Sedley's
tragedies
call for
no more than the barest mention.
no more than the barest mention.
Cambridge History of English Literature - 1908 - v08
, Spanish Influence on English Literature, 1905, p.
291.
3 Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, H. B. , vol. v, p. 403.
• Dryden's words, 'It is your author's lot To be endangered by a Spanish plot,'
not • with a Spanish plot' as often quoted, refer to his rivalry with Tuke's Adventures,
not to the source of his own play. Just below, he affirms, . This play is English and
the growth your own. ' This point is made by Gaw in his thesis, referred to in a note
above.
o The Dutch Lover is referred by Langbaine to a Spanish story; The Rover is
an adaptation of Kiliigrew's Thomaso. For both of these, see below, p. 141 of this
volume. The False Count, 1682, is another play by Mrs Behn of Spanish type.
Langbaine finds a hint' in it, however, . borrowed from Molière's Les Précieuses
Ridicules. '
9--2
## p. 132 (#154) ############################################
132
The Restoration Drama
Lover of Mrs Centlivre and Colley Cibber's She Would and She
Would Not are derivative plays and only remotely Spanish.
We may summarise what has been said on a subject of con-
siderable difficulty as follows. Spanish literary influences on the
drama in Tudor times were slight and confined, almost entirely,
to an occasional plot, derived, as a rule, through some foreign
intermediary. In the reign of James I, Beaumont and Fletcher,
Massinger and William Rowley, alone among dramatists of note,
drew on Spanish sources for their plays; and, though the question
cannot be regarded as definitely settled, it seems likely that their
sources lay wholly in fiction, translated into other and, to them,
more familiar languages of the continent or into English. It was
in the reign of king Charles I, that Spanish drama for the first
time came into a closer touch with the English stage. That touch
was closest at the restoration, when the cavalier returned with
his foreign luggage and the taste of the king conspired with the
experiences of his courtiers to foster many experiments. But
Spanish influence was soon eclipsed by that of France, aided by
the strong national spirit that prolonged the influence of Jonson
and his contemporaries for generations after their decease.
In turning to a consideration of the influences of French
literature on the drama of the restoration, it is customary to
give unusual weight to the example of the romans de longue
haleine, those extraordinary expressions in protracted hyperbole
of ideal conduct, sentiment and conversation, with which the finer
-pirits of the days of Louis XIV sought to elevate and ennoble
social life? But, as a matter of fact, much of this influence was
already in full flood far back in the reign of king Charles I, as the
cult of Platonic love, about 1633, and the ideals of love and honour
which it fostered are alone sufficient to attest? To what extent
the ideals of this one time fashionable cult may be surmised to
have persisted to affect appreciably the conduct of the returning
exiles is a question for the historian of social conditions. On the
drama, such ideals had a marked, if superficial, effect. The life of
the court of king Charles II, was, at best, a coarse replica of that
of Versailles; and the heroic drama, the roots of which lie deeper
than in the supersoil of romance, reproduced mostly externals,
grandiloquence of language, loftiness of sentiment, incredible
· For a list of restoration plays referred to the influences of the romances of the
Scudérys and other like writers, see Ward, vol. III, p. 309 note.
· See, as to this, especially D'Avenant's apotheosis of Platonic love in his grand
masque, The Temple of Love, his Love and Honour, both 1634, and his Platonick
Lovers, 1635.
## p. 133 (#155) ############################################
Molière and Restoration Comedy 133
valour, with courtesy and honour drawn and twisted into an
impossible code. More immediate in its effects was the con-
temporary French stage, in which much of the literature of
exaggerated sentiment was reproduced by forgotten authors, who
live now only in the satire which their extravagance inspired in
the commonsense of Boileau. But the subject of this influence,
and of that of the classicism of Corneille and Racine in particular,
as well as the use of the rimed couplet in the English drama, and
its relations to the heroic play are treated elsewhere; our concern
here is with comedy,
It was in 1653 that Molière, after his long apprenticeship in
the provinces, brought out his L'Étourdi in Paris; and, from that
date onward to his death, just twenty years later, he remained the
master and the example of the most brilliant comedy of modern
times. Molière's earlier work thus corresponds, in point of time,
with the latest years of exile, when many Englishmen of rank were
amusing themselves in Paris, and peculiarly open to lighter im-
pressions from the idleness of their lives. No one foreign author
has been so plundered by English playwrights as Molière; and his
humane spirit, his naturalness, adaptability and dramatic aptitude
stood the borrowers in good stead, in recalling them from the
intricacies of Spanish intrigue and the wearisome repetition at
second hand of the 'humours' of Ben Jonson. That the finer
qualities of Molière, his verve, his buoyancy, ease and success of
plot, and sure characterisation, escaped his English imitators is
not to be denied; for, apart from the circumstance that few of
them were men of more than mediocre parts, the genius of Molière
towers above the imitation of any age. A list of the borrowings
of restoration comedy from the drama of Molière and his con-
temporaries would unduly burden this page. D'Avenant, Dryden,
Sedley, Wycherley, Vanbrugh, Crowne and Shadwell all owe debts
of plot, character, design and dialogue to French comedy; and,
even where the debt may not be specifically ascertainable, the
1 Cf. ante, pp. 14 . and 18 ff. and post, chap. VII. As to these influences, it is
well to remember that translation and adaptation from the French by no means set
in, for the first time, with the restoration. Apart from the early direct influence of
the Senecan Garnier on Kyd, Greville, Alexander and others, and the plays drawn from
French sources by Fletcher and his group, which it is not pertinent here to recount,
Sir William Lower had translated the Polyeucte of Corneille in 1655 and Horatius the
year after; Carlell, his Héraclius, about the same date, and several persons of honour,'
Waller, Sedley, Godolphin and the earl of Dorset, were busy with his Pompée, as
Mrs Katherine Philips, 'the Matchless Orinda,' was busy with Horatius, encouraged by
lord Orrery, a year or so after the restoration. As to Corneille on the English stage
and in English translation, see Mulert, A. , in Münchener Beiträge, vol. xvm, 1900.
.
>
## p. 134 (#156) ############################################
134
The Restoration Drama.
6
>
tone of the play, the method of its conduct and the conception
of its personages declare the dominant influence of France. To
mention only some examples, Molière supplied scenes, personages
or suggestions to D'Avenant's Playhouse to be Let, Dryden's An
Evening's Love, Amphitryon and Sir Martin Mar-Al, to Sedley's
Mulberry Garden, Wycherley's Country Wife, The Plain Dealer,
Shadwell's Sullen Lovers and The Miser and Crowne's The Country
Wit and The English Frier; while Corneille, Racine, Quinault were
levied on by the playwrights just named and by others besides.
The influence of French opera on the like productions in
England is a matter of less certainty. The attribution of
D'Avenant's experiments in musical drama to direct influences,
either from Italy or from France, seems dubious, if not fanciful,
if his previous experience as a writer of masques for the
court of king Charles I is taken into account. Although Italian
opera had been introduced into France so far back as 1645 and
'the first French opera,' 'a pastoral,' had been performed some
fourteen years later, this by-product of the drama was not thrust
into general acceptance and popularity until the days of the
celebrated partnership between Lulli, the king's musician, and
the librettist Quinault, the first opera of whose joint effort,
Cadmus and Hermione, was acted in 16731. Meanwhile, how-
ever, Cambert, composer of the first French opera,' had written
his Pomone, the earliest opera heard by the Parisian public; and,
when his rivalry with Lulli for the control and management of
the opera in Paris ended in the latter's triumph, Cambert came
over to London and, as leader of one of king Charles's companies
of musicians, took his part in the introduction of French opera
into England Cambert's associate in his operatic labours was
the abbé Pierre Perrin, who had supplied the words for the
pastoral'as well as for Pomone. Another product of this partner-
ship was Ariane, ou Le Mariage de Bacchus ; and an opera of
that title was sung in French at the Theatre Royal in Drury lane
in January 16748 An English version of this opera, published
simultaneously with the French version at the period of pro-
duction, reads Ariadne, or The Marriage of Bacchus, 'an Opera
1 On these subjects, see Parry, Sir C. H. R. , The Oxford History of Music, vol. II,
p. 225, and Lavoix, H. , La Musique Française, pp. 90, 100. Les Fêtes de l'Amour et
de Bacchus, with which Lalli opened his Opera' in the rue Vaugirard in the previous
November, described as little more than a ballet, a species of entertainment long
familiar in France.
· The Oxford History of Music, vol. II, p. 295.
• See Evelyn's Diary, under 6 January 1673/4.
## p. 135 (#157) ############################################
The Opera
135
or a Vocal Representation, first composed by Monsieur P[ierre)
P[errin). Now put into Musick by Monsieur Grabut, Master of
his Majesty's Musick. ' And it is further said that Cambert super-
intended the production? Whatever the solution of this tangle,
) English musicians now took up the writing of opera, Matthew
Locke staging his Psyche in 1675 and Purcell, Dido and Aeneas,
his first opera, in 1680. Dryden's imitations of French opera, of
which Albion and Albanius, 1685, is a typical example, came
later; and so did the tasteless adaptations of earlier plays to
operatic treatment, Shakespeare's Tempest and Fletcher's Pro-
phetesse, for example, done to music, often of much beauty and
effectiveness, by the famous musician of his day, Henry Purcell.
The opera, according to Dryden, is 'a poetical tale, or fiction,
represented by vocal and instrumental music, adorned with scenes,
machines, and dances’; and he adds, somewhat to our surprise,
the supposed persons of this musical drama are generally super-
natural? . ' Unquestionably, the opera lent itself, like the heroic
play, to sumptuous costume and ingenious devices in setting and
stage scenery; and it is not to be denied that, then as now, its
devotees set their greatest store on the music and on the fame
of individual singers.
'I am no great admirer," says Saint-Évremond, of comedies in music
such as nowadays are in request. I confess I am not displeased with their
magnificence; the machines have something that is surprising, the music
in some places is charming; the whole together seems wonderful. But it. . .
is very tedious, for where the mind has so little to do, there the senses must
of necessity languish ?
A discussion of the history of Italian opera in England would
be out of place here, since it came first into England with the
new century. That men of the taste and judgment of Dryden and
Purcell in their respective arts should have lent their talents to
the composition of these 'odd medleys of poetry and music' only
proves the strength of contemporary fashions in art.
9
1 Lawrence, W. J. , 'Early French Players in England,' Anglia, vol. XXXII, pp. 81
82, and Nuitter et Thonan, Les Origines de l'Opéra Français, pp. 303 ff.
