No More Learning

That such is our present state you yourselves are
witnesses, and need not any testimony from me. That
our state in former times was quite opposite to this
I shall now convince you, not by any arguments of
mine, but by a decree of your ancestors, which they
inscribed on a brazen column erected in the citadel;
not with a view to their own advantage (they needed
no such memorials to inspire them with just senti-
ments), but that it might descend to you as an
example of the great attention due to such affairs.
Hear, then, the inscription: " Let Arthmius1 of Zelia,
the son of Pythonax, be accounted infamous, and an
enemy to the Athenians and their allies, both he and
all his race. " Then comes the reason of his sen-
tence : " Because he brought gold from Media into
1 Let Arthmius, &c. ]--This, in a few words, was the occasion of
publishing this terrible decree against Arthmius, of which Themistocles
was the author. Egypt had thrown off the yoke of Artaxerxes Longi-
manus. A formidable army marched to reduce the rebels; but failed
of success, as Athens had provided lor their defence. The resentment
of Artaxerxes then turned against the Athenians. He sent Megabyzus
and other secret agents into Peloponnesus, to raise up enemies against
them by the force of bribery, and to blow up the flame of resentment and
jealousy in Sparta, which was ever ready to break out. But the attempt
was ineffectual. Arthmius, probably, was one of the King of Persia's
agents in this affair; and Diodorus, who does not name him, includes
him, however, in the general appellation of " the emissaries of Arta-
xerxes. "--Tourreil.
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
155
Peloponnesus. "--Not to Athens. This is the decree.
And now, in the name of all the gods, reflect on this!
think what wisdom, what dignity appeared in this
action of our ancestors! One Arthmius of Zelia, a
slave of the king's (for Zelia is a city of Asia), in'
obedience to his master, brings gold, not into Athens,
but Peloponnesus. This man they declare an enemy
to them and their confederates, and that he and his
posterity shall be infamous. Nor was this merely
a mark of ignominy; for how did it concern this
Zelite whether he was to be received into the com-
munity of Athens or no ? The sentence imported
something more: for in the laws relating to capital
cases it is enacted, that, "When the legal punish-
ment of a man's crime cannot be inflicted, he may
be put to death. " And it was accounted meritorious
to kill him. " Let not the infamous man," saith the
law, " be permitted to live. " Intimating that he is
free from guilt who executes this sentence.
Our fathers, therefore, thought themselves bound
to extend their care to all Greece; else they must
have looked with unconcern at the introduction ot
bribery into Peloponnesus. But we find they pro-
ceeded to such severity against all they could detect
in it as to raise monuments of their crimes. Hence
it was (and no wonder) that the Greeks were a terror
to the Barbarians, not the Barbarians to the Greeks.
But now it is not so: for you do not show the same
spirit on such or on any other occasions. How then
do you behave ? You need not be informed. Why
should the whole censure fall on you ? the conduct
of the rest of Greece is no less blameable. It is my
opinion, therefore, that the present state of things
demands the utmost care and most salutary counsel.
What counsel? Shall I propose it? and will ye not
be offended ? --Read this memorial.
[Here the secretary reads. And the speaker resumes his discourse. ]
And here I must take notice of one weak argu-
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? 56 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ment made use of to inspire us with confidence:
That Philip is not yet so powerful as the Lacedae-
monians once were, who commanded by sea and
. and, were strengthened by the alliance of the king,
were absolute and uncontrolled; and yet we made a
brave stand against them; nor was all their force
able to crush our state. In answer to this, I shall
observe, that amid all the alterations and improve-
ments which have happened in affairs of every kind,
nothing hath been more improved than the art of
war: for, in the first place, I am informed that at
that time the Lacedaemonians and all the other Greeks
used to keep the field four or five months, just the
convenient season; and having so long continued
their invasion, and infested the territories of then
enemy with their heavy-armed and domestic forces,
they retired into their own country. Then, such
was the simplicity, I should say the national spirit,1
1 Were strengthened by the alliance of the king. ]--After the expedition
into Sicily, an expedition as unfortunate as it was imprudent, the Athe-
nians might still have supported themselves, if the King of Persia ha<J
not concurred to precipitate their ruin. Tissaphernes, the satrap of
Darius Nothus, conducted the first alliance between his master and the
Laced;emonians. This alliance had at that time no very great effect. But
when Cyrus the Younger was sent, by order of his father, to command
in Asia Minor, Lysander gained the affection of this young prince, who
soon made him able to give law to Athens. It is this period which
Demosthenes points out. --Tourreil.
