is supplied by the contemporary
satirist Mázares, who described in dark colours the evil qualities of the
seven races then inhabiting the peninsula, the insecurity of life and
property, and the faithlessness and craft of the Greek archons. Unfor-
tunately, the last period of Moreote history before the Turkish conquest
proved that the satirist was nearer the truth than the philosopher.
It was soon obvious that neither ramparts across the Isthmus nor
Platonic schemes of reform could save the disunited peninsula. In
1423 the great Turkish captain Tura-Khān, accompanied by the Sultan's
frightened vassal, Antonio of Athens, easily demolished the Isthmian
wall, and only evacuated the Morea on condition that the rampart
should be left in ruins and an annual tribute should be paid to his
master. But, before the end came, it was fated that the Greeks should
first realise the aspirations of two centuries, and annex all that remained
of the Frankish principality. This achievement, which threw a final
ray of light over the darkness of the land, was the work of Constantine
Palaeologus, destined to die the last Emperor of the East. The necessity
of providing this prince with an appanage in the Morea outside of his
brother Theodore's possessions, was the occasion of the Greek re-conquest.
Constantine first obtained Glaréntza by a politic marriage, and took up
his residence in the famous castle of Chloumoûtsi. There he prepared,
with the aid of his confidential agent, the historian Phrantzes, his next
move against Patras. The folly of the Church in insisting on the
restitution of that important city to the archbishop was now demon-
strated; the citizens opened their gates to the Greek conqueror, and the
noble castle, still a splendid memorial of Latin rule, was forced by lack
of provisions to surrender in 1430. Meanwhile, Constantine's brother
Thomas, who had also come in quest of an appanage in the Peloponnese,
had besieged Centurione at Chalandritza with such success that the
Prince of Achaia was compelled to bestow upon his assailant the hand of
his daughter with the remains of the principality as her dowry, reserving
for himself nothing but the family barony of Kyparissia and the princely
title. Two years later, in 1432, the last Frankish Prince of Achaia died,
leaving a bastard behind him to dispute later on the Greek title to
his dominions. For the time, however, this man was a fugitive, and
the whole peninsula was at last in Greek hands, save where the lion of


## p. 461 (#503) ############################################

Turkish capture of Joánnina
461
רי
רי
St Mark waved over Nauplia and Argos in the east, and over the ancient
colonies of Modon and Coron, recently extended to include Navarino, in
the south-west. The three brothers divided the rest of the Morea
between them ; Theodore II continued to reside at Mistrâ, Constantine
removed his abode to Kalávryta, and Thomas received in exchange
Glaréntza as his capital.
The triumph of the Greeks in the Morea was contemporaneous with
two far more lasting Turkish conquests in the north. The year 1430,
fatal to the Franks of Achaia, saw the fall of both Salonica and
Joánnina. Salonica had been for seven short years a Venetian colony,
while Joánnina with Epirus, seized by an Albanian chief after Esau
Buondelmonti's death in 1408, had been conquered by Esau's nephew
and rightful heir, Carlo I Tocco of Cephalonia, who had thus revived the
former dominion of the Orsini over the islands and the mainland of
north-western Greece. “ In military and administrative ability, he
was,” according to the testimony of Chalcocondyles, “inferior to none
of his contemporaries," while his masterful consort, a true daughter of the
first Florentine Duke of Athens, was regarded as the most remarkable
woman of the Latin Orient. Froissart extolled her magnificent hospi-
tality, and described her island-court as a sort of fairyland. But Carlo's
death without legitimate sons in 1429 exposed his hitherto compact
state to the dissensions of his five bastards and his nephew Carlo II.
One of the former had the baseness to invoke the aid of the Turks, and
the surrender of Joánnina was the result of his selfishness.
Carlo II was
allowed to retain the rest of Epirus, with Acarnania and his islands, but
from that day till 1913 the city of Joánnina with its beautiful lake
never ceased to be a part of the Ottoman Empire-another example of
Christian jealousies.
Meanwhile, amidst the fall of principalities and the annexation of
flourishing cities, the statesmanlike policy of Antonio Acciajuoli had
maintained the practical independence of the Athenian duchy. An
occasional Turkish raid, such as that which had forced him to accom-
pany the Ottoman troops to the Morea, reminded him that diplomacy
must sometimes bow to force ; and once, the claim of Alfonso V of
Aragon and Sicily to this former Catalan colony gave him momentary
alarm. But, with these exceptions, his long reign was a period of
almost unbroken prosperity. Himself an honorary citizen of his family's
old home of Florence, he encouraged Florentine trade, and welcomed
Florentine families at his court, now established in the Propylaea instead
of at Thebes. The Athenian history of the time, interspersed with
such names as Medici, Pitti, and Machiavelli
, reads like a chapter of the
Tuscan annals, and the life of the Florentine family party which
assembled there was almost as agreeable as it would have been by the
banks of the Arno. Good shooting and good mounts from the fainous
Acciajuoli stable were to be had, and one of the visitors wrote with
CH, XV.


