No More Learning

Many of the parganas,
or sub-districts, in the provinces were appropriated as crown lands
and removed from the jurisdiction of the governor, and all military
appointments which had formerly been part of the governor's
patronage, were, with the exception of the command of the
principal fortress in each province, resumed by the king. Allow-
ances for the maintenance of troops, whether in cash or in grants of
land, had hitherto been calculated at the rate of 100,000 huns for
five hundred and 200,000 for 1000 horse. These sums
raised to 125,000 and 250,000, but on the other hand a system of
inspection and control was introduced, and deductions were made
on account of men not regularly maintained and mustered. These
reforms were most unpopular. The older nobles disliked them
because they curtailed the power and diminished the wealth of the
provincial governors, and all resented the curtailment of oppor-
tunities for peculation. They rendered their author more odious
than ever to the Deccani faction, headed by Malik Hasan, who
had been the first to suffer by them.
The new governments were fairly divided, Fathullāh 'Imād-ul.
Mulk retained Gāwil, Yusuf 'Adil Khān Daulatābād, Malik Hasan
Rajamundry, and Mahmūd Gāvān Belgaum, and to the four pro-
vinces of Māhūr, Junnār, Gulbarga, and Warangal Khudāvand
Khān the African, Fakhr-ul-Mulk the Turk, Dastūr Dīnār the
African, and Afzam Khān the Deccani were appointed. 'The
Deccani faction thus held five of the eight provincial governments,
but this advantage was neutralised by Malik Hasan's hostility to
the interloper, Ąʻzam Khān.
were now
27-2


## p. 420 (#466) ############################################

420
(CH.
THE KINGDOM OF THE DECCAN
The absence of Yusuf 'Adil Khān with the field force encouraged
Malik Hasan, Zarif-ul-Mulk, and Miftāh the African, the leaders
of the Deccani party, to prosecute their designs against Mahmūd
Gāvān. They induced the keeper of his seals, an African, to affix
his private seal to a blank paper, on which they wrote, above the
seal, a letter to the raja of Orissa, informing him that the people
of the Deccan were weary of the tyranny and perpetual drunken-
ness of their king and urging him to invade the country. The paper
was read to the king when he was drunk, and he at once sent for
Mahmud Gāvān, who insisted on obeying the summons, notwith-
standing the protests of his friends, who warned him that mischief
was brewing. The king made no inquiries and did not even require
the production of the messenger with whom the letter was said to
have been found, but when Mahmūd appeared roughly demanded
what was the punishment due to a traitor. 'Death by the sword,
, ‘'
replied the minister, confident in his innocence. The king then
showed him the letter, and, having read it, he exclaimed, “By God,
this a manifest forgery! The seal is mine, but the writing is none
of mine, and I know nothing of the matter. ' The king, disregarding
his protestations of innocence, rose to leave the hall and, as he did
so, ordered an African named Jauhar to put him to death. The
minister knelt down and recited the short symbol of his faith, and
cried, as the sword fell, 'Praise be to God for the blessing of
martyrdom ! '
He was seventy-eight years of age when, on April 5, 1481, he
was unjustly put to death, and had served the Bahmani dynasty
with conspicuous ability and unwavering loyalty for thirty-five years.
He was generous, charitable, learned, accomplished, and blameless
in his private life. His attitude towards the Deccanis might have
healed the disastrous feud between them and the Foreigners, but
for the in appeasable rancour of Malik Hasan, and his death de.
prived his master of the only counsellor who united fidelity to ability.
The troops and the mob were permitted to plunder his camp,
but his own Foreigners rode with all speed to the field force, where
they took refuge with Yusuf ‘ādil Khān, who was also joined by
most of the Forign nobles in the royal camp.
The king sent for Nizām-ud-din Hasan Gilānī, the murdered
man's treasurer, and discovered, to his chagrin, that Mahmūd, with
all his opportunities for acquiring wealth, had left no hoard, having
distributed his income, as he received it, in charity. The faithful
servant boldly taxed the King with having shed innocent blood and
challenged him to prove his minister's guilt. Muhammad, too late,


## p. 421 (#467) ############################################

XVI )
MURDER OF MAHMUD GĀVĀN
421
commanded his betrayers to produce the messenger with whom the
letter had been found, and on receiving no answer hurriedly left the
hall of audience, leaving the courtiers trembling with apprehension.
On reaching his chamber he gave way to paroxysms of grief and
remorse. The body was sent to Bidar for burial, escorted by the
young prince Mahmūd, the king himself being unable to accompany
it owing to the refusal of the nobles to march with him. Fathullāh
and Khudāvand Khān, both members of the Deccani party, refused
even to see him for the purpose of discussing the punishment of the
conspirators, and bluntly replied to his summons that they would not
trust the murderer of such a minister as Mahmud, but would shape
their conduct by the advice of Yusuf 'Adil Khān. Muhammad re-
called Yusuf, but he could not join the royal camp, and encamped
apart, with Fathullāh and Khundāvand Khān.
The wretched king thus deserted by the Foreigners and by the
respectable portion of the Deccani party, was thrown into the arms
of the late minister's betrayers and compelled to accede to their
demands. Malik Hasan became lieutenant of the kingdom and was
henceforth known as Malik Nāib, his son Ahmad received his
father's title of Nizām-ul-Mulk and the province of Daulatābād,
vacated by Yusuf, who had decided to take possession of Mahmud
Gāvān's fieſs of Belgaum and Bijāpur, and Qivām-ul-Mulk the
elder and Qivām-ul-Mulk the younger, two Turks who, from selfish
motives, had attached themselves to Malik Nāib's faction, were
appointed to Warangal and Rajamundry.
The king set out for his capital, but the great nobles, except
Malik Näib and his friends, marched and encamped at a distance
from the royal troops and, on reaching Bīdar, refused to enter the
city and were dismissed to their provinces. Shortly afterwards he
commanded Fathullāh 'Imād-ul-Mulk and Khudāvand Khān to
accompany him to Belgaum, where he hoped to conciliate Yusuf
‘Ādil Khān, but they, though they obeyed the summons, would
neither march with the royal troops nor enter his presence, but
saluted him always from a distance and chose their own road. From
Belgaum he proposed to visit Goa, but the nobles refused to accom-
pany him and when news was received that Vira Nrisimha of
Vijayanagar was preparing to attack the port, Yusuf 'Adil Khān
was sent to its relief. Fathullāh 'Imād-ul-Mulk and Khudāvand
Khān returned to Berar without permission, and the king withdrew
to Firūzābād, where he endeavoured to drown his humiliation and
grief in drink, and formally designated the young Mahmūd heir to
the throne. Thence he returned to Bidar where, on March 22, 1482,