2 I should say the national spirit, &c. ]--Circumstances peculiar to
any people, singular customs, particular relations, and the like, give rise
to words and phrases incapable of being precisely rendered into any
other language. And such I take to be the word iroXirtKws. Every
particular state of Greece was a member of a larger political body, that
of the natfon, in which all the several communities were united by
national laws, national customs, and a national religion. This I have
explained at large on another occasion. (See Prelim. Dissert, to the
Life of Philip. ) The word iroXtriKmj therefore, I understand as expres-
sive of that duty which each state owed to the Hellenic body, which pre-
scribed bounds and laws to their wars, and forbade their passions, con
tests, and animosities against each other to break out into any excesses
which might affect the welfare of the nation. They were to fight, not
as inveterate foes, but competitors for power and honour. To recur to
bribery in order to defeat their antagonists was to be guilty of corrupt-
ing the morals of what, in an extensive sense, may be called their
country. In like manner, the word civilis, in Latin, is used in a sense
somewhat analogous to this, as denoting the regard which every citizen
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
157
of that age, that the power of gold was never called
to their assistance; but all their wars were fair and
open. Now, on the contrary, we see most defeats
Dwingto treachery; no formal engagements, nothing
left to the decision of arms. For you find the rapid
progress of Philip is not owing to the force of regular
troops, but to armies composed of light horse and
foreign archers. With these he pours down on
some people already engaged by civil discord and
commotions; and when nono will venture out in
defence of their state, on account of their private
suspicions, he brings up his enginos, and attacks
their walls: not to mention his absolute indifference
to heat and cold, and that there is no pecnliai season
which he gives to pleasure. Let thesij thh. -gs sink
deep into all our minds: let us not suffer his a,-ms
to approach these territories: let us not proudly1
depend on our strength, by forming our judgments
from the old Lacedaemonian war; but let us attend
with all possible precaution to our interests and our
armaments; and let this be our point in view,--to
confine him to his own kingdom; not to engage him
on equal terms in the field. For if you be satisfied
should pay to the lights of others, in opposition to despotism, pride, im
periousness, and all those passions which are enemies to liberty and the
general good. Thus we find in Tacitus, " Juveni civile ingenium, mirs.
comiias. "--Ann. i. " Silentium ejus non civile, ut crediderar, sed in
auperbiam accipiebatur. "--Ann. vi. Andof Tiberius the historian says,
"Liberatusmetu, civilem se admodum inter initia, ac pauio minus quam
privatum egit. " I hare observed in a note on the exordium of the second
Philippic, that a regard to the interest of Greece was generally the most
extensive affection in the minds of its inhabitants. And that the exten
live social affections were denoted by the Greek word ito'XiTikov, we learn
from Cicero. Let the following quotation, from the fifth book of his
treatise De Ftnibus, suffice on this occasion: " Cum sic hominis natura
generata sit, ut habeat quiddam innatum quasi civile et populare, quod
Graeci icoKirtKov vocant, quicquid aget quaeque virtus, id a commuaitate,
et ea quam exposui caritate, atque societate humana, non abhorrebit. "
The authority of a writer who devoted so much of his attention to the
moral and political learning of the Greeks, and took so much pains to
<<xplain it to his countrymen, may surely be deemed decisive.
1 Let us not proudly, dfce. ]--In the original, eKTpaxv^odrivai, which,
besides the signification which Wolfius Assigns it, is frequently rendered
insolescere, superbire.
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? 158 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
with committing hostilities, there Nature hath giveu
you many advantages. 1 (Let us but do our part. ;
The situation of his kingdom, for instance, exposes
it to all the fury of an enemy; not to speak of many
other circumstances. But if we once come to a
regular engagement, there his experience must give
him the superiority.
But these are not the only points that require your
attention: nor are 5'ou to oppose him only by the
arts of war. It is also necessary that reason and
penetration should inspire you with an abhorrence
of those who plead his cause before you; ever bear-
ing in mind the absolute impossibility of conquering
our foreign enemy until we have punished those who
are serving him within our walls. But this, I call
the powers of heaven to witness, ye cannot, ye will
not do! No: such is your infatuation, or madness,
or^I know not what to call it (for I am oftentimes
tempted to believe that some power more than hu-
man is driving us to ruin), that through malice, or
envy, or a spirit of ridicule, or some like motive,
you command hirelings to speak (some of whom
dare not deny that they are hirelings), and make
their calumnies serve your mirth. Yet, shocking as
this is, there is something still more shocking:
these men are allowed to direct the public affairs
with greater security than your faithful counsellors.