## p. 462 (#504) ############################################

462
Constantine Palaeologus in Greece
enthusiasm that “fairer land nor fairer fortress” than Attica and the
Acropolis could nowhere else be seen. Nor did the Acciajuoli forget to
strengthen the fortifications of their capital; for to them may be
ascribed the “ Frankish tower” which once stood on the Acropolis, and
perhaps the so-called “wall of Valerian " which may still be seen in the
city. Even culture began to shew signs of life in Florentine Athens ;
it was under Antonio that Laónikos Chalcocondyles, the last Athenian
historian, and his scholarly brother Demetrius, were born, and a young
Italian sought at Athens and Joannina a chair of any science that
would bring him in an income.
When, however, in 1435 Antonio I was one morning found dead in
his bed, two parties, one Latin, one Greek, disputed the succession. The
Latin candidate to the ducal dignity, young Nerio Acciajuoli, whom the
childless duke had adopted as his heir, occupied the city, while the
dowager duchess, a noble Greek dame, and her kinsman, the father of
the historian Chalcocondyles, held the castle. The Greek party entered
into negotiations with the Sultan on the one hand and with Constantine
Palaeologus on the other, offering a bribe to the former and the duchy to
the latter. Both schemes failed, and peace was secured by the marriage
of Antonio's widow with his heir. But Nerio II soon made himself un-
popular by his arrogance, and was deprived of the throne by his brother
Antonio II. On the death of the latter, however, in 1441, he returned
to his palace on the Acropolis, where he received a visit from Cyriacus
of Ancona, the first archaeologist who had set foot in Athens since the
conquest. But Nerio had occupations more serious than archaeology.
In the year of this very visit the Despot Constantine threatened the
existence of his tottering state. Theodore II had by that time retired
from Mistrâ to the Sea of Marmora, so as to secure the succession to the
imperial throne, while Constantine and Thomas divided the Morea
between them. At this moment, the news of Hunyadi's successes over
the Turks encouraged Constantine to ravage Boeotia and occupy Thebes.
A large part of northern Greece declared for the Greek prince, and
Cardinal Bessarion dreamed of a resurrection of the ancient glories
of Hellas. Nerio escaped destruction by promising tribute, but thereby
called down upon himself the vengeance of the Turks, who, after the
rout of the Christian forces at Varna, were able to turn their attention
to Greece. Placed between Turk and Greek, the wretched puppet on
the Acropolis threw in his lot with the former, and joined the Sultan in
invading the Morea. In 1446 Murād II stormed the restored Isthmian
wall, ravaged the country behind it, and retired to Thebes with a vast
train of captives and the promise of a tribute. All Constantine's
recent conquests in the north were lost again, and the death of
the Emperor John VI in 1448 ended that adventurous prince's
direct connexion with Greece proper. On 6 January 1449 the last
Emperor of the East was crowned at Mistrâ; upon his brother Demetrius