## p. 422 (#468) ############################################

422
( CH.
THE KINGDOM OF THE DECCAN
he died at the age of twenty-eight from the effects of incessant
drinking crying out in his last moments that Mahmūd Gāvān was
slaying him.
He was an accomplished and high-spirited prince of great energy
and possessed considerable military ability. He was better served
than any of his predecessors, and might have been the greatest
prince of his house but for his addiction to drink, which destroyed
first his reputation and then his life. He may be considered the last
king of his line, for though five of his descendants followed him on
the throne ‘none was more than a state prisoner in the hands of
ambitious and unscrupulous ministers.
On the death of Muhammad, his son Mahmūd, a boy of twelve
years of age, was seated on the throne by Malik Näib, Qivām-ul-Mulk
the younger, and Qāsim, Barid-ul-Mamālik, another Turk who for
selfish reasons had allied himself to Malik Nāib's faction. None of
the Foreign Party or of the more respectable section of the Deccani
Party was present at his enthronement, which was a mean spectacle,
shorn of the magnificence to which courtiers and people were accus-
tomed, and a superstitious populace augured ill of a reign thus
ushered in.
Yūsuf 'Adil Khān, with most of the Foreign and many Deccani
officers, had been absent at Goa at the time of Muhammad's unex-
pected death, and on his return he marched to Bidar to make his
obeisance to the new king. Disregarding the rule which prohibited
the attendance of armed retainers at court he entered the palace
with 200 picked troops. Malik Nāib had drawn up 500 of the royal
guards at the gate, but none ventured to oppose Yûsuf, who as a
precaution against assassination, compelled Malik Näib and Qāsim
Barid-ul-Mamālik to precede him in the royal presence, where
he took his place above them, notwithstanding Malik Nāib's high
office. On leaving the palace Yūsuf took Malik Nāib by the hand
and compelled him to accompany him as far as the gate. He lodged
in the city with a guard of a thousand men while Daryā Khān, with
the rest of his army, remained on the alert without the walls. He
resisted all Malik Nāib's attempts to induce him to bring his troops
into the city, where the Deccanis might have surprised them, and
when the nobles met for the purpose of apportioning the great
offices of state acquiesced in the retention of the principal places
in the capital by the Deccani faction. Malik Näib remained lieu-
tenant of the kingdom. Qivām-ul-Mulk the elder became minister,
Qivām-ul-Mulk the younger master of the ceremonies, and Dilāvar
Khān the African assistant minister of finance.
1


## p. 423 (#469) ############################################

XVI)
DECLINE OF THE ROYAL POWER
423
This concession did not blind Malik Nāib to the necessity for
removing Yusuf, his most formidable enemy, and to this end he
summoned from Warangal 'Abdullāh "Ādil Khān the Deccani, the
deputy of Qivām-ul-Mulk the elder in that province. It nad become
customary to confer the same title on two men, usually a Deccani
and a Foreigner, though the two bearing the title of Qivām-ul-
Mulk were both Turks, and there was commonly much jealousy
between two bearers of the same title. 'Abdullāh Ādil Khān's
opportunities were, however, curtailed by the simultaneous arrival
in the capital of Yusuf's friend, Fathullāh 'Imād-ul-Mulk of Berar.
Malik Nāib first arranged that the troops of Bījāpur and Berar
should be reviewed by the king and that at the review the Deccanis
should fall upon the Foreigners. On the day appointed he seated
the king on one of the bastions of the citadel while the troops
paraded below. Yusuf and Fathullāh were summoned to the royal
presence and the young Muhmūd, tutored by Malik Nāib, ordered
the Deccanis to punish the Foreigners for their insolence and in.
subordination. Yusuf would have rejoined his men, but Fathullāh,
to save his life, detained him in the palace. Matters went ill with
the Foreign troops until Daryā Khān marched into the city with
the whole of the army of Bījāpur, when street fighting continued
for twenty days, and 4000 fell on both sides before the 'Ulamā
could restore peace.
Yusuf 'Adil Khān then returned with his
troops to Bijāpur, leaving Malik Nāib supreme in the capital. He
associated Fathullāh 'Imād-ul-Mulk with himself as minister, and
Qāsim Barid, who, though a Turk, had borne arms against the
Foreigners, was rewarded with the post of Kotwal of the city, and
the three carried on the administration for the next four years.
Dilāvar Khān the African, resenting his exclusion from the highest
offices, attempted, in obedience to the secret orders of the young
king, who chafed under the restraint to which he was subjected,
to assassinate the ministers, but failed and was obliged to flee to
Khāndesh, while the king was guarded more closely than before.
Fathullāh 'Imād-ul-Mulk grew weary of the atmosphere of
treachery and intrigue which pervaded the capital, and returned to
Berar, leaving Malik Näib supreme in the capital, and he, in order
to extend his influence in the provinces appointed two Deccanis,
Wahīd-ud-din and Sharaf-ud-din, as deputies for his son Ahmad, to
Daulatābād, conferred the government of Sholāpur and Parenda on
Fakhr-ud-din the Deccani, whom he had entitled Khvāja Jahān, and
sent Ahmad to Junnār. These measures were necessitated by the
virtual detachment of all other provinces, where the royal seal no


## p. 424 (#470) ############################################

424
[CH.
THE KINGDOM OF THE DECĆAN
longer commanded respect, the governors being well aware that all
orders issued in the king's name were in fact the decrees of the
justly detested Malik Näib. In 1486 Qivām-ul-Mulk the younger
rebelled in Telingāna, and when Malik Nāib marched against him
complained to the king of the oppressive conduct of his minister,
but the complaint was fruitless, for it was handed by the king to
the minister. Najm-ud-din Gīlānī, governor of Goa, died, and his
servant, Bahādur Gilānī, seized the fortress and repudiated his alle-
giance to Mahmūd Shāh. Malik Nāib's son Ahmad accused Yūsuf
‘Adil Khān of countenancing and abetting the rebel, and thus further
estranged the Foreigners. Zain-ud-din ‘Ali, governor of Chākan,
refused, on the ground that the king was not master in his own
kingdom, to recognise Ahmad as governor of Junnār, and when
Malik Nāib ordered Khvāja Jahān of Parenda and Wajih-ud-din
of Daulatābād to assist Ahmad in asserting his authority, Yusuf
Adil Khān sent five or six thousand horse to the assistance of Zain-
ud-din ‘Ali. The news of this act of defiance reached Warangal,
where Malik Näib and the king were endeavouring to suppress
Qivām-ul-Mulk's rebellion, and undermined the authority of the
regent, whose arrogance had left him friendless. Qāsim Barid, the
African eunuch Dastūr Dinār, and other nobles complained of his
behaviour to the king, who replied that none could be more dis-
gusted than he with his minister, and besought them to seek occasion
to put him to death. Malik Nāib was informed of the conference
and fled from the camp, but instead of following the prudent course
of joining his son without delay made for Bidar where Dilpasand
Khān, one of his own creatures, commanded the citadel. He and
Dilpasand Khān broke into the treasury and began to raise troops,
and the king, on receiving this news, set out at once from Warangal.
Malik Nāib, not being strong enough to meet him in the field, pre-
pared to carry off the treasure to Junnār, and join his son, but
Dilpasand Khān deceitfully dissuaded him from this course and
secretly sent a message to the king, assuring him of his loyalty and
his readiness to obey any orders that he might receive. The king
replied that he would best show his loyalty by sending to him Malik
Nāib's head. Dilpasand Khān accordingly strangled the regent at
a private interview and sent his head to the king, who entered the
city and plunged into debauchery, neglecting all public business.
Meanwhile the quarrel between the Deccanis and the Foreigners
continued with unabated rancour, and the former, dissatisfied
with the king's attitude, plotted to dethrone him. On the night of
November 7, 1487, they entered the palace, where the king was