--And now observe the dreadful consequences of
listening to such wretches. I shall mention facts
well known to you all.
In Olynthus, the administration of affairs was
divided between two parties; the one, in the interest
of Philip, entirely devoted to him; the other, in-
spired by true patriotism, directed all their . effcrts
to preserve the freedom of their country. To which
? Many advantages. ]--Although the Athenians had lost Amphipolis,
Pydna, and Potidasa, they were still in possession of Thassus, Lemnoa,
and the adjacent islands, from whence they might readily hare attempted
a descent on Macedon. --Tourreil.
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
159
of these are we to charge the ruin of the state; or
who betrayed the troops, and by that treachery de-
stroyed Olynthus ? The creatures of Philip. - Yet,
while their city stood, these men pursued the advo-
cates for liberty with such malicious accusations and
invftctives, that an assembly of the people was per-
suaded even to banish Apollonides.
But this is not the only instance. The same cus
torn hath produced the same calamities in other
places. In Eretria, at the departure of Plutarchus
and the foreign troops, when the people had posses
sion of the city and of Porthmus, some were in-
clined to seek our protection, some to submit to
Philip. But, being influenced by this latter party on
most, or rather all occasions, the poor unfortunate
Eretrians were at length persuaded to banish their
faithful counsellors. And the consequence was this:
Philip, their confederate and friend, detached a'
thousand mercenaries under the command of Hip-
ponicus, razed the fortifications of Porthmus, set
three tyrants over them, Hipparchus, Automedon,
and Clitarchus; and after that, when they discovered
some inclination to shake off the yoke, drove them
twice out of their territory; once by the forces com-
manded by Eurylochus, and again by those under
Parmenio.
To give but one instance more. In Oreum, Philis-
tides was the agent of Philip; as were Menippus,
and Socrates, and Thoas, and Agapaeus, the preseni
masters of that city. And this was universally
known. But there was one Euphraeus, a man for
some time resident at Athens, who stood up against
captivity and slavery. Much might be said of the
injurious and contemptuous treatment which he re-
ceived from the people of Oreum on other occasions.
But the year before the taking of the city, as he saw
through the traitorous designs of Philistides and his
accomplices, he brought a formal impeachment
against them. Immediately considerable numbers
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? 160 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
form themselves into a faction (directed and sup>>
ported by Philip), and hurry away Euphraeus to
prison, as a disturber of the public peace. The peo-
ple of Oreum were witnesses of this ; but instead of
defending him, and bringing his enemies to condign
punishment, showed no resentment towards them;
but approved, and triumphed in his sufferings. And
now the faction, possessed of all the power they
wished for, laid their schemes for the ruin of the city,
and were carrying them into execution. Among
the people, if any man perceived this, he was silent;
struck with the remembrance of Euphraeus and his
sufferings. And to such dejection were they reduced,
that no one dared to express the least apprehension
of the approaching danger, until the enemy drew
up before their walls, and prepared for an assault.
Then some defended, others betrayed their state.
When the city had thus been shamefully and basely
lost, the faction began to exercise the most tyrannic
power; having either, by banishment or death,
removed all those who had asserted their own cause
and that of Euphraeus; and were still ready for any
noble enterprise. Euphraeus himself put an end to
his own life; and thus gave proof that, in his oppo-
sition to Philip, he had been actuated by a just and
pure regard to the interest of his country.