## p. 463 (#505) ############################################

Mahomet II in the Morea
463
רי
he bestowed his own previous government, and in vain bade both him
and Thomas live in unity and brotherly love, the sole means of saving
the Morea. Scarcely had he been crowned than the Christian rulers of
Greece received another warning of their fate, the annexation by the
Turks of all the continental dominions of the Tocco dynasty save three
fortresses. Four years later came the awful news that Constantinople
had fallen and that the Emperor was slain. The terrified Despots of the
Morea, whose first impulse had been flight to Italy, purchased a reprieve
by the promise of tribute, while the Albanian colonists, under the
leadership of Peter Boua, “the lame,” rose against their feeble rulers,
and Giovanni Asan, the bastard son of the last Prince of Achaia, raised
the standard of a second revolt. Turkish aid was required to suppress
these insurrections, for it was the policy of Mahomet II to play off
one Christian race against the other, and so weaken them both, till
a suitable moment should arrive for annexing Greek and Albanian,
Orthodox and Roman Catholic, to his Empire. Giovanni Asan died in
Rome, a pensioner of the Pope, like the Despot Thomas whom he had
sought to dethrone. For a few more years, however, the two despots
remained in possession of their respective provinces, which they might
have retained for their lives had they not allowed the promised tribute
to fall into arrears. At last Mahomet's patience was exhausted ; he
sent an ultimatum ; and when Thomas refused to pay, he entered the
Morea in 1458 at the head of an army. The despots fled at his
approach ; Acrocorinth surrendered after a gallant resistance; and the
cession of about one-third of the peninsula, including Corinth, Patras,
and Kalávryta, as well as an annual tribute, were the conditions under
which alone Mahomet would allow the two brothers a further respite.
Then the conqueror set out for Athens, the city which he longed to
visit, and which the governor of Thessaly, Omar, son of Tura-Khān, had
captured two years before the campaign in the Morea.
Florentine rule at Athens had ended in one of those domestic
tragedies of which the history of the Franks in Greece was so productive.
Nerio II, left a widower, had married a beautiful Venetian, daughter of
the baron of Kárystos, by whom he had a son Francesco. When his
father died in 1451, this child was still a minor, and his mother assumed
the regency with the consent of the Sultan. But the duchess had other
passions besides the love of power. She became enamoured of a young
Venetian noble, Bartolomeo Contarini, who chanced to visit her capital,
and bade him share her couch and throne. Contarini had a wife at
home, but poison freed him of that encumbrance, and he returned to the
palace on the Acropolis to wed the tragic widow. But the Athenians ·
were not minded to support this Venetian usurpation. They complained
to Mahomet, who cited Contarini and his stepson to appear before his
court, where a dangerous rival awaited them in the person of the former
Duke Antonio II's only son Franco, a special favourite of the Sultan.
CH. XV.


