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CICERO.
ment lie had caused to be inflicted, by the authority
of the senate, upon the accomplices of Catiline. The
illustrious ex-consul put on mourning, and appeared
in public, accompanied by the equites and many young
patricians, demanding the protection of the people.
Ciodius, however, at the head of his armed adherents,
insulted them repeatedly, and ventured even to be-
siege '. Iif senate house. Cicero, upon this, went into
voluntary exile. His conduct, however, in this re-
verse of forture, showed anything but the firmness of
a man of true spirit. He wandered about Greece, be-
wailing his miserable condition, refusing the consola-
tions which his friends attempted to administer, and
shunning the public honours with which the Greek
cities were eager to load him. {Ep. ad All. , lib. 3.
-- Ep. ad Fam. , lib. 14. -- Or. pro Sezt, 22 -- Pro
Dom. . 36. ) He ultimately took refuge in Thessa-
lonica with Plancus. Ciodius, in the mean time, pro-
cured new decrees, in consequence of which Cicero's
country scats were torn down, and a temple of Free-
dom built on the site of his house at Home. His wife
and children were also exposed to ill usage from his
imbittered persecutors. A favourable change, how-
ever, soon took place in the minds of his countrymen.
The audacity of Ciodius became insupportable to all:
Pompey encouraged Cicero's friends to get him re-
called to Rome, and the senate also declared that it
would not attend to any business until the decree
which ordered his banishment was revoked. Through
the zeal of the consul Lentulus, and at the proposition
of several tribunes, the decree of recall passed the as-
sembly of the people in the following year, in spite
of a bloody tumult, in which Cicero's brother Quintus
was dangerously wounded; and the orator returned
to his native country, after an absence often months,
and was received with every mark of honour. The
senate met him at the city gates, and his entry re-
sembled a triumph. The attacks of Ciodius, though
they could now do no harm, were immediately re-
newed, until Cicero was freed from the insults of this
turbulent demagogue by the hand of Milo, whom he
afterward, in a public trial for the deed, unsuccess-
fully defended- (Vul. Milo. ) Five years after his
return from ex ile he received the government of Cili-
cia, in consequence of Pompey's law, which obliged
those senators of consular or prietorian rank who had
never held any foreign command, to divide the vacant
provinces among them. Cicero conducted a war,
while in this office, with good success against the
plundering tribes of the mountain districts of Cilicia,
and was greeted by his soldiers with the title of Im-
oerator. He resigned his command, and returned to
Italy, about the close of the year 703, intending to
prefer his claim to a triumph; but the troubles which
were just then commencing between Cajsar and Pom-
pey prevented him from obtaining one. His return
home was followed by earnest endeavours to recon-
cile Pompey with Cajsar, and by very spirited beha-
viour when Cesar required his presence in the senate
Bat this independent temper was only transient; and
at no period of his public life did he display such mis-
erable vacillation as at the opening of the civil war.
His conduct, in this respect, had been faulty enough
before, for he then vacillated between the several
members of the first triumvirate, defending Vatinius
in order to please Csesar, and his bitter political en-
emy Gabinius to ingratiate himself with Pompey.
? ? Now, however, we find him first accepting a com-
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? CICERO.
CICERO.
the scacoast, and embarked. Contrary winds, how-
ever, drove him back to the shore. At the request of
his slaves he embarked a second time, but soon re-
turned again to await his fate at his country-seat near
Formise. "I will die," said he, "in that country
which I have so often saved" Here, then, he was dis-
posed to remain, and to meet his death; but his slaves,
who were warmly attached to him, could not bear to
see him thus sacrificed; and when the party of sol-
diers sent to murder him was advancing towards the
? villa, they almost forced him to put himself into his
litter, and to allow them to carry him once more on
board of the vessel, which was still lying at Caieta.