2 Preface to Albion and Albanius, Works oj Dryden, ed. Scott-Saintsbury, vol. VII,
p. 228. Compare, also, the definition of Saint-Évremond: 'An odd medlay of poetry
and music wherein the poet and the musician, equally confined one by the other, take
a world of pain to compose a wretched performance. ' Upon Operas, Works of Saint-
Évremond, translation ed. 1714, vol. II, p. 87.
8. Our thoughts run more upon the musician than the hero in the opera : Laigi,
Cavallo, and Cesti are still present to our imagination . . . Baptist is a hundred times
more thought of than Theseus or Cadmus. ' Ibid. pp. 86, 87.
* Ibid. p. 85.
## p. 136 (#158) ############################################
136
The Restoration Drama
But it was well that, before these general French influences
had made themselves felt, a new dramatist, also schooled in France,
began in his productions to give expression to the contemporary
ideal of polite society and to adapt to the changed conditions of
the moment the most persistent form of drama, the comedy of
manners. Of the earlier life of Sir George Etherege, we know
next to nothing. It has been inferred from an allusion by Dryden,
that Etherege was born in 1634 and, by means of other inferences,
that he came of an old Oxfordshire family? . It seems unlikely that
Etherege was ever a student at either university; but his easy
conversancy with French and the ways of the French capital point
to a long sojourn in Paris. The first work of Etherege was The
Comical Revenge, or Love in a Tub. It was published in 1664
and may have been produced for the first time late in the previous
year. This comedy was an immediate success and Etherege found
himself, in a night, famous. Thus introduced to the wits and the
fops of the town, Etherege took his place in the select and dis-
solute circle of Rochester, Dorset and Sedley. On one occasion,
at Epsom, after tossing in a blanket certain fiddlers who refused
to play, Rochester, Etherege and other boon companions so
‘skirmished the watch' that they left one of their number thrust
through with a pike and were fain to abscond. Etherege married
a fortune, it is not certain when, and, apparently for no better
reason, was knighted. On the death of Rochester, he was, for
some time, the protector' of the beautiful and talented actress,
Mrs Barry? Ever indolent and procrastinating, Etherege allowed
four years to elapse before his next venture into comedy. She
Would if she could, 1668, is a better play than The Comical
Revenge, and such was the popular expectation of it, when pro-
duced, that, as Pepys tells us, though he and his wife were there
by two o'clock, there were one thousand people put back that
could not have room in the pit. ' Unhappily, success was partially
defeated, because, adds Pepys, “the actors. . . were out of humour
and had not their parts perfect' Etherege now doubled his
former period of indolence and silence, and, eight years later, in
1676, doubtless stung by a deserved rebuke in Rochester's Session
of the Poets, produced his last and best comedy, The Man of
Mode, or Sir Fopling Flutter. Of the later years of Etherege,
1 Dryden to Etheredge, The Works of Sir George Etheredge, ed. Verity, 1888, p. 403.
* The particulars of these passages in the life of Etherege will be found in Meindl's
study of the poet, Wiener Beiträge, vol. xiv, 1901, pp. 66—73.
3 Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, vol. VII, p. 307.
## p. 137 (#159) ############################################
Sir George Etherege
137
4
we know much, owing to the existence of one of his Letterbooks,
kept by his secretary at Ratisbon, where he was English resident
from 1685 to a time early in 1689. From certain allusions,
Etherege has been supposed to have held similar posts else-
where, in Sweden and, possibly, in Turkey. But, of this, there is
no proof. The particulars of his life in an uncongenial diplomatic
exile need not concern us. His correspondence, which included
letters to and from Dryden, is full of life and gossip about the
wits of his time, all of it expressed with the gaiety, candour and
foppish wit of which Etherege, in his plays, is the acknowledged
master. Etherege is supposed to have died, about 1690, at Paris.
Handsome, witty, brave, profligate though he was, and, perhaps, as
has been charitably suggested, having but a weak head for wine,
the story that 'Sir George Etheredge died by falling down stairs
in a drunken fit,' rests solely 'on the authority of a friend of the
family,' repeated by Oldys? .
Different opinions have been broached as to the place of
Etherege in the history of restoration drama, although no two
much at variance can be held by those familiar with the spirit,
gaiety and brilliancy of the prose dialogue of his comedies, The
discovery of more than one copy of an edition of The Comical
Revengeg dating 1664, has brought Etherege's claim to the intro-
duction of rimed couplets as a regular dramatic metre on the
restoration stage into direct competition with that of Orrery.
Although Etherege abandoned this innovation in his other two
comedies, wisely writing them in prose, in which he is at his best,
this fashion of distinguishing more serious and elevated scenes and
passages of a comedy by couching them in heroic couplets was
continued by certain of his fellows. But the authority of the
writer who has urged the above-mentioned claim on behalf of
Etherege, further invites us to assume that he 'loitered long enough
in Paris' after the first rush of the royalists homewards for Molière
to be revealed to him,' and that, with a new idea thus formed 'of
what comedy ought to be; he returned to England and founded
English comedy as it was successively understood by Congreve,
Goldsmith and Sheridan: Now, indubitably, Etherege had none
of his happy, conscienceless art from Jonson. With the making up
1 Works of Etheredge, ed. Verity, A. , introduction, p. xxvii.
? See Gosse, E. , 'Sir George Etheredge,' in Seventeenth Century Studies, ed. 1897,
p. 265, where the relations of Etherege, in this respect, to Dryden's The Rival-Ladies
and D'Avenant's Siege of Rhodes are discussed. As to Orrery's claim, see ante, chap. 1,
p. 18 and note 2.
3 Note, more especially, Sedley's Mulberry Garden. • Gosse, u. s. pp. 266, 267.
## p. 138 (#160) ############################################
138
The Restoration Drama
of his personages out of changes on a single humour, strained and
contorted, Etherege discarded any pretensions to the knitting
together of a plot. He also discarded literary as well as dramatic
constructiveness, and it is not impossible that Molière pointed
him the way to a freedom from rule which Etherege pressed to
licence. But the merit of Etherege seems to lie less in his
eschewing the moribund fashion of Jonson's humours, than in a
certain natural genius whereby he was able to put upon the stage
a picture, very little heightened, of the roistering, reckless idle-
ness and licentiousness that actually characterised the brilliant,
graceless fops whose society he frequented. "The man of quality,
who can fight at need with spirit and verve, but whose customary
occupation is the pursuit of pleasure without dignity and without
reflection'—this is Etherege's theme; it is his very self, re-
curring in Sir Frederick Frollicke, in Courtall and Freedom, 'two
honest gentlemen of the town,' in She Would if she could and
in the masterly circle of fops—Dorimant, Medley, Bellair and
Sir Fopling Flutter-each one of them equally 'the man of mode. '
'Nature, you know,' says Etherege of himself, 'intended me for
an idle fellow, and gave me passion and qualities fit for that
blessed calling ; but fortune has made a changeling of me and
necessity forces me to set up for a fop of business? ' As to the
women of Etherege, they are fashionable, extravagant, witty as
the men and as bold in their intrigues and amours; there is no
maiden's blush among them. They are such, in a word, as the
restoration rakes and roués knew them.
Attention has been called to Ethereğe's graphic touches of
scene, costume and place in the gay little west-end that knew
him. He is at home in Mulberry garden, a place of public resort
and entertainment, with bordered alleys and adjacent arbours in
which to eat syllabub and to carry on 'hazardous flirtations' like
those of Mistress Ariana and Mistress Gatty, two naughty run-
aways from chaperonage; or, again, in the shop of Mrs Trinket
in the New Exchange, a species of Arcade, whither ladies go
a-shopping for a few fashionable toys to keep 'em in countenance
at a play or in the Park,' and where gallants 'scent their eyebrows
and periwigs with a little essence of oranges or jessamine,' as did
Courtall while waiting for lady Cockwood But the superlative
quality of Etherege as a writer of comedy is the ease and natural-
ness of his prose dialogue, which, almost uniformly witty and, at
1 Letterbook under date 8 March 1688, quoted by Gosse, Seventeenth Century
Studies, ed. 1897, p. 296.
## p. 139 (#161) ############################################
Sir Charles Sedley
139
times, really brilliant, is seldom overdone and unsuited to his
personages, as is not infrequently the case with Congreve. The
very frivolity of Etherege disarms criticism. Who would break
a butterfly on the wheel ? For the time, English men and
women in good society had lapsed into an excess of gallantry,
enjoying their orgy with incorrigible frankness and abandon, and
avowing their enjoyment with incorrigible flippancy and shame-
lessness. In Etherege, comedy, for the moment, touched nature
once more, for such was nature in the society of the restoration.
Congreve is remote and studied in comparison, for he wrote of
these things when in actual life they had come to be mitigated by
a measurable return of public manners to healthier conditions ;
while, as to Sheridan, equally a disciple of Etherege, his comedies
in fact only perpetuated a picture of life that had long since ceased
to be much more than a brilliant tradition of the stage.
The closest immediate follower of Etherege in comedy is
Sir Charles Sedley, whose earliest comedy, The Mulberry Garden,
1668, is based, in part, on Molière's L'École des Maris and is
written in that mixture of prose and heroic couplets which
Etherege introduced in his Comical Revenge. An intimate in
the chosen circle of the king, Sedley was as famous for his wit
as he was notorious for the profligacy of his life. Nevertheless,
he appears to have been a capable man of affairs and, as a writer,
gained a deserved reputation alike for the clearness and ease of
his prose and for a certain poetic gift, more appreciable in his
occasional lyrics than in the serious parts of his dramas. The
Mulberry Garden, no bad comedy in its lighter scenes, is bettered
in Bellamira, or the Mistress, 1687, which, though founded on
the Eunuchus of Terence, presents a lively, if coarsely realistic,
picture of the reckless pursuit of pleasure of Sedley's day. The
Grumbler, printed in 1702, is little more than an adaptation of
Le Grondeur of Brueys and Palaprat.
Sedley's tragedies call for
no more than the barest mention. His Antony and Cleopatra,
1667, reprinted as Beauty the Conqueror, is among the feeblest
as it is the latest, of heroic plays written in couplets. His Tyrant
King of Crete, 1702, is merely a revision of Henry Killigrew's
Pallantus and Eudora, little amended in the process.
With examples such as these among writers who pretended
to gentle manners and birth, and with Dryden descending to the
dramatic stews, it is not surprising to find lesser writers and
1 On this topic, see Genest, u. 8. vol. », p. 158, and Lissner, M. , in Anglia, vol.
XXVII, pp. 180—3.