## p. 464 (#506) ############################################

464
Turkish capture of Athens
ול
The real master of Athens ordered the deposition of the duchess and
her husband; Francesco disappeared, and Franco ruled, by Mahomet's
good pleasure, at Athens. The first act of the new ruler was to throw
the duchess into the dungeons of Megara, where she was mysteriously
murdered by his orders. Contarini, enraged at her loss, begged
Mahomet to punish his puppet, and the Sultan, thinking that the
time had come to make an end of Latin rule at Athens, ordered Omar
to march against that city. On 4 June 1456 the lower town fell into
the hands of the Turks; but the Acropolis, where Franco lay, held out
until Omar offered him, in the name of his master, Thebes with the rest
of Boeotia, if he would surrender. Then the last duke who ever held
court in the Propylaea and the last Latin archbishop who ever per-
formed Mass in the Parthenon left the castle for ever, and when
Mahomet returned in triumph from the Morea in the autumn of
1458, he received from the Abbot of Kaisariané the keys of the city.
The Athenians obtained humane treatment and various privileges,
thanks to the respect which the cultured conqueror felt for their
ancestors and the interest which he shewed in their monuments, while
in Boeotia Franco lingered on a little longer as “Lord of Thebes. "
Scarcely had Mahomet left Greece than the two despicable Despots
of the Morea, whom no experience could teach that honesty and unity
constituted their sole hope of safety, resumed their quarrels and intrigues.
The inability of Thomas to raise the stipulated tribute was the final
stroke which made the Sultan resolve to have done once and for all with
both these faithless rulers. In 1460 he a second time entered the
Morea; Mistrâ, with Demetrius inside it, surrendered; but the impreg-
nable rock of Monemvasia defied the Turkish menaces, while Thomas, its
absent lord, sailed with his wife and family for Corfù and thence to
Italy. At this the Monemvasiotes invited first a Catalan corsair and
then the Pope to take them under his protection ; till in 1464 they
found salvation by becoming subjects of Venice, the sole Christian state
whose colours broke the monotony of Turkish rule in the Morea. Only
one man worthy of the name, Graitzas Palaeologus, was found there
to keep flying the flag of Greek independence over the mountain-fortress
of Salmenikón, and when he at last capitulated in 1461, the last vestige
of Greek rule disappeared from the peninsula. As for the two Despots,
Thomas died in Rome in 1465; while Demetrius, after receiving the
islands of Imbros and Lemnos and the mart of Aenus, the former
dominion of the Gattilusi, as compensation for the loss of his province
in the Morea, fell into the disfavour of his master, and finished his days
in 1470 as a monk. Thomas' elder son Andrew, after a career of
dissipation, married a Roman prostitute, and died in abject poverty in
1502, while the younger accepted the charity of his father's conqueror.
Such was the inglorious end of the last Greek princes of the Morea.
The annexation of the last fragments of the Athenian duchy


## p. 465 (#507) ############################################

The Gattilusi of Lesbos
465
followed the conquest of the two Greek principalities in the Peloponnese.
On his way home Mahomet revisited Athens, where he was informed of
a plot to restore Franco. The Sultan thereupon ordered Zagan, his
governor in the Morea, to kill the “Lord of Thebes. " The order was
promptly executed, and the Turkish guards strangled the unsuspecting
Franco on his way back from the pasha's tent; Thebes and the rest of
Boeotia became Turkish, and the sons of the last Florentine ruler were
enrolled among the janissaries. Finally, two of the three continental
fortresses held by Leonardo III Tocco were captured, and in 1462 the
rule of the Gattilusi ceased to exist in Lesbos. Of all the Latin lords of
the Levant this Genoese family had been perhaps the most distinguished
for its toleration and its culture. Even Francesco, the founder of
the dynasty, had come among the islanders not in the guise of a foreign
conqueror but as the brother-in-law of the Greek Emperor. Speaking
the language of his subjects', he allowed the national Church, which was
that of his consort, to retain its local hierarchy, and his successors
followed his example. The marriages of ladies of the family with
Byzantine, Trapezuntine, and Serbian princes maintained this tendency,
while the love of archaeology displayed by Dorino Gattilusio aroused
the admiration of Cyriacus of Ancona; and also the historian Ducas
was the secretary of his son Domenico. Their abundant coinage proves
the commercial prosperity of the little state ruled by the lords of
Lesbos and their relatives. Besides Lesbos, its original nucleus, it
included at its zenith in the fifteenth century the islands of Lennos,
Imbros, Thasos, and Samothrace, as well as Aenus on the mainland.
By 1456, however, Mahomet II had captured all these places except
Lesbos, and six years later that island was taken and its last princeling
was strangled, as he had likewise strangled his brother. Thus poetic
justice closed the career of the Lesbian Latins.
After these sweeping Turkish conquests the only Latin possessions
left on the mainland of Greece were the four groups of Venetian colonies
-Coron, Modon, and Navarino in the south, Argos and Nauplia on the
west, Lepanto at the mouth of the Corinthian, and Ptéleon at that of
the Pagasaean Gulf-the Papal fortress of Monemvasia (soon likewise to
become Venetian); and the castle of Vónitza on the Gulf of Arta, the
last possession of Leonardo Tocco on the continent. But in the islands
there was still much Latin territory. While Venice held Corfù and
Cerigo, Crete and Negropont, Tenos and Myconus, she had succeeded
the Catalan family of Caopena in Aegina in 1451, and had occupied the
northern Sporades in 1453. The Genoese still administered Chios and
Famagosta, the latter soon to be restored to the still existing kingdom
of Cyprus. The Knights of St John were still unconquered in Rhodes;
the Dukes of the Archipelago were still secure in Naxos; and Leonardo
i Servion, Gestez et Chroniques de la Mayson de Savoye, 11. 138—139.
2 Constantine the Philosopher, “Life of Stephen Lazarević. ” Glasnik, xlii. 279.
C. MED, H VOL, IV. CH. XV.
30