I in', as they were bearing the litter towards the sea,
they were overtaken in the walks of his own grounds
by the soldiers who were in search of him, and who
were headed by one Hcrennius, a centurion, and by
C. Popilius Ltenas. Popilius was a native of Pice-
num, and had, on a former occasion, been success-
fully defended by Cicero, when brought to trial for
some offence before the courts at Rome. As the as-
sistance of advocates was given gratuitously, the con-
nexion between them and their clients was esteemed
very differently from what it is among us; and it was
therefore an instance of peculiar atrocity, that Popil-
ius offered his services to Antony to murder his pa-
tron, from no other motive than the hope of gaining
his favour, by showing such readiness to destroy his
greatest enemy. The slaves of Cicero, undismayed
at the appearance of the soldiers, prepared to defend
their master; but lie refused to allow any blood to be
shed on his account, and commanded them to set down
the litter and await the issue in silence. He was
obeyed; and when the soldiers came up, he stretched
out his head with perfect calmness, and submitted his
neck to the sword of Popilius. He died in his sixty-
fourth year, B. C. 43. When the murder was accom-
plished, the soldiers cut oil' his two hands also, as the
instruments with which he had written his Philippic
Orations; and the head and hands were carried to
Rome, and exposed together at the Rostra. Men
crowded to sec the mournful sight, and testified by
their tears the compassion and affection which his un-
worthy death, and his pure and amiable character, had
so justly deserved. On the whole, antiquity may be
challenged to produce an individual so virtuous, so
perfectly amiable as Cicero. None interest more in
their lives, none excite more painful emotions in their
deaths. Others, it is true, may be found of loftier
and more heroic character, who awe and subdue the
mind by the grandeur of their views or the intensity
of their exertions. But Cicero engages our affections
by the integrity of his public conduct, the purity of
his private life, the generosity, placability, and kind-
ness of his heart, the playfulness of his temper, the
warmth of his domestic attachments. In this respect
his. letters are invaluable. Here we see the man
without disguise or affectation, especially in his letters
to Atticus, to whom he unbosomed every thought, and
talked with the same frankness as to himself. It
must, however, be confessed, that the publication of
this same correspondence has laid open the defects of
his political character. Everything seemed to point
out Cicero as the fittest person of the day to be a
mediator between contending factions. And yet, after
the eventful period of his consulship, we see him re-
signing the high station in the republic which he him-
? ? self might have filled, to the younger Cato, who, with
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? CJICERO
cratean schools into one finished system, selecting
what was best in each, and, as occasion might offer,
adding remarks and precepts of his own. The subject
is considered in three distinct lights, with reference to
the c>>>>e, the speaker, and the speech. The cage, aa
respects its nature, is de6nite or indefinite ; with ref-
erence to the hearer, it is judicial, deliberative, or de-
scriptive; as regards the opponent, the division is
fourfold; according as the fact, its nature, its quality,
or its propriety is called in question. The art of the
speaker is directed to five points; the discovery of
persuasive* (whether ethical, pathetic, or argumenta-
tive), arrangement, diction, memory, delivery. And
the speech itself consists of sir parts; introduction (or
exordium), statement of the case, division of the sub-
ject, proof, refutation, and conclusion or peroration.
Cicero's laudatory orations are among his happiest ef-
forts. Nothing can exceed the taste and beauty of
those for the Mariiliaii Law, for Marccllus, forLigarius,
for Archias, and the ninth Philippic, which is princi-
pally in praise of Servius Sulpicius. But it is in ju-
dicial eloquence, particularly on subjects of a lively
cast, as in his speeches ibr < "a-lius and Murana, and
against Ceciiius, that his talents are displayed to the
kest advantage. To both kinds his amiable and
pleasant rum of mini 1 imparts inexpressible grace and
delicacy; historical allusions, philosophical sentiments,
descriptions full of life and nature, and polite raillery,
succeed each other in the most agreeable manner,
without appearance of artifice or effort. Of this nature
are his pictures of the confusion of the Catilinarian
conspirators on detection (Or. in Cat. , 3, 3); of the
death of Metellus (Or. pro Cat. , 10); of Sulpicius
undertaking the embassy to Antony (Philipp. , 9, 3);
the character he draws of Catiline (Or. pro del. , 6);
and his fine sketch of old Appius frowning on his de-
generate descendant Clodia (1/1. , 6). But, by the in-
vention of a style which adapts itself with singular fe-
licity to every class of subject! , whether lofty or famil-
iar, philosophical or forensic, Cicero answers more ex-
actly to his own definition of a perfect orator (Oral. ,
S9). than by hi>> plausibility, pathos, and vivacity.