## p. 425 (#471) ############################################

xvi )
PARTITION OF THE KINGDOM
425
rose
on a
drinking, and, shutting the gates behind them lest the Foreign troops
should come to his assistance, entered the royal apartment. The
few Turkish slaves in attendance held their ground against the con:
spirators until the king had escaped to the roof of the great bastion
of the palace, and then followed him, holding the narrow stairway.
Mahmud found means to dispatch a messenger to the Foreign
troops, and three or four hundred were soon assembled before the
palace. Eight officers scaled the bastion and blew their whistles,
and the conspirators, believing that all the Foreign troops had
entered the palace, opened the gates to make their escape, but were
driven back by some Persian troops. A large body of troops entered
the building, and the royal servants, who had at first befriended the
conspirators, now drove them, with fire and smoke, from the corner
in which they were lurking, and slew them.
Meanwhile the citizens, hearing the tumult in the palace, rose
and plundered the houses of the Foreigners, but the Foreign troops,
supplied with horses from the royal stables, suppressed the disorder,
and when the sun
scene of indescribable confusion the
king took his seat on his throne and ordered a general massacre of
the Deccanis and Africans. T'he carnage continued for three days,
and was only stayed at the carnest prayer of a son of Shāh
Muhibbullāh.
The king now devoted himself entirely to pleasure, and the
great provincial governors, perceiving that he would never exercise
his authority, began to strengthen themselves in their provinces,
and when they attended him in court or camp shunned his presence
as they had been wont to shun that of his father in the last days of
his reign.
In 1490 Malik Ahmad Nizām-ul-Mulk, who had built the city
of Ahmadnagar and called it after his own name, sent envoys to
Yusuf 'Adil Khān of Bījāpur and Fathullāh 'Imād-ul-Mulk of Berar,
inviting them to join him in assuming the royal title and asserting
their independence of Bidar, and from this date these three rulers
became independent sovereigns of the territory which they had
hitherto held as viceroys of the king of the Deccan'. Their dynasties
1 The founders of the dynasties seem seldom, if ever, to have used the royal title.
The Portuguese did not accord it to Yūsuf ‘Adil Khān, or to his son Ismā'il ; Sultān,
Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk, who became independent in Telingana in 1512 never used it, as
is evident from the epitaph on his tomb. Ahmad could hardly have borne it, for
iſ his courtiers had been accustomed to it they would not have murmured at his
using an umbrella, and if these three did not assume it it is certain that Fathullāh
did not. They were, however, in all respects independent, though they sometimes,
when it suited their policy and convenience, took the field with the puppet king of
Bidar, or rather with his guardian, and their successors used the title of Shāh.


## p. 426 (#472) ############################################

426
( CH.
THE KINGDOM OF THE DECCAN
measures
were known, from the titles borne by their founders, as the Nizām
Shāhi, 'Adil Shāhi, and 'Imād Shāhi dynasties, and later Qutb-ul-
Mulk founded the Qutb Shāhi dynasty at Golconda and Barid-ul-
Mamālik the Barid Shāhi dynasty at Bidar.
These declarations of independence were not, except in the
case of Ahmad, who never forgave Mahmūd Shāh for the murder
of his father, prompted by disaffection towards the Bahmani
dynasty, for which Yusuf and Fathullāh entertained to the end of
their lives sentiments of loyalty and affection, but it was impossible
to serve Mahmūd, for he would not be served, and had no sooner
escaped from the toils of one master than he submitted to another,
so that loyalty to the king became no more than subservience to
an ambitious minister.
After the composition of the striſe between the Deccanis and
the Foreigners Qāsim Barid-ul-Mamālik became lieutenant of the
kingdom. He was a Turk, but he was a Sunni and had been a
friend of Malik Nāib, so that he was acceptable to the Deccanis
but odious to the Foreign Party. He held the king in thrall, and
made no pretence of consulting his wishes. One of his earliest
was to seize the government of the region abɔut the
capital, to take the field against the officers commanding its
numerous fortresses, who refused to surrender what they held of
the king, and to inflict several defeats on the royal troops. Dilāvar
Khān the African returned from Khāndesh to help the king, drove
Qāsim towards Golconda, and defeated him, but his troops, while
pursuing those of Qāsim, were thrown into confusion by an unruly
elephant, their victory was turned into a deſeat, and Dilāvar Khān
was slain. Qāsim returned to Bidar and reduced the king to a
condition of such impotence that some writers date the foundation
of the Barīd Shāhi dynasty from this year.
Qāsim Barīd aimed at extending his power by reducing to
obedience the provincial governors, and proceeded first against
Yusuf 'Ādil Shāh by inciting Sāluva Timma, the regent of Vijaya-
nagar, to attack him. The Hindus invaded Rāichur Doāb and
captured both Rāichur and Mudgal. Qāsim then induced Ahmad
Nizām Shāh and Khvāja Jahān of Parenda to join him, and attacked
Yūsuf near Gulbarga, but Ahmad disappointed him by taking no
part in the action, and Qāsim and Khvāja Jahān were defeated.
Burhān I of Ahmadnagar was rebuked by Bahādur of Gujarāt, who afterwards
recognised it, forusing it and it was never recognised by the Mughul emperors, who
always addressed the rulers of Bijāpur, Ahmadnagar, and Golconda as 'Ādil Khan,
Nizām-ul-Mulk, and Qutb-ul-Mulk.