## p. 466 (#508) ############################################

466
The dynasty of Tocco
Tocco still governed the old county palatine of Cephalonia. It now
remains to describe the fate of these outworks of Christendom.
A long war which broke out in 1462 between Venice and the Turks
led to the temporary conquest of a large part of the Morea by the
Venetians, of the islands that had so lately belonged to the Gattilusi,
and of the city of Athens. But these exploits of Victor Cappello had
no permanent effect; whereas in 1470 Venice lost, through the culpable
hesitation of Canale, another of her admirals, the city of Negropont and
the rest of that fine island. The heroism of Erizzo, its brave defender,
sawn asunder by order of Mahomet II, afforded a splendid but useless
contrast to the incapacity of his fellow-officer. Venice emerged in 1479
from the long war with a diminished colonial empire; she ceded all her
recent conquests, and by the loss of Argos, Ptéleon, and Negropont was
poorer than when she began the contest. The acquisition of Cyprus in
1489 was some compensation for these misfortunes. There James II,
having driven the Genoese from Famagosta, had married Caterina
Cornaro, an adopted daughter of the Venetian republic. After the
death of his posthumous son, James III, the Queen-Dowager con-
tinued for a time to govern the island under the guidance of Venice;
then, like a dutiful daughter, she gave the real sovereignty to her
mother-country, while her rival, Queen Charlotte, left nothing save the
barren title of "King of Cyprus" to the house of Savoy.
Meanwhile, another Latin dynasty, that of Tocco, had disappeared
from the Ionian Islands, at that time both populous and fertile. Wedded
to a niece of King Ferdinand I of Naples, Leonardo III had thereby
become an object of suspicion to Venice, and the republic accordingly
sacrificed him to the Turks by leaving him out of the treaty of peace which
had ended the long war. Accordingly, in 1479, the Turks, seizing upon
a slight to one of their officials as a pretext, annexed all the four islands
and the mainland fortress of Vónitza, which then comprised this ancient
Italian state. Like most of the princely exiles from the Near East,
Leonardo and his family found refuge in Italy, whence his brother
Antonio succeeded in making a successful raid upon Cephalonia and
Zante. Once again, however, the Tocco dynasty had to reckon with
Venice.
The jealous republic, long mistress of Corfù, Paxo, and
Cerigo, coveted the “flower of the Levant” and its big neighbour.
Both islands were occupied by the Venetians who, though forced to cede
Cephalonia to the Sultan, managed, on payment of a tribute, to keep
Zante from that time down to the fall of the republic. The Tocco
family long flourished at Naples, almost the sole example of medieval
rulers of Greece who prospered in exile, if such it could be called, and
the last representative of the honours and titles of this ancient house,
the Duke of Regina, died only in 1908.
A twenty years' peace followed the disastrous Turco-Venetian war,
but when in 1499 hostilities were resumed, the Turks made further
יל