Among many excellences possessed by Cicero's ora-
torical diction, the greatest is its suitableness to the
genius of the Latin tongue; though the diffuseness
thence necessarily resulting has exposed it both in
his own days, and since his time, to the criticisms of
those who have affected to condemn its Asiatic char-
acter, in comparison with the simplicity of Attic wri-
ters, and the strength of Demosthenes. Greek, how-
ever, is celebrated for copiousness in its vocabulary
and perspicuity in its phrases, and the consequent fa-
cility of expressing the most novel or abstruse ideas
with precision and elegance. Hence the Attic style
of eloquence was plain and simple, because simplicity
and plainness were not incompatible with clearness,
energy, and harmony. But it was a singular want of
judgement, an ignorance of the very principles of com-
position, which induced Brutus, Calvus, Sallust, and
others, to imitate this terse and severe beauty in their
own defective language, and even to pronounce the
opposite kind of diction deficient in taste and purity.
In Greek, indeed, the words fall, as it were, naturally
into a distinct and harmonious order; and, from the
exuberant richness of the materials, less is left to the
ingenuity of the artist. But the Latin language is
comparatively weak, scanty, and unmusical, and re-
quires considerable skill and management to render it
? ? expressive and graceful. Simplicity in Latin is
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? CICERO.
CICERO.
of their ancestors in its primeval purity and beauty;
and while he was raising a monument to all future
ages of what Rome had been, to inculcate upon his
own times what it ought still to be. We know it to
have been his original purpose to make it a very volu-
minous work; for he expressly tells his brother (Ep.
ad Q. Frat. , 3, 5) that it was to be extended to nine
books. Erncsti thinks that they were all given to the
world (Ep. ad Alt. , 6, 1, in notts), although Cicero,
in a letter to Atticus, on which that learned and accu-
rate scholar makes this very remark, speaks of them as
his six pledges or sureties for his good behaviour.
--Cicero, as a philosopher, belongs, upon the whole,
to the New Academy. It has been disputed whether
he was really attached to this system, or had merely
resorted to it as being the best adapted for furnishing
him with oratorical arguments suited to all occasions.
At first its adoption was subsidiary to his other plans.
But, towards the conclusion of his life, when he no
longer maintained the place he was wont to hold in
the Senate or the Forum, and when philosophy formed
the occupation " with which," to quote his own words,
"life was just tolerable, and without which it would
have been intolerable," he doubtless became convinced
that the principles of the New Academy, illustrated as
they had been by Carneades and Philo, formed the
soundest system which had descended to mankind
from the schools of Athens. The attachment, howev-
er, of Cicero to the Academic philosophy was free
from the exclusive spirit of sectarianism, and hence it
did not prevent his extracting from other systems what
he found in them conformable to virtue and reason.
His ethical principles, in particular, appear eclectic,
k iving been in a great measure formed from the opin-
ions of the Stoics. Of most of the Greek sects he
i peaks with respect and esteem. For the Epicureans
alone he seems (notwithstanding his friendship for
\tticus) to have entertained a decided aversion and
contempt. The general purpose of Cicero's philosoph-
ical works was rather to give a history of the ancient
philosophy, than dogmatically to inculcate opinions of
his own. It was his great aim to explain to his fel-
low-citizens, in their own language, whatever the
sages of Greece had taught on the most important
subjects, in order to enlarge their minds and reform
their morals. In theoretic investigation, in the devel-
opment of abstract ideas, in the analysis of qualities
and perceptions, Cicero cannot be regarded as an in-
ventor or profound original thinker, and cannot be
ranked with Plato and Aristotle. His peculiar merit,
as a philosophical writer, lay in his luminous and
popular exposition of the leading principles and dis-
putes of the ancient schools; and no works trans-
mitted from antiquity present so concise and compre-
hensive a view of the opinions of the Greek philoso-
phers. The most obvious peculiarity of Cicero's phil-
osophical writings is their form of dialogue. The idea
was borrowed from Plato and Xenophon; but the na-
ture of Cicero's dialogue is as different from that of
the two Athenians, as was his object in writing.
With them, the Soeratic mode of argument could
hardly be displayed in any other shape; whereas Ci-
cero's aim was to excite interest, and he availed him-
self of this mode of composition for the life and varie-
ty, the ease, perspicuity, and vigour which it gave to
his discussions. Nor does Cicero discover less skill
in the execution of these dialogues, than address in
? ? their design. In the dignity of his speakers, their high
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? CIL
CIM
appears to have inherited little, if anything, of his fa-
ther'* virtue, patriotism, and talent. (Or. . Ep. ad
Alt. , 1, 2. -- Id. . Ep. ad Fam. , 13, 11. -- Plut. , Vit.