## p. 140 (#162) ############################################
140
The Restoration Drama
stage hacks throwing decency to the winds and substituting sheer
scurrility for wit, and brutality for force of passion. John Lacy
(who died in 1681) is a familiar example of the popular actor
turned playwright. Out of a couple of the comedies of Molière,
butchered in the process, he compounded The Dumb Lady, or
The Furrier made Physician, 1669; in Sarony the Scot, or The
Taming of the Shrew, 1667, Grumio is raised to the chief part in
that much abused comedy of Shakespeare; while, in Sir Hercules
Buffoon, 1684, a more original effort, even the braggart and the fool,
immemorial stock figures of comedy, suffer degradation. The best
comedy of Lacy is The Old Troop (before 1665), in which he tells,
with rude and broad native humour, experiences of his own when
soldiering in the royalist army in civil war times, and, incidentally,
maligns and abuses fallen puritanism. Even more popular in his
day was Edward Ravenscroft, the author of a dozen plays extend-
ing over a career of nearly twenty-five years. Ravenscroft pillaged
the previous drama at large and Molière in particular, taking his
earliest comedy and greatest success, Mamamouchi, or the Citizen
Turned Gentleman, 1671, from Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme and
Monsieur de Pourceaugnac. In his palmy days, Ravenscroft
dared to measure his wit with Dryden? But his one conspicuous
quality was his success in boisterous farce. It was this and its
scandalous satirical nature that secured to his London Cuckolds,
first acted in 1682, an annual revival on the stage on lord mayor's
day for nearly a century? His other plays, among them an altera-
tion of Titus Andronicus, call for no mention here
It is assuredly a matter for comment that the first woman to
write professionally for the English stage should have begun her
career at a moment when the morality of English drama was at
its lowest ebb. Aphra or Aphara Behn was born at Wye in 1640,
the daughter of John Johnson, a barber. With a relative, whom
she called her father, who had been nominated lieutenant-governor
of Surinam, she went to reside there; and, on his death, remained
with his family, marrying a Dutch merchant named Behn about
1658. With her husband, she returned to London and, apparently,
lived in some wealth and position until 1666, in which year
her husband died. Having made the acquaintance of the king
>
See the original prologues to Mamamouchi, and The Careless Lovers, and, likewise,
the prologues to Dryden's Marriage-a-la-Mode and The Assignation.
See The Tatler, no. 8.
3 For a list of comedies by minor writers, printed within the first two decades
following the restoration, see the bibliography to this chapter.
## p. 141 (#163) ############################################
Mrs Aphra Behn
141
in the time of her prosperity, she was sent to Antwerp as a spy ;
but, finding her services unrecognised and unpaid, she turned,
about 1670, to letters for a livelihood. Mrs Behn's novels, in
which she is a true forerunner of Defoe, do not concern us here
nor her interesting anticipation of some of the ideas of Rousseau
in the most famous of her stories, Oronooko. Between 1671 and
1689, the year of her death, Mrs Behn wrote assiduously for the
stage, turning out no less than fifteen dramas. Though she
observed the nice laws of mine and thine with little more
punctiliousness than did her male contemporaries, it is not to
be denied that Mrs Behn is inventive in situations if not in
whole plots, ingenious in keeping her figures in almost incessant
action and in maintaining an interminable flow of vivacious
dialogue? Her most popular play was The Rover, or The
Banished Cavaliers, which took the fancy of the town in 1677,
and to which she wrote a second part in 1681. In both of these
plays, the central figure is a swashbuckling sea captain ashore,
the victim of every pretty face and the hero of a string of
questionable adventures. The scene of the first part, Naples in
carnival time, must have lent itself to brilliant and varied stage
setting. The Rover is taken entire from two unacted comedies
of Thomas Killigrew, entitled Thomaso the Wanderer, which, it
may be suspected, contain not a little matter autobiographical,
though, otherwise, as frankly 'borrowed' from English playwrights
of the past as Mrs Behn herself 'borrowed' from Killigrew? .
Mrs Behn's next comedy, The Dutch Lover, 1673, is a favour-
able specimen of the conventional comedy of cloak and sword,
the scene, as in the second part of The Rover, being Madrid.
The Dutch Lover is said to be 'founded on a Spanish romance
written by the ingenious Don Francisco de las Coveras styled
Don Fenisex! Another class of Mrs Behn's comedies are those
of her own contemporary town life, most of them lifted bodily
from earlier English plays and made coarse in the process. For
example, The Debauchee, 1677, is based on A Madd Couple well
1 Siegel puts it that Mrs Behn began with serious, romantic dramas, such as The
Young King and The Forced Marriage, and her one (? ) tragedy, The Moor's Revenge,
but went over to comedy in The Rover, first acted anonymously, in deference to the
loose tastes of the time. See • Aphra Bebn's Gedichte und Prosawerke,' in Anglia,
vol. xxv, pp. 98—101.
? See Baker, D, E. , Biographia Dramatica, ed. 1812, vol. II, p. 232, where some
of these borrowed decorations' of Killigrew are referred to their originals in Carew,
Fletcher and Jonson. Both of Killigrew's plays are said to have been written in
Madrid.
3 Langbaine, 1691, p. 19; and see Hazlitt, Collections and Notes, 1867–76, p. 104.
There is, of course, no such Spanish author as Coveras. '
.
## p. 142 (#164) ############################################
142
The Restoration Drama
matcht by Richard Brome; The Town Fop, of the same date, on
Wilkins's Miseries of Inforst Mariage. The most character-
istic comedy of this group is The City Heiress, 1682, in which
Mrs Behn has broadened even the humour of Middleton's A Mad
World, My Masters, unquestionably her source, and combined it
with suggestions from The Guardian of Massinger. Nothing
could be more unfortunate than the criticism that finds for
Aphra Behn a model in Jonson? That lady's art was predatory,
and she took any author's property as her own, painting with
realistic, if conventional, brush the fops, the roués, the maids and
misses of Etherege and Sedley in their eternal embroilment
of questionable amorous intrigue. In The Roundheads, 1682,
Mrs Behn conveyed Tatham's plot of The Rump entire to her
comedy and thickened the whole with the addition of one of her
favourite situations. In one of her latest plays, The Widow
Ranter, not published until 1690, after her death, Mrs Behn
treated a historical event of recent occurrence in the colony of
Virginia--the rebellion, as it was called, of Nathaniel Bacon-
and produced a result, with all its absurdities, of no small
originality. Mrs Behn was a very gifted woman, compelled to
write for bread in an age in which literature, and especially
comedy, catered habitually to the lowest and most depraved of
human inclinations. Her success depended on her ability to write
like a man. On the score of morality, she is again and again more
daring and risquée than any of her male competitors in the art
of playmaking, and she is as frivolous and as abandoned in
speech as the worst of them all. But, as has been well said, it
remains difficult for us to believe that a woman whose literary
talents commended her to the friendship and association of Dryden
could have been degraded in her personal life.
William Wycherley was born in 1640 of a substantial Shrop-
shire family. He was educated, at first, in France, where he
frequented good society ; but, with the coming back of the king,
entered at Queen's college, Oxford, which, however, he left with-
out a degrees. Later, at the Inner Temple, Wycherley led the
gay and frivolous life of a man about town and made those
observations of the conversation and manners of his time that
1 Gosse in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. iv, p. 130.
• Siegel, u. s. p. 104, finds three of Mrs Behn's comedies especially written
'in service of the royal cause. ' These are The City Heiress, in which a puritan-
minded usurer is ridiculed, The Rump and The False Count. All these plays
appeared in 1682. This was the time of the Popish plot; and Dryden's Absalom and
Achitophel had been published in November 1681.
3 Ile was much noticed by the celebrated Duchess of Montausier (Julia de Ram.
bouillet),' Ward, vol. 111, p. 461 note.
## p. 143 (#165) ############################################
William Wycherley
143
he, later, reproduced successfully in his plays. When a very
old man, Wycherley told Pope that he had written his first
comedy, Love in a Wood, when he was but nineteen, that is, in
1659—60. This seems an error, as all the evidence points to the
first performance of this play in 1671, and to its inspiration in
the earlier work of Etherege and Sedley. Indeed, the dramatic
activity of Wycherley was comprised within a period of less than
five years, as The Plain Dealer, the fourth and last of his
comedies, was on the stage not later than the spring of 1674.
It was the success of Love in a Wood, added to a handsome
person, that brought Wycherley to the notice and favour of the
king's mistress, the duchess of Cleveland. To her, he dedicated
his comedy on its publication, and, by her, he was drawn into the
shameless circle which she ruled. But neither wealth nor honours
accrued to Wycherley from this intimacy. And, some years later,
meeting lady Drogheda, a young widow of fortune, Wycherley
married her, losing thereby the favour of the king and a post of
tutor to one of the royal children. His wife proved imperious,
jealous and ill-tempered and, when she died, years later, left the
unfortunate poet very little besides an expensive lawsuit. It was
not until James had come to the throne that the author of The
Plain Dealer was remembered, his debts paid and a pension of
£200 a year settled upon him. Wycherley outlived all the com-
panions of his youth and middle age, dying in December 1715.
His strange literary friendship with Pope, who was nearly fifty
years his junior, and his later halting and abortive verses, may be
passed by here. It is not to be denied that Wycherley was much
esteemed by his friends, among whom, it must be remembered,
were Dryden, Pope and Dennis. The old roué was credited with
fairness of spirit and an outspoken contempt of deceit, qualities
of his own ‘plain dealer,' as well as with a 'tenderness of temper'
and a tendency to do justice to others for which we should not
be altogether disposed to look in his own Manly.
Love in a Wood, or St James's Park, Wycherley's earliest
venture in comedy, was suggested in subject, as in title, by the
recent success of Sedley's Mulberry Garden, which it parallels
in its scenes in the park, as The Mulberry Garden parallels
Etherege's earlier The Comical Revenge. To draw up serious
indictments of plagiarism in cases such as these is a sheer waste
of ingenuity? The novelty of a locality admirably fitted for
1 See, however, the treatment of this topic by Klette, J. , William Wycherley's Leben
und dramatische Werke, Münster, 1883.