## p. 467 (#509) ############################################

The Duchy of the Archipelago
467
gains in Greece at the republic's expense. Lepanto was lost in that
year, and Modon and Coron with Navarino in the following, and great
was the lamentation at home when it was known that Modon, the half-
way house between Venice and the East, had fallen. While Zante took
its place as a port of call, the republic in the same year recovered and
thenceforth permanently kept Cephalonia, and temporarily obtained
Santa Mavra. The final blow to her colonies in the Morea was dealt by
the next Turco-Venetian war, which lasted from 1537 to 1540. Corfù
successfully resisted the first of her two great Turkish sieges, but the
war cost the republic Nauplia and Monemvasía, Aegina, Myconus, and
the northern Sporades. Thenceforth till the time of Morosini she
ceased to be a continental power in Greece; but she still retained six
out of the seven Ionian Islands, as well as Crete, Cyprus, and Tenos.
Moreover, in the Aegean, the duchy of Naxos, founded but no longer
ruled by her adventurous sons, lingered on, the last surviving fief of the
long extinct Empire of Romania, while the Genoese Company still
managed Chios.
The history of the Duchy of the Archipelago, perhaps the most
romantic creation of the Middle Ages, is largely personal and centres in
the doings of the dukes and the small island-barons. Several of the
latter, whom Licario had dispossessed, recovered their lost islands about
the beginning of the fourteenth century, while new families arrived at
the same time and settled there. The islanders, however, suffered
severely from Turkish raids, which grew increasingly frequent, while,
under the Crispo dynasty, Venice became more and more predominant in
their affairs, twice taking over the government of Naxos, Andros, and
Paros in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. But the republic was
not always able to aid her distant children, who, after the Turkish
capture of Rhodes and the departure of the Knights on New Year's
Day 1523, were deprived of another bulwark against the Asiatic inva-
sion. The war, which broke out between Venice and the Sultan fourteen
years later, involved the downfall of three insular dynasties, those of
the Michieli, the Pisani, and the Quirini, while the Duke of the Archi-
pelago, Giovanni IV Crispo, only saved his tottering throne at Naxos
from the blows of the terrible Khair-ad-Dīn Barbarossa, who commanded
the Turkish fleet, by the humiliating payment of a tribute. The peace of
1540 left only three families, the Crispi, the Sommaripa, and the Gozza-
dini, still reigning in the Aegean, and it is remarkable that not one of
the three was of Venetian origin. This fact and the loss of all the
Venetian colonies except Tenos in the Archipelago thenceforth naturally
diminished the political interests of the republic in that sea. In vain
the duke addressed a solemn appeal to the princes of Christendom
to forget their mutual differences and unite against the Turks, empha-
sising his arguments by a quotation from his great “ancestor,” Sallustius
Crispus, a proof alike of his literary culture and of his family pride.
CH, XV.
30--2
LII
I


## p. 468 (#510) ############################################

468
Turkish capture of Naxos and Chios
Fortunately for himself he ended his reign, the longest of any duke of
Naxos, before the final catastrophe. In 1566, however, his son and
successor, Giacomo IV, a feeble debauchee, so disgusted the Greeks, who
formed the overwhelming majority of his subjects, that they invited the
Sultan to depose him. Piale Pasha thereupon occupied Naxos without
opposition, and the Latin Duchy of the Archipelago ceased to exist.
Selim II bestowed this picturesque state upon his Jewish favourite,
Joseph Nasi, who never visited his insular dominions, but governed them
through his deputy, a Spanish Jew, Francesco Coronello. With Nasi's
death in 1579 the Hebrew sway over the Cyclades ended, and the
duchy was annexed to the Turkish Empire. One petty Latin dynasty,
however, that of the Gozzadini of Bologna, which had been restored in
1571, the year of Lepanto, continued to rule far into the seventeenth
century. This curious survival of Italian authority in seven small
islands ended in 1617, but Tenos remained a Venetian colony for nearly
a hundred years longer.
Genoese domination over Chios terminated in the same year as the
Latin duchy of Naxos, and by the same hand. The trading company
of the Giustiniani managed at its zenith both Chios and the islands of
Psará, Samos, and Icaria (this last entrusted to one of its members, Count
Arangio) as well as the two towns of Phocaea on the coast of Asia
Minor with their rich alum mines. For a long time the payment of a
tribute secured immunity from a Turkish invasion, and the chief events
of Chiote history were the declaration of independence in 1408, when
Genoa became French, and a war with Venice. But Mahomet II was
anxious for an excuse to annex this little state; in 1455 the Turks took
both the Phocaeas; in 1475 the Company abandoned Psará and Samos,
and in 1481 allowed the Knights of St John to occupy Icaria, the
neglected county of the Arangio family. Thus reduced to the island of
Chios alone, the maona merely survived by the prompt payment of what
the Sultans chose to demand, till at last its financial condition made it no
longer in a position to raise the amount of the tribute. In 1566 Piale
descended upon the island and added it to the empire of his master.
Genoa struck not a blow in defence of her sons, nor did she
pay
the
sum which she had guaranteed to them in the event of the loss of
Chios.
Five years after the fall of Chios and Naxos, Cyprus was lost. The
history of this island was throughout the Frankish period so completely
detached, save at rare intervals, from that of the rest of the Hellenic
world, that it seems most convenient to treat it separately. It falls
naturally into three sharply-defined epochs: that of prosperity under the
Lusignan dynasty down to the death of Peter I in 1369, that of decline
under the remaining princes of that house, and that of colonial depend-
ence upon the Venetian republic. Guy de Lusignan, ex-King of
Jerusalem, having lost all chance of recovering that dignity, gladly
ever