And now what could be the reason (you may pos-
sibly ask with surprise) that the people of Olynthus,
and those of Eretria, and those of Oreum, all at-
tended with greater pleasure to the advocates of
Philip than to then own friends 1 The same reason
which prevails here. Because they who are en
gaged on the part of truth and justice can never, even
if they were inclined, advance any thing to recom-
mend themselves to favour; their whole concern is
for the welfare of their state. The others need but
to sooth and flatter in order to second the designs
of Philip. The one press for supplies; the others
insist that they are not wanted: the one call theil
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
161
countrymen to battle, and alarm them with appre-
hensions of danger; the others are ever recom-
mending peace, until the toils come too near to be
escaped. And thus, on all occasions, one set of men
speak but to insinuate themselves into the affections
of their fellow-citizens; the other to preserve them
from ruin; till at last the interests of the state are
given up; not corruptly or ignorantly, but from a
desperate purpose of yielding to the fate of a con-
stitution thought to be irrecoverably lost. And, by
the powers of heaven! I dread that this may prove
your case, when you find that reflection cannot serve
you! And when I turn my eyes to the men who
have reduced you to this, it is not terror1 that I feel;
it is the utmost detestation. For whether they act
through design or ignorance, the distress to which
they are reducing us is manifest. But far be this
distress from us, Athenians! It were better to die
ten thousand deaths than to be guilty of a servile
complaisance to Philip, and to abandon any of your
faithful counsellors! The people of Oreum have
now met a noble return for their confidence in
Philip's creatures and their violence towards Eu-
phraeus. The Eretrians are nobly rewarded for
driving out our ambassadors, and committing their
affairs to Clitarchus. Captivity, and stripes, and
racks are their reward. Great was his indulgence to
the Olynthians, for choosing Lasthenes their general,
and banishing Apollonides. It were folly and base-
ness to be amused with such false hopes as theirs,
when neither our counsels direct us nor our inclina-
tions prompt us to the pursuit of our true interests,
1 It is not terror, . fcc. ]--The word in the original signifies the most
abject fear and dismay; and the whole passage seems to have a particu-
lar reference or allusion.
Possibly some of Philip's partisans might
have accused Demosthenes of being thus affected at their sight; while
they magnified their own integrity and resolution, their true discern-
ment, and patriotic zeal for the interest of their country; and possibly
might have called out for severe punishment on the man who dared to
utter the most bitter invectives against a powerful prince in alliance
with Athens.
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? 162 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and to suffer those who speak for our enemies to
persuade us that the state is too powerful to be
affected by any accident whatever. It is shameful to
cry out, when some event hath surprised us, " Hea-
vens ! who could have expected this 1 We should
have acted thus and thus, and avoided these and
these errors. " There are many things the Olyn-
thians can now mention which, if foreseen in time,
would have prevented their destruction. The people
of Oreum can mention many : those of Phocis
many: every state that hath been destroyed can
mention many such things. But what dot1! it avail
them now ? While the vessel is safe, whether it be
great or small, the mariner, the pilot, every person
should exert himself in his particular station, and
preserve it from being wrecked either by villany or
unskilfulness. But when the sea hath once broken
in all care is vain. And therefore, Athenians, while
we are yet safe, possessed of a powerful city, fa-
voured with many resources, our reputation illustri-
ous--what are we to do? (Perhaps some have sat
with impatience to ask. )--I shall now give my opin-
ion, and propose it in form; that, if approved, your
voices may confirm it.
Having, in the first place, provided for your de-
fence, fitted out your navy, raised your supplies, and
arrayed your forces (for, although all other people
should submit to slavery, you should still contend
for freedom); having made such a provision, I say,
and this in the sight of Greece, then we are to call
others to their duty; and, for this purpose, to send
ambassadors into all parts, to Peloponnesus, to
Rhodes, to Chios, and even to the king (for he is by
no means unconcerned in opposing the rapidity of
this man's progress). If ye prevail, ye will have
sharers in the dangers and expense which may arise'
at least you may gain some respite; and, as we are
engaged against a single person, and not to the
united powers of a commonwealth, this may be of
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? PHILIPPIC THE THIRD.
163
advantage ; as were those embassies of last year into
Peloponnesus, and those remonstrances which were
made in several places by me and Polydatus, that
true patriot, and Hegesippus, and Clitomaehus, and
Lycurgus, and the other ministers, which checked
his progress, prevented his attack of Ambracia, and
secured Peloponnesus from an invasion.
I do not mean that we should endeavour to raise
that spirit abroad which we ourselves are unwilling
to assume. It would be absurd to neglect our own
interests, and yet pretend a regard to the common
cause; or, while we are insensible to present dan-
gers, to think of alarming others with apprehensions
of futurity. No: let us provide the forces in the
Chersonesus with. money, and every tiling else that
they desire. Let us begin with vigour on our part;
then call on the other Greeks; convene, instruct,
exhort them. Thus it becomes a- state of such dig-
nity as ours. If you think the protection of Greece
may be intrusted to the Chalcidians and Megareans,
and so desert its cause, you do not think justly. It
will be well if they can protect themselves. No:
this is your province: this is that prerogative trans-
mitted from your ancestors, the reward of all their
many, and glorious, and great dangers. If every
man sits down in ease and indulgence, and studies
only to avoid trouble, he will certainly find no one
to supply his place ; and I am also apprehensive
that we may be forced into all that trouble to which
we are so averse. Were there persons to act in our
stead, our inactivity would have long since discov-
ered them; but there are really none.