## p. 144 (#166) ############################################
144
The Restoration Drama
1
a
the masquing and intrigue that delighted the age was a sufficient
inspiration for all three comedies. The construction of Love in
a Wood is somewhat better than that of Etherege's plays; it is,
however, not nearly so well written as any one of them, although
the dialogue is direct, witty and idiomatic and, doubtless, closer
to the colloquial speech of the day than Etherege's brilliant
repartees. The characters, while presenting nothing beyond the
usual 'young gentlemen of the town,' the coxcomb, the usurer, the
matchmaker, the affected widow, are well defined and drawn with
strokes as vigorous and, at times, as coarse as are their actions and
their language. The Gentleman Dancing-master was first staged
towards the close of the year 1671, and we are surprised to hear
that 'it was not much liked, and was acted only six times' This
really diverting comedy presents a marked improvement in the
way of simplicity and unity on Wycherley's previous effort. The
Frenchified gull, the Englishman turned Spaniard, and the device
of a foolish suitor employed by a clever maiden to further her
flirtation with his rival-all are time honoured properties of the
earlier stage. The incident, too, on which the whole plot turns,
that of a lover forced, under fear of discovery, to pretend himself
a dancing-master, is borrowed from Calderon's comedy, El Maestro
de Danzar, which, in turn, goes back to Lope de Vega. But there
remains much that is inventive and original in the English comedy,
and the dialogue has developed in wit, and especially in a certain
quality of daring and suggestive innuendo and double meaning of
which this dramatist is peculiarly master.
The Country Wife was, doubtless, on the stage before the end
of the year 1673. It is one of the coarsest plays in the English
language, nor can it be said that this quality is referable to either
of the comedies of Molière, L'École des Femmes and L'École des
Maris, which furnished hints to the English playwright. And
yet, despite the idea on which the whole action turns, The
Country Wife is not only skilfully planned and exceedingly well
written, but it is not devoid of the gravity of true satire. Indeed,
it is in this play, the dramatis personae of which include not a
single truly virtuous personage, that we perceive Wycherley to
have passed beyond the careless art of Etherege, which contents
itself with merely picturing the age in its wantonness and folly,
and to have entered the more sombre regions of satire, in which
these things are referred for contrast and reprobation (even if
unconsciously) to the normal standards of men of decent life.
i Genest, vol. I, p. 137.
## p. 145 (#167) ############################################
The Plain Dealer
145
But, not until we reach The Plain Dealer, Wycherley's last
and best comedy, do we recognise that this savage blasphemer
in the halls of beauty and of art is, after all, at heart a
moralist, indignantly flagellating vice as well as gloating over her
deformities. The Plain Dealer was first acted, with acclamation
and success, in 1674, and printed three years later. While certain
scenes of it were suggested by Molière's famous Le Misanthrope,
Wycherley's masterpiece cannot but be regarded as an admirably
bold, effective and original piece of dramatic satire. Here, the
satirist is no less plainspoken than in The Country Wife, but, in
the faithful Fidelia (perilous reincarnation of the Viola of a cleaner
age), in the clearsighted running commentary of Eliza and in the
integrity of Freeman, the author has set before us his own rough
but honest standard of life and conduct, by means of which we
may judge the justice and effect of his satiric strokes. Manly,
'the plain dealer,' is a brute; but it is the wickedness and
hypocrisy of the age that has made him such. An infatuation
for straightforward conduct and plain dealing has made him blind
to the real qualities of men and women; and, while he sees
through superficial pretence and affectation, he is like a child in
the hands of those who humour his whims. The Plain Dealer
seems unpleasantly true to life. But for the normal restoration
taint it might have approached tragedy in the completeness of
Fidelia's passionate devotion and in the gravity of Manly’s dis-
illusionment. As it is, The Plain Dealer is a notable work,
compactly written, carefully planned and effectively executed,
and, in its honest purpose to castigate vice, not unworthy of the
ideals of Ben Jonson himself. The man who thus mercilessly
| exposed the vice, social chicanery and hypocrisy of his age, who
thus laughed to scorn its follies and petty subterfuges, was no
mere wanton. In the tonic of Wycherley's Plain Dealer, English
comedy recovered momentarily a sense of the actual relations of
contemporary social conditions to better standards. But it was
easier to follow Etherege than Wycherley. The frivolous always
shun the ferule of the moralist; and, hence, the artificial comedy'
continued its primrose path, until called to account by the
trumpeted warnings of Jeremy Collier and the honest endeavours
of Steele to redeem the fallen stage, which had now, like a broken
but unrepentant profligate, been brought to a reckoning with
the past.
E. L. VIII,
CH, V.
10
## p. 146 (#168) ############################################
CHAPTER VI
THE RESTORATION DRAMA
II
CONGREVE, VANBRUGH, FARQUHAR, ETC.
WILLIAM CONGREVE, a spoilt child of life and literature, was
born in 1670 at Bardsey, near Leeds. He came of an ancient
family, long settled in Staffordshire; and it was due to the accident
of his father's commanding the garrison at Youghal that he sat
upon the same bench with Swift at Kilkenny school and finished
his studies at Trinity college, Dublin. In 1691, he was admitted to
the Middle Temple, deserted law for literature, like many another,
composed a story called Incognita, or Love and Duty Reconciled,
in which Aurelian, the son of a Florentine nobleman, plays an
austere part, and of which Dr Johnson rightly said that he would
rather praise than read it,' and then, in 1693, came upon the town
with The Old Bachelor.
It was Congreve's signal good fortune to appear at the right
moment. The theatre then enjoyed a larger licence and a loftier
repute than ever before. The town asked no other favour of its
comic writers than to be amused, and the interpreters of comedy
rose to the full height of their opportunity. “No stage,' said
Cibber with perfect truth, 'at any one period, could show thirteen
actors, standing all in equal light of excellence, in their profes-
sion’; and it was these actors who came loyally to Congreve's aid.
The incomparable Betterton, the acclaimed master of them all,
and the enchanting Mrs Bracegirdle portrayed the two chief
characters. The poet's colleagues endorsed the approval of the
pit. Dryden, then in the plenitude of his power, generously
hailed the rising star. He declared that he had never seen such
a first play, and gave the young author the practical benefit of
his advice. Congreve, after his wont, set no great value upon his
achievement. “When I wrote it,' said he, in his reply to Collier,
## p. 147 (#169) ############################################
The Old Bachelor
147
'I had little thoughts of the stage; but did it, to amuse myself, in
a slow recovery from a fit of sickness. If it amused its author, it
amused, also, its spectators. Its success was triumphant, and the
fortunate Congreve became famous in a day.
In his preface to the published play, Congreve pleaded in
extenuation an ignorance of the town and stage. No plea was
necessary; and, if his ignorance of the town were confessed, the
stage had left him no lessons to learn. With him, indeed, the
craft of the stage was instinctive. From the very first he trans-
lated whatever he saw and heard in terms of the theatre. The
comedy, which beguiled 'a slow recovery,' displays all the technical
adroitness of an old hand. The dialogue is polished to an even
surface; the play of wit flashes like sunlight upon water; of the
writing no more need be said than that it is Congreve's own. For
the rest, The Old Bachelor wears upon it every sign of youth and
inexperience. Neither of the two stories which are interlaced,
none too closely, in its plot is fresh or original. Though none of
Congreve's contemporaries could have written the play, any one
of them might have devised its fable. In other words, Congreve
is playing supremely well the tune of the time. Heartfree and
Silvia are but counters of artificial comedy. The marriage of
the lady in the mask, which unties the knot of the play, is no
better than an accepted convention of the stage. Bluffe, Sharper,
and Wittol, who conduct the underplot, are stock characters of
a still older fashion. They might have stepped out from Ben
Jonson's comedy of humours. When Bluffe says: 'Sir, I honour
you; I understand you love fighting, I reverence a man that loves
;
fighting, sir, I kiss your hilts,' you recognise the authentic accent
of Bobadill. Even Fondlewife, that kind of mongrel zealot' owes
less to life than to Zeal-of-the-land Busy. In the scene where
Lucy, Silvia's maid, altercates with Setter, the pimp, the language
is marked by all the bombast of youth, which Congreve presently
laid aside. Says Setter: "Thou art some forsaken Abigail we
.
have dallied with heretofore, and art come to tickle thy imagina-
tion with remembrance of iniquity past. ' And Lucy replies: 'No,
thou pitiful flatterer of thy master's imperfections! thou maukin,
made up of the shreds and parings of his superfluous fopperies! '
This is the language neither of life nor of comedy, and it was doubt-
less acceptable to the audience by its mere expectedness.
But if we put aside the youthful extravagance of some passages
and the too frequent reliance upon familiar types, we may discern
in The Old Bachelor the true germs of Congreve's comedy. Not
10_2
## p. 148 (#170) ############################################
148
The Restoration Drama
j
merely is the style already his own; his purpose and sense of
character are evident on every page. Belinda, an affected lady,
who 'never speaks well of Bellmour herself, nor suffers anybody
else to rail at him,' might be a first, rough outline of Millamant.
And Bellmour sketches, in a single speech, the whole philosophy
of the poet: ‘Come, come,' says he, leave business to idlers, and
wisdom to fools: they have need of 'em: wit be my faculty, and
pleasure my occupation, and let father Time shake his glass. '
Henceforth, wit was Congreve's faculty, pleasure his occupation;
and he succeeded so well that time still shakes his glass at him
in vain.
In the same year (1693), The Double-Dealer was played at Drury
lane, and Congreve's reputation, great already, was vastly enhanced.
In character, style and construction, The Double-Dealer is far
above its predecessor. The one fault commonly imputed to it is
that it has too grave a motive for a comedy of manners. Lady
Touchwood is in love with Millefont, to whom Cynthia is promised.
Maskwell, lady Touchwood's gallant, knows her secret, and attempts
to use it for Millefont's discomfiture and his own conquest of
Cynthia. Such is the simple story, told with a simplicity of
purpose in which Congreve himself took a proper pride.
“The mechanical part of it,' said he, in the dedication addressed to Charles
Montague, 'is regular. . . . I designed the moral first, and to that moral I
invented the fable, and do not know that I have borrowed one part of it any-
where. I made the plot as strong as I could, because it is single, because I
would avoid confusion, and was resolved to preserve the three unities of the
drama. '
That he succeeded in his design none will deny. The Double-
Dealer is sternly classical in construction, and moves, from the
rise of the curtain in the first act to the fall of the curtain in the
fifth, to a settled end and with a settled purpose. The machinery
of the play is still conventional. A wrong letter given to Sir
Paul by lady Plyant, the villain surprised from behind a screen
--these are the keys which unlock the plot. We might forget
their simple artifice, were it not for the conscious villainy of
Maskwell. That surpasses pretence and belief.