Cie. extr. --Id. , Vu. Brut. , (Sec. )--III. Quintus, broth-
er of the orator, and brother-in-law of Atticus. After
having been prsetor A. U. C. 692, he obtained the gov-
ernment of Asia. He was subsequently a lieutenant
of Cesar's in Britain, and only left that commander to
accompany his brother Marcus Tullius, as lieutenant,
into Cilicia. After the battle of Pharsalia, in which
he took part on the side of Pompey, he was proscribed
by the triumvirate, and put to death by the emissaries
of Antony. He had a marked talent for poetry, and
had planned a poem on the invasion of Britain by Ce-
sar. He also composed several tragedies, imitated or
else translated from the Greek, but which have not
reached us. Eighteen lines of his arc preserved in
the Corpus Poetarum of Maittairo. He was the au-
thor of the piece entitled "de Petittone Consulatus,"
usually printed along with Cicero's letters to him. It
is addressed by Quintus to his brother when the latter
was a candidate for the consulship, and gives advice
with regard to the measures he should pursue to at-
tain his object, particularly inculcating the best means
to gain private friends and acquire general popularity.
(Corrad. Quasi. , p. 278, ed. Lips. -- Biogr. Univ. ,
vol. 8, p. 550. -- Dunlop, Roman Literature, vol. 2, p.
495. )
Cicoxxs, a people on the coast of Thrace, near the
spot where Maronea stood in a later ago. Homer has
placed here the scene of Ulysses' first disaster. Isma-
nu was the name of their city, which the poet sup-
poses that chieftain to have taken and plundered; but
the natives coming down from the interior in great
force, he was driven off with severe loss of both men
and ships. (Od. , 1,40, seqq. ) Ismarus is known to
bier writers only as a mountain celebrated for its
wine, which indeed Homer himself alludes to in an-
other passage. (Od. , 1, 197.
)
Cilicia, a country of Asia Minor, on the seacoast,
south of Cappadocia and Eycaonia, and to the east of
Pisidia and Pajnpb. il ia. Herodotus says (7, 91), that
the people of this country were anciently called Hyp-
aciuei. and that the appellation of Cilicians was sub-
sequently derived from Cilix, son of Agenor, a Phoeni-
cian. This passage seems to point to a Phoenician or
Syrian origin for the race, a supposition strengthened
by the fact of the early commercial habits of the people
of Cilicia. This country, though tributary to the Per-
sian king, was nominally under the government of its
native princes, with whom Syennesia appears to have
been a common name. (Consult Herod. , 1, 74. --Id. ,
5, 118. --Xen. , Anab. , 1, 2. ) Cilicia, more especially
that part which consisted of plains, was a wealthy
country; since we are informed by Herodotus (3, 90)
that it yielded to Darius a revenue of 500 talents,
equal to that of Mysia and Lydia together, besides
360 white horses. Xenophon also (Anab. , 1, 2) de-
scribes it as a broad and beautiful plain, well watered,
and abounding in wine and all kinds of trees, and
yielding barley, millet, and other grain. In a military
point of view, the importance of Cilicia was also very
great, since it was surrounded by lofty mountains,
presenting only one or two passes, and these easily
secured by a small force against the largest armies.
Had the Persians known now to defend these, the
younger Cyrus would never have reached the Euphra-
? ? tes, nor would Alexander havo been able to penetrate
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? CIMMERII.
CIM
poet. (Strab. , 20. ) Wcsseling thinks the authority
of Strabo inferior to that of Herodotus; but Larcher
inclines to the opinion that two different incursions arc
spoken of, an earlier and a later one. He makes the
former of these even anterior to the time assigned by
Strabo, and thinks it preceded by a short period the
siege of Troy. He supposes this, moreover, to be the
one alluded to by Euripides. (Iph. in Taur. , 1115,
>>eqq. --Larcher, ad Herod. , 1, 6. ) According to this
view of the subject, Herodotus speaks, merely of the
latter of these two inroads. Volney maintains, in like
manner, that there were two incursions of the Cim-
merians, but he places the first of these in the reign of
Ardys (699 B. C. ), to which he thinks Herodotus al-
ludes in the fifteenth chapter of his first book ; and the
second one in the time of AlyattcB and Cyaxares,
which he supposes to be the inroad alluded to by He-
rodotus in the one hundred and third chapter of the
same book. (Volney, Suppl. a I'Herod. , dt Larcher,
p. 75, scqq. ) It appears much more reasonable, how-
ever, to refer all to but one invasion on the part of
the Cimmerian race, commencing in the time of Ar-
dys, and continued until the reign of A Wattes (G16,
B. C. ), when these barbarians were expelled from the
Asiatic peninsula. ( Bdhr, ad Herod. , 1, 6. ) -- The
account givqn by Herodotus is, that the Cimmerians,
when they came into Asia Minor, took Sardis, with
che exception of the citadel, and that they were finally
expelled by Alyattcs, the contemporary of Cyaxares.