## p. 469 (#511) ############################################

History of Cyprus
469
purchased Cyprus from Richard I in 1192, after the gran rifiuto of the
Templars, and in his short reign laid the foundations of the feudal
system in the island. The Franks naturally became, as in Greece, pre-
dominant alike in Church and State; the well-to-do Greeks were reduced
to the condition of vassals, the peasants remained serfs. His brother
and successor Amaury completed his work, organising the Latin Church
of Cyprus with its hierarchy dependent upon the Archbishop of Nicosia,
introducing the feudal code of Jerusalem, and striving to weaken the
power of the Cypriote nobles, none of whom had the right, exercised by
some of the Frankish barons in Greece, of coining money for their own
use. Anxious to increase his authority, he exchanged the title of “ Lord
of Cyprus,” borne by his brother, for that of “King,” which he persuaded
the Western Emperor to bestow upon him in 1197, and in the following
year added to it the coveted but empty honour of King of Jerusalem.
This double accession of dignity proved, however, to be detrimental to
the interests of Cyprus ; for the former distinction involved the suzer-
ainty of the Western Emperor over the island and led to the subsequent
civil war, while the latter diverted the attention of Amaury to Syrian
affairs. Another event of lasting influence upon the country was the
privilege granted in 1218 to the Genoese, who thus began their
connexion with the island. A time of much trouble began in 1228,
when the Emperor Frederick II, then on his way to the Holy Land,
landed in Cyprus, and claimed suzerainty over the young King Henry I.
A long struggle, known as “the Lombard war," ensued between the
National party under John of Ibelin, the Regent, and “the Lombards," as
the imperialists were called. The Nationalists were at last successful,
and the imperial suzerainty was destroyed for ever. After the close of
this conflict the island became very prosperous, and the loss of St Jean
d'Acre, the last stronghold of the Crusaders in Syria, in 1291, was
really a benefit to the Cypriotes, because their sovereigns need no longer
concern themselves with the affairs of the phantom kingdom of Jerusalem.
From 1269, however, down to the end of their dynasty, the sovereigns
of Cyprus continued to bear the title of “ King of Jerusalem," and it
became the custom to hold a double coronation, one at Nicosia, the
Cypriote capital, and the other at Famagosta as representing the Holy
City. Thus isolated from the continent, the Cypriote court became,
in 1306, a prey to the ambition of Amaury de Lusignan, titular Prince
of Tyre, who deposed his brother Henry II, the “ beast” of Dante', and
drove him into exile. This brief usurpation of the regency (for he was
assassinated in 1310) was remarkable for the commercial concessions
made to the Venetians, who thus became the rivals of the Genoese and
established a basis for their future dominion over the island.
יי
The accession of Peter I in 1359, the most valiant and adventurous
וי
לל
1 Paradiso, xix. 145–148.
CJI. XV.