You have now heard my sentiments. You have
heard the measures I propose, and by which I appre-
hend our affairs may be yet retrieved. If any man
can offer some more salutary course, let him rise
and declare his opinion. And, whatever be your
resolution, the gods grant that we may feel its good
or ? i
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? THE ELEVENTH ORATION AGAtNST PHILIP:
Commonly called the Fourth.
PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF KIC0MACHU8, THE YEAR AFTER
1HK FORMER ORATION.
INTRODUCTION.
Soon after the preceding oration the. Athenian succours arrived at
Eubcea. Demosthenes had proposed the decree for them; and the
command was given to Phocion, whom the Athenians gladly employed
on all extraordinary emergencies,. and who was always ready to servo
them, at the same time that he highly condemned their conduct.
Demosthenes attended Phocion, not in a military character, but to
endeavour to gain over the people of Eubcea to the Athenian interest;
in which he had some success; while the general, on his part, acted
with so much conduct and resolution, that the Macedonians were forced
to abandon the island; and the Eubceans entered into a treaty of alli-
ance with Athens.
- In the mean time Philip marched alopg the Hellespont, to support his
fleet then in view, and to prevent Diopithes from cutting ofT his pro-
visions. When he had crossed the isthmus of the Chersonesus he re-
turned, and by a forced march arrived with the choice of his army at
Cardia, where he surprised Diopithes, and defeated him in an action in
which that general fell. This he affected to consider, not as an open
breach of his treaty, but only as the consequence of the protection he
bad granted to the Cardians. and an act of particular revenge he had
determined to take on Diopithes.
Philip then joined his army, and encamped before Perinthus, a place
considerable by its commerce and situation, ever firm to the Athenians,
and consequently dreadful and dangerous to Philip. The Perinthians
defended themselves with a courage almost incredible, and which, it ap-
peared, could not be abated by danger or fatigue. PhH'p, on his part,
pressed them by all the methods of assault; and, after many vigorous
efforts on each side, when the city was just on the point of being taken
by assault, or of being obliged to surrender at discretion, fortune; pro
vided for it an unexpected succour.
The fame of Philip's army having alarmed the court of Persia, Ochus
sent his letters mandatory to the governors of the maritime provinces,
directing them to supply Perinthus with all things in their power; in
consequence of which they filled it with troops and provisions. While
the Byzantines, justly conceiving their own turn would be next, sent
Into the city the flower Of their, youth, with all other nec*ssaries for an
obstinate defence.
The Perinjhians, thus remforced, resumed their former ardour; and
as all they suffered was on account of Athens, they despatched ambas-
sadors thither to demand the speedy and effectual assistance of that
state. On this occasion Demosthenes pronounced the following oration.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH. 1
As I ara persuaded, Athenians, that you are no\v
convened about affairs of greatest moment, such as
affect the very being of the state, I shall endeavour
to speak to them in the manner most agreeable to
your interests.
There are faults of no late origin, and gradually
increased to no inconsiderable number, which have
conspired to involve, us in the present difficulties.
But, of all these, what at this time most distresses us
is this: that your minds are quite alienated from pub-
lic affairs; that your attention is engaged just while
you are assembled, and some new event related: then
each man departs; and, far from being influenced by
what he hath heard, he does not even remember it.
The insolence and outrage with which Philip treats
all mankind are really. so great as you hear them
represented. That it is not possible to set bounds to
these by the force of speeches and debates no one
can be ignorant; for, if other arguments cannot con-
vince, let this be weighed: whenever we have had
occasion to plead in defence of our rights, we have
I We shall find in this oration many things which occur in those that
are precedent; and as it is on the same subject, already exhausted by so
many orations, it was in some sort necessary for the orator to make use
of repetitions: and it should seem, that in such a case repetition is by no
means a fault, particularly as we may consider this as a recapitulation
of all the others; and may, in effect, call it the Peroration op the
Philippics ; in which the orator resumes the arguments he had already
made use of; but. In resuming them, gives them, new force, as well by
die manner in which they are disposed, as by the many additions with
ftihicn they are heightened. --TowrreU.