## p. 427 (#473) ############################################

XVI ]
REBELLION OF BAHADUR GİLANI
427
In 1493 Mahmūd Bigarha of Gujarāt complained that the pirate
Bahādur Gīlāni had plundered many ships of Gujarāt and had sent
his lieutenant, Yāqūt, to plunder the port of Bombay, and requested
'the King of the Deccan' to control his refractory vassal. Qāsim
Barid assembled the royal army and, carrying the king into the
field, marched against the rebel Yūsuf, Ahmad, and Fathullah sent
contingents to his aid, for it was to the interest of all that the king
of Gujarāt should have no pretext for invading the Deccan.
Bahādur had established himself so firmly in the Konkan and
the country above the Ghāts that both Yūsuf and Ahmad had been
constrained to treat him with respect. When he heard that the royal
army was marching towards his territory, and that an envoy was
bearing a farmān to him, he forbade his road guards to permit the
envoy to pass Miraj, and his defiant attitude left the allies no choice
but to advance. To Qutb-ul-Mulk the Deccani, now governor of
Telingāna, was entrusted the siege of Jāmkhandi, but he was slain,
and his title was conferred on Sultan Quli, a Turk of Hamadān,
who held fiefs in Telingāna. Sultan Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk captured
the fortress, handed it over to the officers of Yûsuf 'Adil Shāh, and
advanced to Mangalvedha, where Bahādur had taken refuge.
Meanwhile the royal army had advanced to Miraj, and, aſter
defeating Bahādur's troops before that place, captured the fortress
but weakly permitted the garrison to join Bahā lur. The royal
army marched from Miraj to Panhāla, and some of the courtiers
secretly informed Bahādur that the king was well disposed towards
him, and that a submissive attitude would probably earn him a
pardon. Negotiations were accordingly opened, but the terms
offered by Qāsim Barīd were so generous as to encourage Bahādur
to believe that his enemies despaired of crushing his revolt, and he
loudly boasted that he would conquer both the Deccan and Gujarāt.
Qāsim Barīd was loth to crush the rebel, whom he regarded as
a useful counterpoise to the power of Yusuf 'Adil Shāh, but as
Bahadur was not disposed to submit the war continued, and
Khvāja Jahān besieged him in Panhāla, and reduced him to such
straits that he sent an envoy to the king offering to submit on
other condition than that his life should be spared. The required
assurance was given, but in the meantime Bahādur had escaped
from Panhāla and demanded impossible conditions. Sultân Quli
Qutb-ul Mulk was therefore sent to continue the siege of Panhāla
and Khvāja Jahān was sent against Bahādur. He defeated and
slew the rebel, whose head was severed from his body and sent to
the king, and his lands were bestowed on 'Ain-ul-Mulk Kan'ānī,


## p. 428 (#474) ############################################

428
[CH.
THE KINGDOM OF THE DECCAN
whom Qāsim Barid selected as one likely to be able to hold his
own against Yusuf 'Adil Shāh. The king and Qāsim Barid visited
Dābhol and on their return towards Bidar were entertained for
some time at Bījāpur by Yusuf Ādil Shāh.
In 1495 some changes were made in the provincial governments.
On the death of Qutb-ul-Mulk the Deccani Dastūr Dinār the
African had been appointed governor of western Telingāna. He
was now transferred to Gulbarga, his former fief, to make way for
Sultān Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk, to whom the reward of distinguished
service was due The African, resenting his supersession, rebelled,
and occupied those districts of western Telingāna which adjoined
Gulbarga. Qāsim Barīd was obliged to enlist the aid of Yusuf
‘Adil Shāh against the rebel, and Dastùr was defeated, cap
tured, and sentenced to death, but was almost immediately
pardoned, and even reinstated in the fief of Gulbarga.
In 1497 the Deccanis again conspired to destroy the Foreigners
at Bidar, but the plot was discovered and Qāsim Barid put the
leading conspirators to death.
On May 3, 1494, during the expedition against Bahādur, a son,
named Ahmad, had been born to the king, and in 1498 a marriage
was arranged between the child and Bibi Sati, daughter of Yūsuf
‘Adil Shāh. Qāsim Barid and the king, Yusuf, Khvāja Jahān of
Parenda, and Sultan Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk assembled at Gulbarga to
celebrate the betrothal. During the festivities a serious quarrel
broke out between Dastūr Dinār and Yusuf, who claimed suzerainty
over him. The support given to Dastūr Dinār by Qāsim Barid bred
another quarrel between him and Yūsuf, Sultān Quli supported
Yusuf, and the strife became general. Qāsim Barīd Dastūr Dinār
and Khvāja Jahān fled to Aland and were pursued by Yusuf, who
defeated them at Gunjoti, drove Qāsim Barid, to Ausa and Khvāja
Jahān to Parenda, and assumed that control of the king of which
he had deprived Qāsim, but, having obtained from him such grants
and dignities as he required, permitted him to depart for Bidar,
whither Qāsim Barid immediately returned and resumed his former
position.
At the end of this year Yusuf attempted to compel Dastūr
Dinār to acknowledge his suzerainty, but the African gained
without difficulty the support of Ahmad Nizām Shāh as well as
that of Qāsim Barid, both of whom were interested in curbing
Yusuf's ambition, and he was content to abandon the enterprise
on obtaining from Bidar a decree prohibiting Ahmad from attacking
him.


## p. 429 (#475) ############################################

XVI)
RELIGIOUS STRIFE
429
In 1504 Qāsim Barid died, and was succeeded at Bidar, as a
matter of course, by his son, Amir 'Ali Barid, and Fathullāh died
in Berar and was succeeded, in like manner, by his son, 'Alā-ud-din
'Imād Shāh. In the same year Yusuf marched to Gulbarga, defeated
Dastūr Dinār, put him to death and annexed the province of Gul-
barga to his dominions. He now believed himself to be strong enough
to carry out a project which he seems to have cherished for some
time, and established in his dominions the Shiah religion, to which
he was devoutly attached. The khutba and the call to prayer were
recited after the Shiah form, and the use of the Sunni form was
prohibited. His decree raised a storm of discontent in his kingdom,
where the majority of Muslims of the middle and lower classes was
Sunni, and furnished all other rulers in the Deccan with a pretext
for attacking the daring innovator. Mahmud Shāh, under the in-
structions of Amir 'Ali Barid, commanded 'Alā-ud-din 'Imād Shāh,
Khudāvand Khān, Ahmad Nizām Shāh, and Sultān Quli Qutb-ul.
Mulk of Golconda to aid him in punishing the heretic, and the
manner in which each received the order illustrates their political
rather than their religious views. Ahmad Nizām Shāh responded
with alacrity, both as a Sunni and as a personal enemy of Yusuf,
but 'Alā-ud-din 'Inād Shāh and Khudāvand Khān, though Sunnis,
paid no heed to it, being well disposed towards Yūsuf and resentful
of Amīr 'Ali Barīd's ascendancy at Bidar. The Shiah Qutb-ul-Mulk,
though he was a personal friend of Yūsuf obeyed the order without
hesitation. His appointment to Golconda was recent, he still
regarded orders from Bidar, from whatever source they emanated,
as binding on him, and he probably disapproved of Yūsuf's action
as inopportune and likely to render his religion odious.
Yusuf, unable to withstand the confederacy arrayed against
him, fled to Berar and took refuge with Alā-ud-din 'Imād Shah,
who was sympathetic, but could not protect him against his ene-
mies and advised him to retire into Khāndesh. From Khāndesh
Yūsuf sowed dissension among his enemies. He wrote to Ahmad
and Qutb-ul-Mulk warning them against Amīr 'Alī Barīd, 'the Fox
of the Deccan,' who desired to destroy him only that he might
seize Bījāpur and dominate the whole of the Deccan. Having
thus detached the two most powerful members of the con-
ſederacy he addressed to Mahmūd Shāh a petition seeking for
pardon, to which an unfavourable answer was dictated by Amir
‘Ali Barīd, whereupon Yûsuf returned and with the assistance of
'Alā-ud-din 'Imăd Shāh attacked Mahmud Shāh and Amir Ali
Barid at Kalam in Berar. The king and his
minister were