3 Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, H. B. , vol. v, p. 403.
• Dryden's words, 'It is your author's lot To be endangered by a Spanish plot,'
not • with a Spanish plot' as often quoted, refer to his rivalry with Tuke's Adventures,
not to the source of his own play. Just below, he affirms, . This play is English and
the growth your own. ' This point is made by Gaw in his thesis, referred to in a note
above.
o The Dutch Lover is referred by Langbaine to a Spanish story; The Rover is
an adaptation of Kiliigrew's Thomaso. For both of these, see below, p. 141 of this
volume. The False Count, 1682, is another play by Mrs Behn of Spanish type.
Langbaine finds a hint' in it, however, . borrowed from Molière's Les Précieuses
Ridicules. '
9--2
## p. 132 (#154) ############################################
132
The Restoration Drama
Lover of Mrs Centlivre and Colley Cibber's She Would and She
Would Not are derivative plays and only remotely Spanish.
We may summarise what has been said on a subject of con-
siderable difficulty as follows. Spanish literary influences on the
drama in Tudor times were slight and confined, almost entirely,
to an occasional plot, derived, as a rule, through some foreign
intermediary. In the reign of James I, Beaumont and Fletcher,
Massinger and William Rowley, alone among dramatists of note,
drew on Spanish sources for their plays; and, though the question
cannot be regarded as definitely settled, it seems likely that their
sources lay wholly in fiction, translated into other and, to them,
more familiar languages of the continent or into English. It was
in the reign of king Charles I, that Spanish drama for the first
time came into a closer touch with the English stage. That touch
was closest at the restoration, when the cavalier returned with
his foreign luggage and the taste of the king conspired with the
experiences of his courtiers to foster many experiments. But
Spanish influence was soon eclipsed by that of France, aided by
the strong national spirit that prolonged the influence of Jonson
and his contemporaries for generations after their decease.
In turning to a consideration of the influences of French
literature on the drama of the restoration, it is customary to
give unusual weight to the example of the romans de longue
haleine, those extraordinary expressions in protracted hyperbole
of ideal conduct, sentiment and conversation, with which the finer
-pirits of the days of Louis XIV sought to elevate and ennoble
social life? But, as a matter of fact, much of this influence was
already in full flood far back in the reign of king Charles I, as the
cult of Platonic love, about 1633, and the ideals of love and honour
which it fostered are alone sufficient to attest? To what extent
the ideals of this one time fashionable cult may be surmised to
have persisted to affect appreciably the conduct of the returning
exiles is a question for the historian of social conditions. On the
drama, such ideals had a marked, if superficial, effect. The life of
the court of king Charles II, was, at best, a coarse replica of that
of Versailles; and the heroic drama, the roots of which lie deeper
than in the supersoil of romance, reproduced mostly externals,
grandiloquence of language, loftiness of sentiment, incredible
· For a list of restoration plays referred to the influences of the romances of the
Scudérys and other like writers, see Ward, vol. III, p. 309 note.
· See, as to this, especially D'Avenant's apotheosis of Platonic love in his grand
masque, The Temple of Love, his Love and Honour, both 1634, and his Platonick
Lovers, 1635.
## p. 133 (#155) ############################################
Molière and Restoration Comedy 133
valour, with courtesy and honour drawn and twisted into an
impossible code. More immediate in its effects was the con-
temporary French stage, in which much of the literature of
exaggerated sentiment was reproduced by forgotten authors, who
live now only in the satire which their extravagance inspired in
the commonsense of Boileau. But the subject of this influence,
and of that of the classicism of Corneille and Racine in particular,
as well as the use of the rimed couplet in the English drama, and
its relations to the heroic play are treated elsewhere; our concern
here is with comedy,
It was in 1653 that Molière, after his long apprenticeship in
the provinces, brought out his L'Étourdi in Paris; and, from that
date onward to his death, just twenty years later, he remained the
master and the example of the most brilliant comedy of modern
times. Molière's earlier work thus corresponds, in point of time,
with the latest years of exile, when many Englishmen of rank were
amusing themselves in Paris, and peculiarly open to lighter im-
pressions from the idleness of their lives. No one foreign author
has been so plundered by English playwrights as Molière; and his
humane spirit, his naturalness, adaptability and dramatic aptitude
stood the borrowers in good stead, in recalling them from the
intricacies of Spanish intrigue and the wearisome repetition at
second hand of the 'humours' of Ben Jonson. That the finer
qualities of Molière, his verve, his buoyancy, ease and success of
plot, and sure characterisation, escaped his English imitators is
not to be denied; for, apart from the circumstance that few of
them were men of more than mediocre parts, the genius of Molière
towers above the imitation of any age. A list of the borrowings
of restoration comedy from the drama of Molière and his con-
temporaries would unduly burden this page. D'Avenant, Dryden,
Sedley, Wycherley, Vanbrugh, Crowne and Shadwell all owe debts
of plot, character, design and dialogue to French comedy; and,
even where the debt may not be specifically ascertainable, the
1 Cf. ante, pp. 14 . and 18 ff. and post, chap. VII. As to these influences, it is
well to remember that translation and adaptation from the French by no means set
in, for the first time, with the restoration. Apart from the early direct influence of
the Senecan Garnier on Kyd, Greville, Alexander and others, and the plays drawn from
French sources by Fletcher and his group, which it is not pertinent here to recount,
Sir William Lower had translated the Polyeucte of Corneille in 1655 and Horatius the
year after; Carlell, his Héraclius, about the same date, and several persons of honour,'
Waller, Sedley, Godolphin and the earl of Dorset, were busy with his Pompée, as
Mrs Katherine Philips, 'the Matchless Orinda,' was busy with Horatius, encouraged by
lord Orrery, a year or so after the restoration. As to Corneille on the English stage
and in English translation, see Mulert, A. , in Münchener Beiträge, vol. xvm, 1900.
.
>
## p. 134 (#156) ############################################
134
The Restoration Drama.
6
>
tone of the play, the method of its conduct and the conception
of its personages declare the dominant influence of France. To
mention only some examples, Molière supplied scenes, personages
or suggestions to D'Avenant's Playhouse to be Let, Dryden's An
Evening's Love, Amphitryon and Sir Martin Mar-Al, to Sedley's
Mulberry Garden, Wycherley's Country Wife, The Plain Dealer,
Shadwell's Sullen Lovers and The Miser and Crowne's The Country
Wit and The English Frier; while Corneille, Racine, Quinault were
levied on by the playwrights just named and by others besides.
The influence of French opera on the like productions in
England is a matter of less certainty. The attribution of
D'Avenant's experiments in musical drama to direct influences,
either from Italy or from France, seems dubious, if not fanciful,
if his previous experience as a writer of masques for the
court of king Charles I is taken into account. Although Italian
opera had been introduced into France so far back as 1645 and
'the first French opera,' 'a pastoral,' had been performed some
fourteen years later, this by-product of the drama was not thrust
into general acceptance and popularity until the days of the
celebrated partnership between Lulli, the king's musician, and
the librettist Quinault, the first opera of whose joint effort,
Cadmus and Hermione, was acted in 16731. Meanwhile, how-
ever, Cambert, composer of the first French opera,' had written
his Pomone, the earliest opera heard by the Parisian public; and,
when his rivalry with Lulli for the control and management of
the opera in Paris ended in the latter's triumph, Cambert came
over to London and, as leader of one of king Charles's companies
of musicians, took his part in the introduction of French opera
into England Cambert's associate in his operatic labours was
the abbé Pierre Perrin, who had supplied the words for the
pastoral'as well as for Pomone. Another product of this partner-
ship was Ariane, ou Le Mariage de Bacchus ; and an opera of
that title was sung in French at the Theatre Royal in Drury lane
in January 16748 An English version of this opera, published
simultaneously with the French version at the period of pro-
duction, reads Ariadne, or The Marriage of Bacchus, 'an Opera
1 On these subjects, see Parry, Sir C. H. R. , The Oxford History of Music, vol. II,
p. 225, and Lavoix, H. , La Musique Française, pp. 90, 100. Les Fêtes de l'Amour et
de Bacchus, with which Lalli opened his Opera' in the rue Vaugirard in the previous
November, described as little more than a ballet, a species of entertainment long
familiar in France.
· The Oxford History of Music, vol. II, p. 295.
• See Evelyn's Diary, under 6 January 1673/4.
## p. 135 (#157) ############################################
The Opera
135
or a Vocal Representation, first composed by Monsieur P[ierre)
P[errin). Now put into Musick by Monsieur Grabut, Master of
his Majesty's Musick. ' And it is further said that Cambert super-
intended the production? Whatever the solution of this tangle,
) English musicians now took up the writing of opera, Matthew
Locke staging his Psyche in 1675 and Purcell, Dido and Aeneas,
his first opera, in 1680. Dryden's imitations of French opera, of
which Albion and Albanius, 1685, is a typical example, came
later; and so did the tasteless adaptations of earlier plays to
operatic treatment, Shakespeare's Tempest and Fletcher's Pro-
phetesse, for example, done to music, often of much beauty and
effectiveness, by the famous musician of his day, Henry Purcell.
The opera, according to Dryden, is 'a poetical tale, or fiction,
represented by vocal and instrumental music, adorned with scenes,
machines, and dances’; and he adds, somewhat to our surprise,
the supposed persons of this musical drama are generally super-
natural? . ' Unquestionably, the opera lent itself, like the heroic
play, to sumptuous costume and ingenious devices in setting and
stage scenery; and it is not to be denied that, then as now, its
devotees set their greatest store on the music and on the fame
of individual singers.
'I am no great admirer," says Saint-Évremond, of comedies in music
such as nowadays are in request. I confess I am not displeased with their
magnificence; the machines have something that is surprising, the music
in some places is charming; the whole together seems wonderful. But it. . .
is very tedious, for where the mind has so little to do, there the senses must
of necessity languish ?
A discussion of the history of Italian opera in England would
be out of place here, since it came first into England with the
new century. That men of the taste and judgment of Dryden and
Purcell in their respective arts should have lent their talents to
the composition of these 'odd medleys of poetry and music' only
proves the strength of contemporary fashions in art.
9
1 Lawrence, W. J. , 'Early French Players in England,' Anglia, vol. XXXII, pp. 81
82, and Nuitter et Thonan, Les Origines de l'Opéra Français, pp. 303 ff.