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? 166 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
never failed of success; we have never incurred the
censure of injustice : but all places and all persons
must acknowledge that our arguments are irresisti-
ble. Is he then distressed by this? and are our
affairs advanced 1 By no means. For, as he pro-
ceeds to take up arms, leads out his troops, and is
ready to hazard his whole empire in pursuit of his
designs, while we sit here pleading, or attending to
those who plead the justness of our cause, the con-
sequence (and I think the natural consequence) is
this: actions prove superior to words: and men's
regards are engaged, not by those arguments which
we ever have advanced, or may now advance, how
just soever-; but by the measures we pursue: and
these are by no means fitted to protect any of the
injured states: to say more of them is unnecessary.
As, then, all Greece is now divided into two parties;
the one composed of those who desire neither to ex-
ercise nor to be subject to arbitraiy power, but to
enjoy the benefits of liberty, laws, and independence;
the other, of those who, while they aim at an abso-
lute command of their fellow-citizens, are themselves
the vassals of another person, by whose means they
hope to obtain their purposes; his partisans, the
affecters of tyranny and despotism, are superior
every where. So that, of all the popular constitu-
tions, 1 know not whether one be left firmly estab-
lished except our own. And they who in the several
states have been raised by him to the administration
of affairs have their superiority secured by all the
means which can advance a cause. The first and
principal is this. When they would bribe those who
are capable of selling their integrity, they have a
person ever ready to supply them. In the next place
(and it is of no less moment), at whatever season
they desire it, there are forces at hand to overwhelm
their opposers: while we, Athenians, are not only
deficient in these particulars, but una"ble even to
awaken from our indolence, like men reduced by
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
167
some potion1 to a lethargic state. In consequence
of this (for I hold it necessary to speak the truth),
we are fallen into such contempt and infamy, that,
of the people immediately threatened with danger,
some contend with us for the honour of commanding,
some about the place of conference,2 while others
determine rather to trust to their own strength than
to accept of your assistance.
And why am I thus particular in recounting these
things? I call the gods to witness, that I would not
willingly incur your displeasure; but I would have
you know, and see. that in public as well as in private
affairs, continued indolence and supineness, though
not immediately felt in every single instance of
omission, yet in the end must affect the general wel-
fare. You see this in the instance of Senium and
Doriscum. When the peace was made we began
with neglecting these places. (Perhaps some of you
have never heard of them. ) And these places, thus
abandoned and despised, lost you Thrace and your
ally Cersobleptes. Again, when he saw that this did
not rouse you, and that you sent no assistance, he
razed Porthmus; and, to keep us in continual awe,
erected a tyranny in Euboea, over-against Attica.
This was disregarded; and his attempt on Megara
was well-nigh successful. Still you were insensible,
expressed no impatience, no inclination to oppose
him. He purchased Antronae; and soon after got
possession of Oieum. I pass over many things;
Pherae--the march to Ambraeia--the massacre of
1 Like men reduced by some potion, dec. ]--In the original, like men
who had drunk of mandragora, an herb ranked by naturalists among
those of the soporiferous kind. It seems to have been a proverbial phrase
to signify indolent and negligent persons. -- Tourreil.
2 For the honour of commanding, some about the place of conference. ]^-
In all the confederate ware of the Greeks, that state which was acknow-
ledged the most powerful had the honour of giving a commander-in-
chief, and of appointing the place of general congress for concerting the
operations. In the Persian war we find the Lacedaemonians and Athe-
nians sometimes contending for these points: which in effect was a
dispute which of these states was most respectable.
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? 168 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Elis,1 and thousands of the like actions: for it is not
my design to give a detail of Philip's acts of outrage
and injustice, but to convince you that the property
and liberty of mankind will never be secure from him
until he meets with some effectual opposition.
There are persons who, before they hear affairs
debated, stop us with this question, " What is to be
done V not that they may do it when informed (for
then they would be the best of citizens), but to pre-
vent the trouble of attending. It is my part, how-
ever, to declare what we are now to do.