## p. 430 (#476) ############################################

430
[CI.
THE KINGDOM OF THE DECCAN
>
defeated and fled to Bidar, leaving their camp in the hands of
the allies.
In 1509 Ahmad Nizām Shāh died and was succeeded by his son,
Burhān I, and in the following year Yusuf 'Ādil Shāh died and was
succeeded by his son Ismā‘il, and Khvāja Jahān died at Parenda.
In 1512 Sultān Quli Qutb-ul-Mulk of Golconda, unable to maintain
any longer the fiction of loyalty to Mahmúd Shāh, assumed in-
dependence in Telingāna. He did not use the royal title but is
usually described by historians as Sultān Quli Qutb Shāh? .
In 1514 Amir 'Ali Barid conferred on Jahāngir Khān, the
adopted son of Dastūr Dinār, the title of Dastūr-ul-Mamālik, and
established him as provincial governor of Gulbarga In order to
deter Ismā'il 'Ādil Shāh from molesting him he obtained assistance
from Sultan Quli Qutb Shāh and Burhān Nizām Shāh, and inva ded
the kingdom of Bījāpur, carrying Mahmud Shāh with him. Ismā‘il
defeated the invaders, captured Mahmūd, who was wounded in the
action, and his son Ahmad, and conciliated his captive by his
courtesy and deference. He marched with him to Gulbarga, where
Bibi Sati was delivered to her affianced husband, Prince Ahmad,
and dispatched 5000 horse to escort Mahmūd to Bidar. On the
approach of this force Amir 'Ali Barid fled to Ausa, but, having
obtained help from Burhān Nizām Shāh, returned to Bidar, com-
pelled the cavalry from Bījāpur to retire, and again resumed
control of the king and what remained of his kingdom.
The miserable king made one more effort to free himself from
this thraldom, and fled to Berar, where he sought an asylum with
‘Alā-ud-din 'Imād Shāh, who readily espoused his cause and marched
with him to Bīdar, but Amir 'Ali Barid had again obtained help
from Burhān Nizām Shāh and drew up his army before Bidar to
oppose
his master and 'Alā-ud-din. The latter could not take the
field without Mahmūd, whose presence was his sole justification for
appearing in arms before Bidar, but Mahmūd, when he should
have been at the head of his troops, was loitering in his bath, and
was so annoyed by an impatient message which he received from
'Alā-ud. din that when he was dressed he rode to Amir ‘Ali Barid's
camp, and 'Alā-ud-din was compelled to retreat. Henceforth none
would help the wretched puppet, who was interned in a villa at
Kamthāna, two leagues from Bidar.
1 Some English and Hindu historians, ignorant of the meaning of his name,
Sultan Quli, have taken the first half of it to be a royal title, and described him
as King Quli Quib Shāh. This is a mistake. The word Sultan was part of his
name, which means 'the Sļave of the King'. 'King Quli’ is nonsense,


## p. 431 (#477) ############################################

XVI)
LAST DAYS OF THE DYNASTY
431
In 1517 Amir 'Ali Barid, taking Mahmūd Shāh with him,
marched to punish Sharza Khān, the son and successor of Khudā-
vand Khān of Māhūr, who had plundered Kandhār and Udgir.
Sharza Khan and one of his brothers were slain in the field, and
Māhūr was besieged, but 'Alā-ud-din 'Imād Shāh marched to its
relief and compelled Amir 'Ali Barid to retire. He placed Ghālib
Khān, another son of Khudāvand Khān, in Māhūr as his vassal,
and thus established his authority in southern as well as northern
Berar.
Mahmud Shāh died, worn out with debauchery, on December 7,
1518, and his son Ahmad was placed on the throne by Amir 'Ali
Barid. He died in 1521 and his brother 'Alā-ud-din was permitted
to succeed.
'Alā-ud-din Bahmani was a spirited prince, and chafed under
the yoke of the maire du palais, of which he resolved to free
himself. Having deceived him with specious expressions of his
appreciation of his great services to the house of Bahman he arrang-
ed that the regent should be assassinated on the occasion of one
of his monthly visits to him, but as he entered the royal apartment
one of the assassins concealed behind the hangings sneezed, and
Amir 'Ali Barid withdrew in alarm and sent the eunuchs to search
the inner apartment. The conspirators were discovered and were
executed in circumstances of great cruelty and 'Alā-ud-din was de-
posed and imprisoned, and shortly afterwards put to death.
Amir 'Ali Barid would not yet venture to ascend the throne,
but proclaimed Walī-Ullāh, the brother of 'Alā-ud-din. The new
king, after a nominal reign of three years, was detected in an
attempt to rid himself of his minister, and was deposed and put to
death by Amir ‘Ali Barid, who married his widow and placed on
the throne Kalimullāh, the brother of the three preceding kings.
Warned by the example of his predecessors he at first submitted
meekly to the domination of the regent, but the news of the capture
of Delhi by Bābur encouraged him to seek aid of the conqueror,
and he secretly sent to his court one of his servants, bearing a letter
in which he promised to surrender the provinces of Berar and
Daulatābād in return for restoration to the remainder of the king-
dom of his ancestors and liberation from the thraldom in which
he lived. He received no answer and Amir 'Ali Barid's discovery
of the secret mission so excited his apprehensions that in 1527
he fled to Bījāpur. Ismāil 'Adil Shāh received him coldly, and he
left his court for that of Burhān Nizām Shāh I at Ahmadnagar.
6