2 Preface to Albion and Albanius, Works oj Dryden, ed. Scott-Saintsbury, vol. VII,
p. 228. Compare, also, the definition of Saint-Évremond: 'An odd medlay of poetry
and music wherein the poet and the musician, equally confined one by the other, take
a world of pain to compose a wretched performance. ' Upon Operas, Works of Saint-
Évremond, translation ed. 1714, vol. II, p. 87.
8. Our thoughts run more upon the musician than the hero in the opera : Laigi,
Cavallo, and Cesti are still present to our imagination . . . Baptist is a hundred times
more thought of than Theseus or Cadmus. ' Ibid. pp. 86, 87.
* Ibid. p. 85.
## p. 136 (#158) ############################################
136
The Restoration Drama
But it was well that, before these general French influences
had made themselves felt, a new dramatist, also schooled in France,
began in his productions to give expression to the contemporary
ideal of polite society and to adapt to the changed conditions of
the moment the most persistent form of drama, the comedy of
manners. Of the earlier life of Sir George Etherege, we know
next to nothing. It has been inferred from an allusion by Dryden,
that Etherege was born in 1634 and, by means of other inferences,
that he came of an old Oxfordshire family? . It seems unlikely that
Etherege was ever a student at either university; but his easy
conversancy with French and the ways of the French capital point
to a long sojourn in Paris. The first work of Etherege was The
Comical Revenge, or Love in a Tub. It was published in 1664
and may have been produced for the first time late in the previous
year. This comedy was an immediate success and Etherege found
himself, in a night, famous. Thus introduced to the wits and the
fops of the town, Etherege took his place in the select and dis-
solute circle of Rochester, Dorset and Sedley. On one occasion,
at Epsom, after tossing in a blanket certain fiddlers who refused
to play, Rochester, Etherege and other boon companions so
‘skirmished the watch' that they left one of their number thrust
through with a pike and were fain to abscond. Etherege married
a fortune, it is not certain when, and, apparently for no better
reason, was knighted. On the death of Rochester, he was, for
some time, the protector' of the beautiful and talented actress,
Mrs Barry? Ever indolent and procrastinating, Etherege allowed
four years to elapse before his next venture into comedy. She
Would if she could, 1668, is a better play than The Comical
Revenge, and such was the popular expectation of it, when pro-
duced, that, as Pepys tells us, though he and his wife were there
by two o'clock, there were one thousand people put back that
could not have room in the pit. ' Unhappily, success was partially
defeated, because, adds Pepys, “the actors. . . were out of humour
and had not their parts perfect' Etherege now doubled his
former period of indolence and silence, and, eight years later, in
1676, doubtless stung by a deserved rebuke in Rochester's Session
of the Poets, produced his last and best comedy, The Man of
Mode, or Sir Fopling Flutter. Of the later years of Etherege,
1 Dryden to Etheredge, The Works of Sir George Etheredge, ed. Verity, 1888, p. 403.
* The particulars of these passages in the life of Etherege will be found in Meindl's
study of the poet, Wiener Beiträge, vol. xiv, 1901, pp. 66—73.
3 Pepys's Diary, ed. Wheatley, vol. VII, p. 307.
## p. 137 (#159) ############################################
Sir George Etherege
137
4
we know much, owing to the existence of one of his Letterbooks,
kept by his secretary at Ratisbon, where he was English resident
from 1685 to a time early in 1689. From certain allusions,
Etherege has been supposed to have held similar posts else-
where, in Sweden and, possibly, in Turkey. But, of this, there is
no proof. The particulars of his life in an uncongenial diplomatic
exile need not concern us. His correspondence, which included
letters to and from Dryden, is full of life and gossip about the
wits of his time, all of it expressed with the gaiety, candour and
foppish wit of which Etherege, in his plays, is the acknowledged
master. Etherege is supposed to have died, about 1690, at Paris.
Handsome, witty, brave, profligate though he was, and, perhaps, as
has been charitably suggested, having but a weak head for wine,
the story that 'Sir George Etheredge died by falling down stairs
in a drunken fit,' rests solely 'on the authority of a friend of the
family,' repeated by Oldys? .
Different opinions have been broached as to the place of
Etherege in the history of restoration drama, although no two
much at variance can be held by those familiar with the spirit,
gaiety and brilliancy of the prose dialogue of his comedies, The
discovery of more than one copy of an edition of The Comical
Revengeg dating 1664, has brought Etherege's claim to the intro-
duction of rimed couplets as a regular dramatic metre on the
restoration stage into direct competition with that of Orrery.
Although Etherege abandoned this innovation in his other two
comedies, wisely writing them in prose, in which he is at his best,
this fashion of distinguishing more serious and elevated scenes and
passages of a comedy by couching them in heroic couplets was
continued by certain of his fellows. But the authority of the
writer who has urged the above-mentioned claim on behalf of
Etherege, further invites us to assume that he 'loitered long enough
in Paris' after the first rush of the royalists homewards for Molière
to be revealed to him,' and that, with a new idea thus formed 'of
what comedy ought to be; he returned to England and founded
English comedy as it was successively understood by Congreve,
Goldsmith and Sheridan: Now, indubitably, Etherege had none
of his happy, conscienceless art from Jonson. With the making up
1 Works of Etheredge, ed. Verity, A. , introduction, p. xxvii.
? See Gosse, E. , 'Sir George Etheredge,' in Seventeenth Century Studies, ed. 1897,
p. 265, where the relations of Etherege, in this respect, to Dryden's The Rival-Ladies
and D'Avenant's Siege of Rhodes are discussed. As to Orrery's claim, see ante, chap. 1,
p. 18 and note 2.
3 Note, more especially, Sedley's Mulberry Garden. • Gosse, u. s. pp. 266, 267.
## p. 138 (#160) ############################################
138
The Restoration Drama
of his personages out of changes on a single humour, strained and
contorted, Etherege discarded any pretensions to the knitting
together of a plot. He also discarded literary as well as dramatic
constructiveness, and it is not impossible that Molière pointed
him the way to a freedom from rule which Etherege pressed to
licence. But the merit of Etherege seems to lie less in his
eschewing the moribund fashion of Jonson's humours, than in a
certain natural genius whereby he was able to put upon the stage
a picture, very little heightened, of the roistering, reckless idle-
ness and licentiousness that actually characterised the brilliant,
graceless fops whose society he frequented. "The man of quality,
who can fight at need with spirit and verve, but whose customary
occupation is the pursuit of pleasure without dignity and without
reflection'—this is Etherege's theme; it is his very self, re-
curring in Sir Frederick Frollicke, in Courtall and Freedom, 'two
honest gentlemen of the town,' in She Would if she could and
in the masterly circle of fops—Dorimant, Medley, Bellair and
Sir Fopling Flutter-each one of them equally 'the man of mode. '
'Nature, you know,' says Etherege of himself, 'intended me for
an idle fellow, and gave me passion and qualities fit for that
blessed calling ; but fortune has made a changeling of me and
necessity forces me to set up for a fop of business? ' As to the
women of Etherege, they are fashionable, extravagant, witty as
the men and as bold in their intrigues and amours; there is no
maiden's blush among them. They are such, in a word, as the
restoration rakes and roués knew them.
Attention has been called to Ethereğe's graphic touches of
scene, costume and place in the gay little west-end that knew
him. He is at home in Mulberry garden, a place of public resort
and entertainment, with bordered alleys and adjacent arbours in
which to eat syllabub and to carry on 'hazardous flirtations' like
those of Mistress Ariana and Mistress Gatty, two naughty run-
aways from chaperonage; or, again, in the shop of Mrs Trinket
in the New Exchange, a species of Arcade, whither ladies go
a-shopping for a few fashionable toys to keep 'em in countenance
at a play or in the Park,' and where gallants 'scent their eyebrows
and periwigs with a little essence of oranges or jessamine,' as did
Courtall while waiting for lady Cockwood But the superlative
quality of Etherege as a writer of comedy is the ease and natural-
ness of his prose dialogue, which, almost uniformly witty and, at
1 Letterbook under date 8 March 1688, quoted by Gosse, Seventeenth Century
Studies, ed. 1897, p. 296.
## p. 139 (#161) ############################################
Sir Charles Sedley
139
times, really brilliant, is seldom overdone and unsuited to his
personages, as is not infrequently the case with Congreve. The
very frivolity of Etherege disarms criticism. Who would break
a butterfly on the wheel ? For the time, English men and
women in good society had lapsed into an excess of gallantry,
enjoying their orgy with incorrigible frankness and abandon, and
avowing their enjoyment with incorrigible flippancy and shame-
lessness. In Etherege, comedy, for the moment, touched nature
once more, for such was nature in the society of the restoration.
Congreve is remote and studied in comparison, for he wrote of
these things when in actual life they had come to be mitigated by
a measurable return of public manners to healthier conditions ;
while, as to Sheridan, equally a disciple of Etherege, his comedies
in fact only perpetuated a picture of life that had long since ceased
to be much more than a brilliant tradition of the stage.
The closest immediate follower of Etherege in comedy is
Sir Charles Sedley, whose earliest comedy, The Mulberry Garden,
1668, is based, in part, on Molière's L'École des Maris and is
written in that mixture of prose and heroic couplets which
Etherege introduced in his Comical Revenge. An intimate in
the chosen circle of the king, Sedley was as famous for his wit
as he was notorious for the profligacy of his life. Nevertheless,
he appears to have been a capable man of affairs and, as a writer,
gained a deserved reputation alike for the clearness and ease of
his prose and for a certain poetic gift, more appreciable in his
occasional lyrics than in the serious parts of his dramas. The
Mulberry Garden, no bad comedy in its lighter scenes, is bettered
in Bellamira, or the Mistress, 1687, which, though founded on
the Eunuchus of Terence, presents a lively, if coarsely realistic,
picture of the reckless pursuit of pleasure of Sedley's day. The
Grumbler, printed in 1702, is little more than an adaptation of
Le Grondeur of Brueys and Palaprat.
Sedley's tragedies call for
no more than the barest mention. His Antony and Cleopatra,
1667, reprinted as Beauty the Conqueror, is among the feeblest
as it is the latest, of heroic plays written in couplets. His Tyrant
King of Crete, 1702, is merely a revision of Henry Killigrew's
Pallantus and Eudora, little amended in the process.
With examples such as these among writers who pretended
to gentle manners and birth, and with Dryden descending to the
dramatic stews, it is not surprising to find lesser writers and
1 On this topic, see Genest, u. 8. vol. », p. 158, and Lissner, M. , in Anglia, vol.
XXVII, pp. 180—3.