(Herod. , 1, 15, seq. ) The same historian makes the
Cimmerians to have dwelt originally in the neighbour-
hood of the Palus Mseotis and Cimmerian Bosporus,
and when driven out " from Europe," as he expresses
himself (en tT/c Eipuxnc), by the Scythians, to have
fled along the upper shore of the Euxine to Colchis,
and thence to have passed into Asia Minor. (Herod. ,
1, 103. ) Nicbuhr, with very good reason, insists that
Herodotus has there fallen into anjerror, and that all
the wandering races which have ir succession occupied
the regions of Scythia, have, when driven out by other
tribes from the east, moved forth in a western direction
towards the country around the Danube. The Cim-
merians, therefore, must have come into Asia Minor
from the east. As regards the name of the Cimmerian
Bosporus, the same acute critic supposes it to have
arisen from the circumstance of a part of the Cimme-
rian horde having been left in this quarter, and having
continued to occupy the Tauric Chersonese as late as
the settlement of the Greek colonies in these parts.
(Nubuhr, Ktcine Schriftcn, p. 365, teqq. )-- The an-
cients differed in opinion as regarded the orthography of
the name Cimmcrii, some being in favour o(Kep6ipioi,
others of Xet/itptot. (Hesych. , g. r. -- Eustalh. , ad
Od. , 10, 14. -- Schol. , ad loc. -- Anstoph. , Ran. , 189.
-- Etymol. Mag! , p. 513. -- Voss, Wcltk. , p. 14. )
Modern scholars arc in like manner divided as to the
derivation of the term " Cimmerian" itself. It is main-
tained by some of these that the Greeks obtained their
first knowledge of this race from the Phoenicians, and
that hence, in all probability, the stories told of the
gloom which enshrouded the Cimmerian land, and of
the other appalling circumstances connected with the
people, were mere Phoenician inventions to deter the
Grecian traders from visiting them. In accordance
with this idea, Bochart derives the word " Cimmerian"
from the Phoenician kamar, or hmmcr. "tenebrosum"
(Gcogr. Sacr. , col. 591 --Compare Job, 3. 5. ) Hence
? ? we read of Cimmerians, not onlv in Lower Asia, hut
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? CIMON.
his native city, and in relieving the wants of the indi-
gent. He laid a part of the foundations of the long
walls with magnificent solidity at his own charge,
and the southern wall of the citadel was built with the
treasures which he brought from Asia into the coffers
of the state. He also set the example of adorning the
public places of the city with trees, and, by introdu-
cing a stream of water, converted the Academy, a spot
about two miles north of the city, from an arid waste
into a delightful grove. ( Vid. Academus. ) He threw
down the fences of his fields and orchards, that all who
wished might enter and partake of their produce: he
not only gave the usual entertainments expected from
the rich to the members of his own borough, but kept
a table constantly open for them. He never appeared
in public without a number of persons attending him
in good apparel, who, when they met with any elderly
citizen scantily clothed, would insist on exchanging
their warm mantles for his threadbare covering. It
was the office of the same agents respectfully to ap-
proach any of the poorer citizens of good character,
whom they might see standing in the market-place,
and silently to put some small pieces of money into
their hands. This latter kind of expenditure was cer-
tainly of a mischievous tendency ; and was not the
less that of a demagogue, because Cimon sought popu-
larity, not merely for his own sake, but for that of his
order and his party. -- About 466 B. C. , Cimon was
sent to the Thractan Chersonese, of which the Per-
sians still kept possession, and having driven thorn out,
next reduced the island of Thasus, and took posses-
sion of the Thasian gold mines on the neighbouring
continent. Scarcely, however, had he returned to At-
tica, when an accusation was preferred against him of
having been corrupted by the King of Macedonia, be-
cause he had refrained, not, according to the common
account, from attacking the Macedonians then at
peace with Athens, but from striking a blow at the
Thracian tribes on the frontier of that kingdom, who
had recently cut off the Athenian settlers on the banks
of the Slrymon. ( Vid. Amphipolis. ) From this ac-
cusation Cimon had a very narrow escape. Having
been sent, however, after this, with a body of troops to
aid the Spartans before Ithome, and the latter having,