## p. 432 (#478) ############################################

432
(CH XVI
THE KINGDOM OF THE DECCAN
Burhān received him with extravagant demonstrations of respect,
treated him as his sovereign, and promised to recover Bidar for
him, but he soon discovered that his host had no intention of ful-
filling his promise. Burhān's chief adviser, Shāh Tāhir, condemned
the folly of according the honours of royalty to a stray mendicant,
and the unfortunate Kalimullāh was no longer admitted to court,
but when he shortly afterwards died, not without suspicion of
poison, his body was sent for burial to Bidar, where it still rests.
He was the last of his line, and on his flight from Bidar Amir Ali
Barid was free to assert openly that independence which he had long
enjoyed in fact.
The relations of the Bahmanids with their subjects closely
resembled those of their contemporaries and co-religionists with
the peoples of northern India, and where it differed, differed, per.
haps, for the worse. Little heed was paid to the interests of the
Hindu peasantry, and the Russian merchant, Athanasius Nikitin,
describes the poverty and misery of the children of the soil and the
wealth and luxury of the nobles. Muhammad III who was reigning
when he was sojourning in the Deccan was, even in 1474, described
as being 'in the power of the nobles,' of whom the chief was
Mahmûd Gāvān, Malik-ut-Tujjār, who kept an army of 200,000
men. Another kept 100,000 and another 20,000 men, and many
khāns kept 10,000.
Drink was the curse of the race, and of the long line of eightcen
kings there were few who were not habitual drunkards. Their
addiction to this vice was the opportunity of informers, delators,
and self-seekers, and inclined them to rash and inconsiderate action
on the reports of such wretches. Such actions, as in the case of the
murders of Nizām-ul-Mulk Ghūri and Mahmud Gāvān, were the
proximate cause of the ruin of the dynasty and of the dismember-
ment of its kingdom.
Some of the line were bigots, but their carelessness of the welfare
of their Hindu subjects is to be attributed neither to their bigotry
nor to the apathy bred of habitual drunkenness.
It was merely the
fashion of an age in which subjects were believed to exist for their
rulers, not rulers for their subjects, and the peasantry of the Hindu
kingdom of Vijayanagar was equally neglected and equally
miserable.


## p. 432 (#479) ############################################

76
18
80
82
KHAN DESH
Asie Topli
Täpti
Gawil
THE FIVE KINGDOMS
OF THE DECCAN AND
NEIGHBOURING STATES
BURHANPURS
Narnāla
Ellichpūr
N. Pūrnia
The boundaries belween States are shown thus:
ARĀ
B
o Bälāpur
E
TRAGLANA
Mehkar
Wardha
20
Shading indicates disputed territory When
Countries and Peoples lhus
GUJARAT
(BURHĀNPŪR 20
Towns
Narnāla
Rivers
Tāpli
E U S
Daulatābād
Kalnah
Nasik
R
The Cambridge History of India, Vol. III
Penganga
Godavari
Dūdna
S. Pürna
Māhur
Α Η Μ Α
Paithan
Pathri
Scales
D
U
Nander
0
20
40
60
80
200
Godāvari
Junnar
Chakan
100
English Miles
R
N
AHSYDNACAR
Sonpeto
Kandhario
50
100
200
olndur
Chaul
Revdanda
С А
R!
Kaulās o
Kilometres
Sing
18
Godavari
18
Warangal
Error
O
BIRAR
Dabhol
Kaliyani
Naldrug
Gulbarsa;
Bhima
GOLCONDA
G
N A
OL C O N D A
Rajahmundry
o BIJAPTR
Krishna
B Ī Ā P
R
Kondavīr
Vinukonda
Mudgal
16
Raichur
16
Tungobhadra
nolakarma
GOA
Map 6
VIJAYANAGAR
VilAYANAGAR
74
76
78
30
82


## p. 432 (#480) ############################################

9
1


## p. 433 (#481) ############################################

CHAPTER XVII
THE FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN. A. D. 1527-1599
When Kalimullah, the last of Bahman Shāh's line, fled from
Bīrdar. Amir ‘Ali Barid, 'the Fox of the Deccan,' who had never
ventured to offend his powerful neighbours by a formal assumption
of independence, became independent by the act of his victim, and
the tale of the five kingdoms of the Deccan was complete.
The history of these kingdoms is a record of almost continuous
striſe. Yûsuf 'Adil Shāh and Sultân Quli Qutb Shāh had always
been Shiahs, Burhān, the son and successors of Ahmad Nizām Shāh,
was converted to that faith, to which his successors adhered except
during the brief reign of Ismāʻil, and the small Sunni states of
Berar and Bīdar, the former absorbed by Ahmadnagar in 1574 and
the latter by Bijāpur in 1619, could not have disturbed the har. .
mony which should have existed between them ; but community of
religion, community of interests, and frequent intermarriages were
alike powerless to curb the ambition of the rulers of the three
greater states, each of whom aspired to the hegemony of the
Deccan. Coinmon jealousies not only prolonged the existence of
the smaller states, but saved each of the larger from annihilation,
and the usual course of warfare was a campaign of two of the
larger states against the third, the smaller states ranging them-
selves as the policy of the moment might dictate. The assistance
given to an ally was so measured as to restrain him from over-
whelming his adversary, and a decisive victory was often forestalled
by a shameless change of sides, the perfidy of which bred a new
casus belli. The bitterness thus engendered led to alliances between
Muslims and 'misbelievers' against Muslims, but this policy, ap-
parently suicidal, produced a situation which enabled the petty
kingdoms to succeed where the Bahmanids had failed, and to crush
for ever the hereditary enemy.
There was not wanting subject-matter of dispute. The subjec-
tion of the weaker governors in the four pairs of provinces into
which the Bahmani dominions had been divided by Mahmud Gāvān,
who were often supported by their powerful neighbours; the mis-
chievous grant to Ahmadnagar by Qāsim Barid, acting in the name
of Mahmud Bahmanī, of Sholāpur and the district surrounding it,
claimed by Bijāpur ; the refusal of the king of Berar to surrender
28
C. H. I. III.


## p. 434 (#482) ############################################

434
[ch.
THE FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN
peacefully Pāthrī, the ancestral home of the kings of Ahmadnagar,
on whose border it lay; minor frontier disputes ; and the occasional
defection of members of the 'Adil Shāhi dynasty from the Shiah
faith, reviving the old feud between Deccanis and Foreigners, with
its intrigues and bloodshed, combined to banish peace from the
Deccan. Even the attacks on Ahmadnagar by the Mughal emperors
produced but a semblance of unity. Help came from the other
kingdoms, but none put forth its full strength to avert a danger
common to all. In later years, when only Golconda and Bījāpur
remained to stem the tide of imperialism, sympathy, between the
doomed states was more cordial but selfishness and cowardice so
restricted the assistance given by the former to the latter that
Aurangzib, instead of meeting an alliance, was enabled to crush his
victims singly.
The condition of Bījāpur at the time of the accession, at the
age of thirteen, of Ismā'il 'Adil Shāh was deplorable. All power
was in the hands of the minister, Kamāl Khān, a Deccani, who re-
established the Sunni religion and was preparing to cede the old
province of Gulbarga to Amir 'All Barid in order that he might
establish his own independence in the rest of the kingdom. The
Portuguese captured Goa on March 5, 1510, and the young Ismail
recovered it on May 20, but in November the Portuguese returned,
recaptured it, and established themselves permanently in the port.
Kamāl Khān was assassinated, his plot was frustrated, and the
Foreigners expelled by him returned from the neigbouring king-
doms in which they had taken refuge. Khusrav, a Turk of Lār,
received the title of Asad Khān and the great fief of Belgaum, and
a royal decree declared Deccanis, Africans, and even the children
of Foreigners, born in India, to be incapable of holding office in the
state.
Meanwhile events in Ahmadnagar followed a similar course.
That state was in fact ruled by the minister, Mukammal Khān a
Deccani, and the Foreigners, having been foiled in an attempt to
place Rājāji, Burhān Nizām Shāh's brother, on the throne, fled to
Berar and enlisted the aid of Alā-ud-din 'Imad Shāh, who espoused
their cause and invaded the kingdom of Ahmadnagar, but was de-
feated at Rāhuri by Mukammal Khān, who drove him into Khāndesh
and laid waste his kingdom.
The campaign of 1511 between Isınā'il 'Adil Shāh and 'Ali
Barid Shāh, in the course of which Mahmūd Shāh Bahmani fell
into the hands of the former, has already been described. Shortly
after this campaign Ismā'il was enabled to render to Shāh Ismā'il