## p. 140 (#162) ############################################
140
The Restoration Drama
stage hacks throwing decency to the winds and substituting sheer
scurrility for wit, and brutality for force of passion. John Lacy
(who died in 1681) is a familiar example of the popular actor
turned playwright. Out of a couple of the comedies of Molière,
butchered in the process, he compounded The Dumb Lady, or
The Furrier made Physician, 1669; in Sarony the Scot, or The
Taming of the Shrew, 1667, Grumio is raised to the chief part in
that much abused comedy of Shakespeare; while, in Sir Hercules
Buffoon, 1684, a more original effort, even the braggart and the fool,
immemorial stock figures of comedy, suffer degradation. The best
comedy of Lacy is The Old Troop (before 1665), in which he tells,
with rude and broad native humour, experiences of his own when
soldiering in the royalist army in civil war times, and, incidentally,
maligns and abuses fallen puritanism. Even more popular in his
day was Edward Ravenscroft, the author of a dozen plays extend-
ing over a career of nearly twenty-five years. Ravenscroft pillaged
the previous drama at large and Molière in particular, taking his
earliest comedy and greatest success, Mamamouchi, or the Citizen
Turned Gentleman, 1671, from Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme and
Monsieur de Pourceaugnac. In his palmy days, Ravenscroft
dared to measure his wit with Dryden? But his one conspicuous
quality was his success in boisterous farce. It was this and its
scandalous satirical nature that secured to his London Cuckolds,
first acted in 1682, an annual revival on the stage on lord mayor's
day for nearly a century? His other plays, among them an altera-
tion of Titus Andronicus, call for no mention here
It is assuredly a matter for comment that the first woman to
write professionally for the English stage should have begun her
career at a moment when the morality of English drama was at
its lowest ebb. Aphra or Aphara Behn was born at Wye in 1640,
the daughter of John Johnson, a barber. With a relative, whom
she called her father, who had been nominated lieutenant-governor
of Surinam, she went to reside there; and, on his death, remained
with his family, marrying a Dutch merchant named Behn about
1658. With her husband, she returned to London and, apparently,
lived in some wealth and position until 1666, in which year
her husband died. Having made the acquaintance of the king
>
See the original prologues to Mamamouchi, and The Careless Lovers, and, likewise,
the prologues to Dryden's Marriage-a-la-Mode and The Assignation.
See The Tatler, no. 8.
3 For a list of comedies by minor writers, printed within the first two decades
following the restoration, see the bibliography to this chapter.
## p. 141 (#163) ############################################
Mrs Aphra Behn
141
in the time of her prosperity, she was sent to Antwerp as a spy ;
but, finding her services unrecognised and unpaid, she turned,
about 1670, to letters for a livelihood. Mrs Behn's novels, in
which she is a true forerunner of Defoe, do not concern us here
nor her interesting anticipation of some of the ideas of Rousseau
in the most famous of her stories, Oronooko. Between 1671 and
1689, the year of her death, Mrs Behn wrote assiduously for the
stage, turning out no less than fifteen dramas. Though she
observed the nice laws of mine and thine with little more
punctiliousness than did her male contemporaries, it is not to
be denied that Mrs Behn is inventive in situations if not in
whole plots, ingenious in keeping her figures in almost incessant
action and in maintaining an interminable flow of vivacious
dialogue? Her most popular play was The Rover, or The
Banished Cavaliers, which took the fancy of the town in 1677,
and to which she wrote a second part in 1681. In both of these
plays, the central figure is a swashbuckling sea captain ashore,
the victim of every pretty face and the hero of a string of
questionable adventures. The scene of the first part, Naples in
carnival time, must have lent itself to brilliant and varied stage
setting. The Rover is taken entire from two unacted comedies
of Thomas Killigrew, entitled Thomaso the Wanderer, which, it
may be suspected, contain not a little matter autobiographical,
though, otherwise, as frankly 'borrowed' from English playwrights
of the past as Mrs Behn herself 'borrowed' from Killigrew? .
Mrs Behn's next comedy, The Dutch Lover, 1673, is a favour-
able specimen of the conventional comedy of cloak and sword,
the scene, as in the second part of The Rover, being Madrid.
The Dutch Lover is said to be 'founded on a Spanish romance
written by the ingenious Don Francisco de las Coveras styled
Don Fenisex! Another class of Mrs Behn's comedies are those
of her own contemporary town life, most of them lifted bodily
from earlier English plays and made coarse in the process. For
example, The Debauchee, 1677, is based on A Madd Couple well
1 Siegel puts it that Mrs Behn began with serious, romantic dramas, such as The
Young King and The Forced Marriage, and her one (? ) tragedy, The Moor's Revenge,
but went over to comedy in The Rover, first acted anonymously, in deference to the
loose tastes of the time. See • Aphra Bebn's Gedichte und Prosawerke,' in Anglia,
vol. xxv, pp. 98—101.
? See Baker, D, E. , Biographia Dramatica, ed. 1812, vol. II, p. 232, where some
of these borrowed decorations' of Killigrew are referred to their originals in Carew,
Fletcher and Jonson. Both of Killigrew's plays are said to have been written in
Madrid.
3 Langbaine, 1691, p. 19; and see Hazlitt, Collections and Notes, 1867–76, p. 104.
There is, of course, no such Spanish author as Coveras. '
.
## p. 142 (#164) ############################################
142
The Restoration Drama
matcht by Richard Brome; The Town Fop, of the same date, on
Wilkins's Miseries of Inforst Mariage. The most character-
istic comedy of this group is The City Heiress, 1682, in which
Mrs Behn has broadened even the humour of Middleton's A Mad
World, My Masters, unquestionably her source, and combined it
with suggestions from The Guardian of Massinger. Nothing
could be more unfortunate than the criticism that finds for
Aphra Behn a model in Jonson? That lady's art was predatory,
and she took any author's property as her own, painting with
realistic, if conventional, brush the fops, the roués, the maids and
misses of Etherege and Sedley in their eternal embroilment
of questionable amorous intrigue. In The Roundheads, 1682,
Mrs Behn conveyed Tatham's plot of The Rump entire to her
comedy and thickened the whole with the addition of one of her
favourite situations. In one of her latest plays, The Widow
Ranter, not published until 1690, after her death, Mrs Behn
treated a historical event of recent occurrence in the colony of
Virginia--the rebellion, as it was called, of Nathaniel Bacon-
and produced a result, with all its absurdities, of no small
originality. Mrs Behn was a very gifted woman, compelled to
write for bread in an age in which literature, and especially
comedy, catered habitually to the lowest and most depraved of
human inclinations. Her success depended on her ability to write
like a man. On the score of morality, she is again and again more
daring and risquée than any of her male competitors in the art
of playmaking, and she is as frivolous and as abandoned in
speech as the worst of them all. But, as has been well said, it
remains difficult for us to believe that a woman whose literary
talents commended her to the friendship and association of Dryden
could have been degraded in her personal life.
William Wycherley was born in 1640 of a substantial Shrop-
shire family. He was educated, at first, in France, where he
frequented good society ; but, with the coming back of the king,
entered at Queen's college, Oxford, which, however, he left with-
out a degrees. Later, at the Inner Temple, Wycherley led the
gay and frivolous life of a man about town and made those
observations of the conversation and manners of his time that
1 Gosse in the Dictionary of National Biography, vol. iv, p. 130.
• Siegel, u. s. p. 104, finds three of Mrs Behn's comedies especially written
'in service of the royal cause. ' These are The City Heiress, in which a puritan-
minded usurer is ridiculed, The Rump and The False Count. All these plays
appeared in 1682. This was the time of the Popish plot; and Dryden's Absalom and
Achitophel had been published in November 1681.
3 Ile was much noticed by the celebrated Duchess of Montausier (Julia de Ram.
bouillet),' Ward, vol. 111, p. 461 note.
## p. 143 (#165) ############################################
William Wycherley
143
he, later, reproduced successfully in his plays. When a very
old man, Wycherley told Pope that he had written his first
comedy, Love in a Wood, when he was but nineteen, that is, in
1659—60. This seems an error, as all the evidence points to the
first performance of this play in 1671, and to its inspiration in
the earlier work of Etherege and Sedley. Indeed, the dramatic
activity of Wycherley was comprised within a period of less than
five years, as The Plain Dealer, the fourth and last of his
comedies, was on the stage not later than the spring of 1674.
It was the success of Love in a Wood, added to a handsome
person, that brought Wycherley to the notice and favour of the
king's mistress, the duchess of Cleveland. To her, he dedicated
his comedy on its publication, and, by her, he was drawn into the
shameless circle which she ruled. But neither wealth nor honours
accrued to Wycherley from this intimacy. And, some years later,
meeting lady Drogheda, a young widow of fortune, Wycherley
married her, losing thereby the favour of the king and a post of
tutor to one of the royal children. His wife proved imperious,
jealous and ill-tempered and, when she died, years later, left the
unfortunate poet very little besides an expensive lawsuit. It was
not until James had come to the throne that the author of The
Plain Dealer was remembered, his debts paid and a pension of
£200 a year settled upon him. Wycherley outlived all the com-
panions of his youth and middle age, dying in December 1715.
His strange literary friendship with Pope, who was nearly fifty
years his junior, and his later halting and abortive verses, may be
passed by here. It is not to be denied that Wycherley was much
esteemed by his friends, among whom, it must be remembered,
were Dryden, Pope and Dennis. The old roué was credited with
fairness of spirit and an outspoken contempt of deceit, qualities
of his own ‘plain dealer,' as well as with a 'tenderness of temper'
and a tendency to do justice to others for which we should not
be altogether disposed to look in his own Manly.
Love in a Wood, or St James's Park, Wycherley's earliest
venture in comedy, was suggested in subject, as in title, by the
recent success of Sedley's Mulberry Garden, which it parallels
in its scenes in the park, as The Mulberry Garden parallels
Etherege's earlier The Comical Revenge. To draw up serious
indictments of plagiarism in cases such as these is a sheer waste
of ingenuity? The novelty of a locality admirably fitted for
1 See, however, the treatment of this topic by Klette, J. , William Wycherley's Leben
und dramatische Werke, Münster, 1883.