after some interval, sent back their Athenian allies,
whom they suspected of not lending them any effectual
assistance, the irritation produced by this national in-
sult fell principally upon Cimon, who was known to be
an admirer of the Spartan character and constitution,
and he was accordingly driven into exile. Subse-
quent events, however, made the Athenians feel the
want of this able commander, and he was recalled and
sent on an expedition against Egypt and Cyprus; but
he was carried off by illness, or the consequences of a
wound, in the harbour of Citium, to which place he
was laying siege. His spirit, however, still animated
hitf countrymen; for the fleet, when sailing home with
his remains, gained a naval victory over a large squad-
ron of Phosnician and Cilician galleys near the Cyprian I
Salamis, and followed up this victory by another which
? key gained on shore, either over the troops which had
landed from the enemy's ships, or over a land force |
by which they were supported--Cimon was, beyond
dispute, the ablest and most successful general of his
day; and his victories shed a lustre on the arms of
Athens, which almost dimmed the glories of Marathon
and Salamis. In after times, Cimon's military renown
was enhanced by the report of a peace which his vic-
? ? tories had compelled the Persian king to conclude on
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? CIN
CIR
ancient or modem times, and has deservedly procured
for those who were the actors in it the unmitigated ab-
horrence of all posterity. Cinna and Marius, by then-
own authority, now declared themselves consuls for
the ensuing year; but Marius dying, after having only
held that office for seventeen days, Cinna remained in
effect the absolute master of Rome. During the
space of three years after this victory of his, he con-
tinued to hold possession of the government at home,
a period during which, as Cicero remarks (De Clar.
Oral. . 62), the republic was without laws and without
dignity. At length, however, Sylla, after terminating
the war with Mithradates, prepared to march home
with his army and punish his opponents. Cinna, with
his colleague Carbo, resolved thereupon to cross the
Adriatic, and anticipate Sylla by attacking him in
Greece ; but a mutiny of their troops ensued, in which
Cinna was slain, B. C. 77. Haughty, violent, always
eager for vengeance, addicted to debauchery, precipi-
tate in his plans, but always displaying courage in their
execution, Cinna attained to a power little less absolute
than that afterward held by Sylla or C<<csar: and it is
somewhat remarkable, that his usurpation should have
been so little noticed by posterity, and that he himself
should be so little known, that scarcely a single per-
sonal anecdote of him is to be found on record. (Ap-
pian, Bell. Civ. , 1, 64. -- Veil. Paterc, 2, 43, seqq. --
Appian, B. C, 1, 74, seqq. --Plut. , Vit. Syll, 22. --
Liv. , Epit. , 83, &c. ) -- II. One of the conspirators
against Cffisar (Plut. , Vit. Cas. ). --III. C. Helvius, a
Roman poet, intimate with Cresar, and tribune of the
commons at the time when the latter was assassinated.
According to Plutarch, he went to attend the obsequies
of Cffisar, but,being mistaken by the populace forCinna
the conspirator, was torn in pieces by them. (Plut. ,
Vit. Cies. ) Helvius composed a poem entitled Smyr-
na (or Zmyrna), on which he was employed nine or
ten years. Four fragments of it have reached us. It
appears to have been characterized by considerable
obscurity of meaning until the grammarian Crassitius
wrote an able commentary upon it. (Sueton. , Illustr.
Gram. , 18. ) Some other fragments have also reached
us of other productions of this poet. (Weiehert, de C.
Hclv. Cinn. poet. Comment. --Bdhr, Geseh. Rom. Lit. ,
vol. 1, p. 164. )
Cinniana, a town of Lusitania, in the northern or
northwestern section of the country. Its precise sit-
uation has given rise to much dispute. According to
some, it corresponds to Sitania, a deserted spot, six
leagues east of Braga. Others, however, make it the
same with certain ruins, called at the present day
Chalcedonia, and lying near Caldas de Geres, on the
northern confines of Portugal. (Val. Max. , 6, 4, ezt.
1 . --Link, Rciscn durch Portugal! , vol. 2, p. 3, seqq.
-- Vkcrt, Geogr. , vol. 2, p. 399. )
Cinyps and Cinyphus (Kivvf, Herod. --Kivvfyoc,
Plot. , Strab. --KiivQwc, Suid. ), a small river of Africa,
below Tripolis, falling into the sea southwest of the
promontory of Cephalte.