## p. 470 (#512) ############################################

470
The Genoese in Cyprus
of the Lusignan kings, a man who should have been born in the days of
the Crusades, plunged Cyprus into a vigorous foreign policy, which con-
trasted with the concentration of the last two generations in internal
politics. The small Turkish princes of Cilicia became his tributaries,
and the Cilician fortress of Gorigos remained in Cypriote hands till
1448. Flushed by these successes, he dreamed of recovering the Holy
Land, and undertook two long European tours for the purpose of
exciting interest in this new crusade. But, although he journeyed as far
as London, he received no real support save from the Knights of Rhodes,
with whose aid he took Alexandria. In 1368 he was offered the crown
of Lesser, or Cilician, Armenia, but was assassinated in the following
year on his way to take it—the victim of conjugal infidelity and aristo-
cratic intrigues. With his death the kingdom of Cyprus began to
decline, and the two rival Italian republics, Genoa and subsequently
Venice, became the real powers behind the throne.
The coronation of Peter II as King of Jerusalem at Famagosta on
2 October 1372 marked the first downward step. A foolish question of
precedence between the Genoese consul and the Venetian bailie led to
the sack of the Genoese warehouses by the mob. A Genoese fleet under
Pietro di Campofregoso arrived off Famagosta; the two coronation cities
and the king were captured. Peter II had to purchase his freedom on
21 October 1374 by promising to pay a huge indemnity and by ceding
Famagosta, the commercial capital of the island, to his captors until
this sum should be paid. In Genoese hands the city became the chief
emporium of the Levantine trade, and a clause in the treaty prevented
the Kings of Cyprus from creating another port which might interfere
with the Genoese monopoly. When Peter II died, circumstances enabled
the astute merchant-republic to obtain a confirmation of this hu-
miliating convention from his uncle and successor, James I, then still a
hostage at Genoa. The new king was not released till he had paid up
his predecessor's arrears and guaranteed to the Genoese the possession of
Famagosta, nor was his acquisition of the barren title of King of
Armenia by the death of Leo VI, the last native sovereign, in 1393, any
real compensation for the loss of the richest city in Cyprus. Thence-
forth all his successors wore the three crowns of Cyprus, Jerusalem, and
Armenia, although of the former Armenian kingdom they held nothing
except the castle of Gorigos. His son Janus, whose name denoted his
humiliating birth as a captive at Genoa, tried in vain to drive the
foreigners out of Famagosta, with the sole result that he was forced in
1414 to sign another onerous treaty. But this was not the only misfor-
tune of this rash prince. By his encouragement of Christian pirates,
who preyed upon the Egyptian coast, he so greatly irritated the Sultan
of that country, that the latter, probably instigated by the Genoese,
landed in Cyprus, burnt Nicosia, and captured Janus at the battle of
Choirokoitia in 1426. An annual tribute to Egypt was one of the


## p. 471 (#513) ############################################

Cyprus becomes a Venetian colony
471
conditions of his ransom and thenceforth formed a constant charge upon
the Cypriote revenues.
The next reign, that of the feeble John II, marked the further
decline of Latin authority and the revival of Hellenism, phenomena
which we observed in the contemporary history of the Morea. Indeed,
the influence of the Moreote court of Mistrâ then made itself felt in
Cyprus also, for the real power behind the throne was Queen Helen,
daughter of the Despot Theodore II, a masterful woman, who naturally
favoured the claims advanced by the clergy of her own race and creed to
supremacy over the hitherto dominant Church. The loss of Gorigos in
1448 was a smaller misfortune than her quarrel with the most dangerous
man in the kingdom, the bastard James, himself the offspring of a
Moreote mother, who had been compelled as a boy to accept the arch-
bishopric of Nicosia. On the death of John II in 1458, his daughter,
the brave young Queen Charlotte, feebly supported by her husband, Louis
of Savoy, in vain attempted to combat the rival forces of the bastard,
seconded by the Sultan of Egypt. By 1460 her ruthless adversary had
already occupied most of the island and assumed the royal style of
James II, but the strong castle of Cerines held out for the queen three
years longer. Charlotte then withdrew to her husband's land, while the
bastard acquired popularity by achieving, in 1464, the ardent wish of his
last four predecessors, the recapture of Famagosta, held since 1447 by
the Bank of St George, and the consequent abolition of the Genoese
monopoly of Cypriote commerce.