## p. 144 (#166) ############################################
144
The Restoration Drama
1
a
the masquing and intrigue that delighted the age was a sufficient
inspiration for all three comedies. The construction of Love in
a Wood is somewhat better than that of Etherege's plays; it is,
however, not nearly so well written as any one of them, although
the dialogue is direct, witty and idiomatic and, doubtless, closer
to the colloquial speech of the day than Etherege's brilliant
repartees. The characters, while presenting nothing beyond the
usual 'young gentlemen of the town,' the coxcomb, the usurer, the
matchmaker, the affected widow, are well defined and drawn with
strokes as vigorous and, at times, as coarse as are their actions and
their language. The Gentleman Dancing-master was first staged
towards the close of the year 1671, and we are surprised to hear
that 'it was not much liked, and was acted only six times' This
really diverting comedy presents a marked improvement in the
way of simplicity and unity on Wycherley's previous effort. The
Frenchified gull, the Englishman turned Spaniard, and the device
of a foolish suitor employed by a clever maiden to further her
flirtation with his rival-all are time honoured properties of the
earlier stage. The incident, too, on which the whole plot turns,
that of a lover forced, under fear of discovery, to pretend himself
a dancing-master, is borrowed from Calderon's comedy, El Maestro
de Danzar, which, in turn, goes back to Lope de Vega. But there
remains much that is inventive and original in the English comedy,
and the dialogue has developed in wit, and especially in a certain
quality of daring and suggestive innuendo and double meaning of
which this dramatist is peculiarly master.
The Country Wife was, doubtless, on the stage before the end
of the year 1673. It is one of the coarsest plays in the English
language, nor can it be said that this quality is referable to either
of the comedies of Molière, L'École des Femmes and L'École des
Maris, which furnished hints to the English playwright. And
yet, despite the idea on which the whole action turns, The
Country Wife is not only skilfully planned and exceedingly well
written, but it is not devoid of the gravity of true satire. Indeed,
it is in this play, the dramatis personae of which include not a
single truly virtuous personage, that we perceive Wycherley to
have passed beyond the careless art of Etherege, which contents
itself with merely picturing the age in its wantonness and folly,
and to have entered the more sombre regions of satire, in which
these things are referred for contrast and reprobation (even if
unconsciously) to the normal standards of men of decent life.
i Genest, vol. I, p. 137.
## p. 145 (#167) ############################################
The Plain Dealer
145
But, not until we reach The Plain Dealer, Wycherley's last
and best comedy, do we recognise that this savage blasphemer
in the halls of beauty and of art is, after all, at heart a
moralist, indignantly flagellating vice as well as gloating over her
deformities. The Plain Dealer was first acted, with acclamation
and success, in 1674, and printed three years later. While certain
scenes of it were suggested by Molière's famous Le Misanthrope,
Wycherley's masterpiece cannot but be regarded as an admirably
bold, effective and original piece of dramatic satire. Here, the
satirist is no less plainspoken than in The Country Wife, but, in
the faithful Fidelia (perilous reincarnation of the Viola of a cleaner
age), in the clearsighted running commentary of Eliza and in the
integrity of Freeman, the author has set before us his own rough
but honest standard of life and conduct, by means of which we
may judge the justice and effect of his satiric strokes. Manly,
'the plain dealer,' is a brute; but it is the wickedness and
hypocrisy of the age that has made him such. An infatuation
for straightforward conduct and plain dealing has made him blind
to the real qualities of men and women; and, while he sees
through superficial pretence and affectation, he is like a child in
the hands of those who humour his whims. The Plain Dealer
seems unpleasantly true to life. But for the normal restoration
taint it might have approached tragedy in the completeness of
Fidelia's passionate devotion and in the gravity of Manly’s dis-
illusionment. As it is, The Plain Dealer is a notable work,
compactly written, carefully planned and effectively executed,
and, in its honest purpose to castigate vice, not unworthy of the
ideals of Ben Jonson himself. The man who thus mercilessly
| exposed the vice, social chicanery and hypocrisy of his age, who
thus laughed to scorn its follies and petty subterfuges, was no
mere wanton. In the tonic of Wycherley's Plain Dealer, English
comedy recovered momentarily a sense of the actual relations of
contemporary social conditions to better standards. But it was
easier to follow Etherege than Wycherley. The frivolous always
shun the ferule of the moralist; and, hence, the artificial comedy'
continued its primrose path, until called to account by the
trumpeted warnings of Jeremy Collier and the honest endeavours
of Steele to redeem the fallen stage, which had now, like a broken
but unrepentant profligate, been brought to a reckoning with
the past.
E. L. VIII,
CH, V.
10
## p. 146 (#168) ############################################
CHAPTER VI
THE RESTORATION DRAMA
II
CONGREVE, VANBRUGH, FARQUHAR, ETC.
WILLIAM CONGREVE, a spoilt child of life and literature, was
born in 1670 at Bardsey, near Leeds. He came of an ancient
family, long settled in Staffordshire; and it was due to the accident
of his father's commanding the garrison at Youghal that he sat
upon the same bench with Swift at Kilkenny school and finished
his studies at Trinity college, Dublin. In 1691, he was admitted to
the Middle Temple, deserted law for literature, like many another,
composed a story called Incognita, or Love and Duty Reconciled,
in which Aurelian, the son of a Florentine nobleman, plays an
austere part, and of which Dr Johnson rightly said that he would
rather praise than read it,' and then, in 1693, came upon the town
with The Old Bachelor.
It was Congreve's signal good fortune to appear at the right
moment. The theatre then enjoyed a larger licence and a loftier
repute than ever before. The town asked no other favour of its
comic writers than to be amused, and the interpreters of comedy
rose to the full height of their opportunity. “No stage,' said
Cibber with perfect truth, 'at any one period, could show thirteen
actors, standing all in equal light of excellence, in their profes-
sion’; and it was these actors who came loyally to Congreve's aid.
The incomparable Betterton, the acclaimed master of them all,
and the enchanting Mrs Bracegirdle portrayed the two chief
characters. The poet's colleagues endorsed the approval of the
pit. Dryden, then in the plenitude of his power, generously
hailed the rising star. He declared that he had never seen such
a first play, and gave the young author the practical benefit of
his advice. Congreve, after his wont, set no great value upon his
achievement. “When I wrote it,' said he, in his reply to Collier,
## p. 147 (#169) ############################################
The Old Bachelor
147
'I had little thoughts of the stage; but did it, to amuse myself, in
a slow recovery from a fit of sickness. If it amused its author, it
amused, also, its spectators. Its success was triumphant, and the
fortunate Congreve became famous in a day.
In his preface to the published play, Congreve pleaded in
extenuation an ignorance of the town and stage. No plea was
necessary; and, if his ignorance of the town were confessed, the
stage had left him no lessons to learn. With him, indeed, the
craft of the stage was instinctive. From the very first he trans-
lated whatever he saw and heard in terms of the theatre. The
comedy, which beguiled 'a slow recovery,' displays all the technical
adroitness of an old hand. The dialogue is polished to an even
surface; the play of wit flashes like sunlight upon water; of the
writing no more need be said than that it is Congreve's own. For
the rest, The Old Bachelor wears upon it every sign of youth and
inexperience. Neither of the two stories which are interlaced,
none too closely, in its plot is fresh or original. Though none of
Congreve's contemporaries could have written the play, any one
of them might have devised its fable. In other words, Congreve
is playing supremely well the tune of the time. Heartfree and
Silvia are but counters of artificial comedy. The marriage of
the lady in the mask, which unties the knot of the play, is no
better than an accepted convention of the stage. Bluffe, Sharper,
and Wittol, who conduct the underplot, are stock characters of
a still older fashion. They might have stepped out from Ben
Jonson's comedy of humours. When Bluffe says: 'Sir, I honour
you; I understand you love fighting, I reverence a man that loves
;
fighting, sir, I kiss your hilts,' you recognise the authentic accent
of Bobadill. Even Fondlewife, that kind of mongrel zealot' owes
less to life than to Zeal-of-the-land Busy. In the scene where
Lucy, Silvia's maid, altercates with Setter, the pimp, the language
is marked by all the bombast of youth, which Congreve presently
laid aside. Says Setter: "Thou art some forsaken Abigail we
.
have dallied with heretofore, and art come to tickle thy imagina-
tion with remembrance of iniquity past. ' And Lucy replies: 'No,
thou pitiful flatterer of thy master's imperfections! thou maukin,
made up of the shreds and parings of his superfluous fopperies! '
This is the language neither of life nor of comedy, and it was doubt-
less acceptable to the audience by its mere expectedness.
But if we put aside the youthful extravagance of some passages
and the too frequent reliance upon familiar types, we may discern
in The Old Bachelor the true germs of Congreve's comedy. Not
10_2
## p. 148 (#170) ############################################
148
The Restoration Drama
j
merely is the style already his own; his purpose and sense of
character are evident on every page. Belinda, an affected lady,
who 'never speaks well of Bellmour herself, nor suffers anybody
else to rail at him,' might be a first, rough outline of Millamant.
And Bellmour sketches, in a single speech, the whole philosophy
of the poet: ‘Come, come,' says he, leave business to idlers, and
wisdom to fools: they have need of 'em: wit be my faculty, and
pleasure my occupation, and let father Time shake his glass. '
Henceforth, wit was Congreve's faculty, pleasure his occupation;
and he succeeded so well that time still shakes his glass at him
in vain.
In the same year (1693), The Double-Dealer was played at Drury
lane, and Congreve's reputation, great already, was vastly enhanced.
In character, style and construction, The Double-Dealer is far
above its predecessor. The one fault commonly imputed to it is
that it has too grave a motive for a comedy of manners. Lady
Touchwood is in love with Millefont, to whom Cynthia is promised.
Maskwell, lady Touchwood's gallant, knows her secret, and attempts
to use it for Millefont's discomfiture and his own conquest of
Cynthia. Such is the simple story, told with a simplicity of
purpose in which Congreve himself took a proper pride.
“The mechanical part of it,' said he, in the dedication addressed to Charles
Montague, 'is regular. . . . I designed the moral first, and to that moral I
invented the fable, and do not know that I have borrowed one part of it any-
where. I made the plot as strong as I could, because it is single, because I
would avoid confusion, and was resolved to preserve the three unities of the
drama. '
That he succeeded in his design none will deny. The Double-
Dealer is sternly classical in construction, and moves, from the
rise of the curtain in the first act to the fall of the curtain in the
fifth, to a settled end and with a settled purpose. The machinery
of the play is still conventional. A wrong letter given to Sir
Paul by lady Plyant, the villain surprised from behind a screen
--these are the keys which unlock the plot. We might forget
their simple artifice, were it not for the conscious villainy of
Maskwell. That surpasses pretence and belief.