First, then, Athenians, be firmly persuaded of this:
that Philip is committing hostilities against us, and
has really violated the peace: that he has the most
implacable enmity to this whole city; to the ground
on which this city stands; to the very gods of this
city: (may their vengeance fall on him! ) but against
our constitution is his force principally directed: the
destruction of this is, of all other things, the most
immediate object of his secret schemes and machina-
tions. And there is, in some sort, a necessity that
it should be so. Consider; he aims at universal
power; and you he regards as the only persons to
dispute his pretensions. He hath long injured you :
and of this he himself is fully conscious; for the
surest barriers of his other dominions are those
places which he hath taken from us: so that if he
l Pheras--the march to Ambracia--the, massacre of Elis. l--An orator
does not always pique himself on an exact adherence to history; bat
sometimes disguises facts, or aggravates them, when it serves his pur-
pose. One would imagine that Philip had committed some terrible oat-
rages at Pberas; and yet he only restored the liberty of that city, by
expelling its tyrants; and as to the massacre of Elis, it is not to ba
imputed immediately to Philip. He had, indeed, as chief of the allies in
the sacred war, and head of the amphictyons, suggested the resolution
of proscribing the Phoctans and all the favourers of their impiety. Some
of these, who had fled into Crete with their general Phalecus, Joined
with a body of men who had been banished from Elis, made an inroad
into Peloponnesus, and attempted an attack on their countrymen, who,
with the assistance of the Arcadians, obliged this rebellious army to sur
render at discretion; and, in obedience to the decree of the amphiotyoQA
put it to the sword. --TourreU.
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? PHILIPPIC THE FOURTH.
should give up Amphipolis and Potidaea, he would
not think himself secure in Macedon. He is then
sensible that he entertains designs against you, and
that you perceive them; and as he thinks highly of
your wisdom, he judges that you hold him m the ab-
horrence he deserves. To these things (and these
of such importance) add, that he is perfectly con-
vinced that although he were master of all other
places, yet it is impossible for him to be secure while
your popular government subsists: but that, if any
pscident should happen to him (and every man is
' abject to many), all those who now submit to force
would seize the opportunity, and fly to you for pro-
tection ; for you are not naturally disposed to grasp
at power, or to usurp dominion; but to prevent
usurpation, to wrest their unjust acquisitions from
the hands of otheis, to curb the violence of ambition,
and to preserve the liberty of mankind, is your pecu-
liar excellence. And, therefore, it is with regret he
sees in that freedom you enjoy a spy on the incidents
of his fortune: nor is this his reasoning weak or
trivial. First, then, he is on this account to be re-
garded, as the implacable enemy of our free and
popular constitution. In the next place, we should
be fully persuaded that all those things which now
employ him, all that he is now projecting, he is pro-
jecting against this city. There can be none among
you weak enough to imagine that the desires of
Philip are centred in those paltry villages1 of Thrace;
(for what name else can we give to Drongilus, and
Cabyle, and Mastira, and all those places now said
to be in his possession ? ) that he endures the severity
of toils and seasons, and exposes himself to the
utmost dangers for these; and has no designs on the
ports, and the arsenals, and the navies, and the silver
mines, and other revenues, and the situation, and the
glory of Athens, (which never may the conquest of
I Those paltry villages, &c. l--See the notes of theoration on the State
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? 170 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
this city give to him or any other! ) but will suffei
us to enjoy these; while, for those trifling hoards of
grain he finds in the cells of Thrace he takes up his
winter-quarters in all the horrors of a dungeon. It
cannot be ! Even in his inarch thither he had these
in view: these are the chief objects of all his enter-
prises.
Thus must we all think of him. And let us not
oblige th-it man who hath ever been our most faith-
ful counsellor to propose the war in form: that
would be to seek a pretence to avoid it, not to pursue
the interest of our country. To yourselves I appeal:
if, after the first, or the second, or the third of Philip's
infractions of his treaty (for there was a long suc-
cession of them), any man had moved you to declare
hostilities against him, and he had given the same
assistance to the Cardians as now, when no such
motion came from any Athenian, would not that man
have been torn to pieces ? Would you not have cried
out with one voice that it was this which made him
ally to the Cardians ? Do not then seek for some
person whom you may hate for Philip's faults; whom
you may expose to the fury of his hirelings. >>When
your decree for war hath once passed, let there be
no dispute whether it ought or ought not to have
been undertaken. Observe his manner of attacking
you: imitate it in your opposition: supply those who
are now opposing him with money, and whatever
else they want: raise your supplies: prepare yout
forces, galleys, horse, transports, and all other neces-
saries of a war. At present, your conduct must
expose you to derision. Nay, I call the powers to
witness, that you are acting as if Philip's wishes
were to direct you. Opportunities escape you; your
treasures are wasted; you shift the weight of public
business on others; break into passion; criminate
each other.