## p. 435 (#483) ############################################

XVII ]
PĀTHRI AND SHOLĀPUR
435
Safavi of Persia a service which earned for him a much prized
honour. A persian ambassador had been unnecessarily detained
and humiliated at Bidar by the Sunni bigot Amir 'Ali Barid, and
obtained his dismissal by means of the representations of Ismā'il
‘Adil Shāh. In the letter acknowledging this courtesy the Persian
monarch accorded to the ruler of Bījāpur the royal title, thus
exalting him above his rivals, none of whom had received inde-
pendent recognition of his royalty.
A fresh quarrel broke out between Ahmadnagar and Berar.
The town of Pāthrī, north of the Godāvari and in the latter king-
dom had been the home of the Brāhman ancestors of Burhān
Nizām Shāh, and their descendants wished to enjoy the protection
and patronage of their royal kinsman. Burhān therefore begged
that the town might be ceded to him, offering a favourable exchange
of territory, but ‘Alā-ud-din 'Imád Shāh rejected the offer and
fortified the town, whereupon Burhān, in 1518, invaded his kingdom
and captured Pāthri.
On the death of Yusūf 'Adil Shāh Krishnarāya of Vijayanagar
had invaded the Bījāpur kingdom at the instigation of Amir ‘Ali
Barid and annexed the Rāichūr Doāb, and it was not until 1521
that Ismā'il 'Adil Shāh was in a position to attempt to recover the
province. He led a small army from Bījāpur and encamped on the
north bank of the Krishna, which he crossed one evening, in a fit
of drunkenness, at the head of no more than 2,000 men. His fol-
lowers were cut to pieces and he himself escaped with difficulty and
retired to Bījāpur, where he forswore the use of wine until he
should have recovered the Doāb.
Asad Khān Lāri, who directed the policy of Bījāpur, resolved to
form an alliance with Ahmadnagar with the object of punishing
Amir 'Ali Barid for his having incited the Hindu to attack a Muslim
kingdom. The two kings met, in 1524, at Sholāpur, and Bibi Mariyam,
the sister of Ismā'il, was married to Burhān, but the alliance, instead
of cementing friendship, bred enmity, for Ismā'il's ministers had
promised that the fortress of Sholāpur should be the dowry of the
princess, but Ismā'il, when its cession was demanded, professed
ignorance of the obligation and refused to fulfil it, whereupon
Burhān returned to Ahmadnagar and invited 'Alā-ud-din 'Imad
Shāh and Amir 'Ali Barīd to assist him in capturing the fortress.
The three kings invaded Bījāpur in 1525 at the head of 30,000
horse, but were met near the frontier and gave way before the
attack of the foreign mounted archers of Bijāpur. The day was
decided by the collapse of Burhān, who, exhausted by heat and
28-2


## p. 436 (#484) ############################################

436
[ CH.
THE FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN
thirst, was borne fainting from the field, accompanied by his
retreating army.
Ismā‘il gave his younger sister in marriage to 'Alā-ud-din of
Berar and persuaded Sultān Quli Qutb Shāh to aid him in re•
covering Pāthrī, but ‘Alā-ud-din was not strong enough to retain it
and in 1527 Burhān again took it and, aided by Amir ‘Ali Barid,
captured the stronger fortress of Māhūr and invaded Berar.
'Alā-ud-din and his ally, Muhammad I of Khāndesh, were defeated
and driven into Khāndesh while the armies of Ahmadnagar and
Bidar ravaged Berar. The fugitives appealed to Bahādur of Gujarāt,
who welcomed the opportunity of extending his influence in the
Deccan and set out in 1528 for Ahmadnagar. The intervention of
Gujarāt temporarily united Bījāpur and Ahmadnagar, and Burhān,
who withdrew to Bir, was joined by contingents of 6000 horse from
Bijāpur and 3000 from Bidar. Bahādur occupied Ahmadnagar,
though his advanced guard suffered two defeats on the way thither,
and Burhān and Amir 'Ali Barid retired to Parenda and thence to
Junnār, from which place their light horse was able to cut off the
invader's supplies. Bahādur, when provisions failed at Ahmad-
nagar, marched to Daultābād and besieged the fortress while the
allies occupied the hilly country in the neighbourhood and re-
peated the tactics which had driven him from Ahmadnagar. It was
evident by now that he was intent solely on his own aggrandisement,
and 'Alā-ud-din of Berar and Muhammad of Khāndesh readily
agreed to desert him in consideration of Burhān's promise to
restore all that he had taken from them. The approach of the
rainy season of 1529 warned Bahādur of the necessity for retreating
before the roads became impassable, and Burhān obtained peace
on paying an indemnity and causing the khutba to be recited in
Bahādur's name. Burhān indemnified Muhammad of Khāndesh for
his losses, but made no reparation to ‘Alā-ud-din, and even retained
Pāthri and Māhūr.
The inveterate plotter Amir 'Ali Barid had endeavoured to
tamper with the loyalty of the contingent sent from Bījapūr to the
assistance of Ahmadnagar, and Burhān could not withhold his
approval from Ismā'il's proposal to punish him. Ismā‘il marched
to Bīdar, and Amir ‘Ali, now an old man, retired, leaving the defence
of the fortress to his sons, and sought aid of Sultan Quli Qutb Shāh.
Ismā'il defeated a relieving force from Golconda and Amir Ali
withdrew to Udgir and begged 'Alā-ud-din 'Imād Shāh to help
him. 'Alā-ud-din would not oppose Ismā'il, but marched to Bidar
and interceded with him, but he refused to hear of negotiations


## p. 437 (#485) ############################################

XVII ]
HUMILIATION OF AMİR 'ALİ BARID
437
until Bidar should have been surrendered. Amir ‘Ali sorrowfully
withdrew to drown his troubles in drink, his troops followed his
example, and Ismāʻil, hearing of their demoralisation, sent Asad
Khān Lārī to attack his camp. He found all, even those on guard,
in a drunken stupor, and he and his followers were able to enter
Amir 'Ali's tent, place the old man in a litter, and bear him away.
The jolting of the litter gradually awoke him from his drunken
sleep, and, starting up in terror, he cried that the jinn were
carrying him off. He was undeceived by Asad Khān, who rebuked
him for his gross indulgence and unsoldierly behaviour, and carried
him before Ismā'il. At the public audience the wretched old man
was compelled to stand for two hours, bareheaded and neglected,
in the burning sun, and was then led forward and sentenced to
death unless Bīdar were immediately surrendered. To the order
which he sent to his son the reply sent was that he was as old man,
the short remainder of whose life would be dearly purchased by
the surrender of such a fortress as Bīdar, but with this official reply
his son sent a private message to the effect that he would surrender
the place should all other means of saving his life fail. It was sur-
rendered when Amir 'Ali was about to be trampled to death by an
elephant before the bastion on which his sons took the air, and
Ismā‘il, after permitting his prisoner's sons to leave the fortress
with their dependants, who smuggled out most of the jewels of the
Bahmanids, entered the capital of the Deccan and took his seat
upon the turquoise throne. He made Amir 'Ali a noble of the
kingdom of Bījāpur, and it was agreed that he and 'Alā-ud-din
'Imād Shāh should first aid him in recovering the Rāichūr Doab,
and that they should then march northwards to recover Mahūr and
Pathri for 'Alā-ud-din.
Krishna Devarāya of Vijayanagar had recently died, and in the
confusion which followed his death Ismā‘il was able to reduce both
Rāichữr and Mudgal within three months. The recovery of the
Doab released him from his vow of abstinence and he celebrated
the occasion by a select symposium, at which only 'Alā-ud-din and
Asad Khān Lāri at first sat with him, but both begged him to
admit Amīr 'Alī, and he consented, but when 'the Fox' entered
quoted from the chapter ‘The Cave' in the Koran the words,
‘Their dog, the fourth of them. ' Amīr 'Ali did not understand
Arabic, but a burst of laughter from ‘Alā-ud-din apprised him that
he was the victim of a jest, and he wept with humiliation and
resentment, while the others laughed. Ismāʻīl pitied his distress
and foolishly promised, in his cups, to restore Bīdar to him.


## p. 438 (#486) ############################################

438
[ CH.
THF FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN
Disturbing rumours that Bahādur meditated another invasion
of the Deccan postponed the joint expedition for the recovery of
Māhūr and Pāthrī, and 'Alā-ud-din hastily returned to Berar, while
Ismāʻīl restored Bīdar to Amir ‘Ali on condition that he ceded
Kaliyāni and Kandhār, a condition which he never fulfilled.
In 1531 Bahādur annexed the kingdom of Mālwa, and this
accession of strength to Gujarāt so alarmed Burhān that he sent
Shāh Tāhir, a famous theologian, to arrange a meeting between
himself and Bahādur. Shāh Tāhir, as the envoy of an inferior, was
at first ill-received, but ample amends were made to him when his
merit was discovered. Burhān was received in the neighbourhoud
of Burhānpur, where Bahādur was visiting Muhammad, but it was
only by means of Shāh Tāhir's ingenious trickery that he received
permission to seat himself in Bahādur's presence. At the cost of
some humiliation he obtained from Bahādur recognition of his royal
title and the insignia of royalty captured from Mahmud II of Mālwa.
Bahādur's conciliatory attitude was adopted for the purpose of
enlisting Burhān's aid in a campaign against Delhi, but failed of its
object, for Burhān ceased not secretly to urge Humāyūn of Delhi
to attack Gujarāt.
Ismāʻīl's attempt, later in the year, to enforce his demand for
the surrender of Kaliyāni and Kandhār drew from Burhān an in-
solent letter commanding him to abandon the enterpise. Ismā‘il's
reply is an interesting example of the jealousy of the Muslim rulers
of the Deccan regarding the use of the royal title. He twitted
Burhān with the use of a title conferred by the leader of a gang of
Gujarātīs and of the second-hand and soiled insignia of Mālwa, and
vaunted his own title, conferred by the Shāh of Persia. War broke
out and Burhān and Amir ‘Ali marched to the Bijāpur frontier,
but Asad Khān Lārī inflicted on them near Naldrug a defeat which
sent Burhān, in headlong flight, to Ahmadnagar. In the autumn of
1532 commissioners from both kingdoms met, and framed a treaty
which permitted Burhān to annex Berar and Ismā'il, who already
claimed Bidar, to annex Golconda, so that the whole of the Deccan
would be divided between Ahmadnagar and Bījāpur, the latter
receiving the lion's share.
In pursuance of this treaty Ismā'il and Amir ‘Ali Barid in 1534
besieged Nalgunda, about sixty miles south of Golconda, and repulsed
the relieving force sent by Sultan Quli Qutb Shāh. The garrison
was on the point of surrendering when Ismā'il fell sick and set out
to recruit his health at Gulbarga, leaving Asad Khān Läri to prose-
cute the siege, but on August 27, as he was starting in a litter, he


## p. 439 (#487) ############################################

XVII)
IBRĀHİM ADIL SHAHI
439
as
suddenly died. Asad Khān sent the body to Gogi for burial, raised
the siege, and retired to Gulbarga, where, with many misgivings he
gave effect to his late master's will by raising to the throne his
cldest son, Mallū Khān, a worthless and debauched youth, and
retired to Belgaum, leaving the youth king's grandmother, Punjī
Khātūn, to manage the affairs of the kingdom as best she could.
Mallu's licentiousness, which did not spare the honour of the leading
families of the kingdom, soon convinced her of the futility of the
attempt and early in March, 1535, Mallū was deposed, with the
approval of Asad Khān, and his next brother was raised to the throne
as Ibrāhim 'Adil Shāh I.
Ibrāhim had imbibed the Sunni doctrines, and on his accession
established that religion in place of Shiah faith, dismissed the
Foreign officers and troops to make way for the less efficient but
more orthodox Deccanis and Africans, and struck a further blow at
foreign influence in the state by substituting the vernacular
languages, Canarese and Marathi, for Persian the official
languages. This measure facilitated the employment of native
Brāhmans in the administration and excluded foreigners,
The first of Ibrāhim's many wars was a campaign against
Vijayanagar, for which the intestine affairs of that state furnished
a pretext. For some years past the actual rulers had been the
ministers, and when Venkatarāya, the regent, attempted in 1530
to assume the style of royalty, public opinion obliged him to en-
throne a child of the royal house, and to appoint as his guardian
his maternal uncle, Hoj Narmal Rāj. While the regent was engaged
with a reſractory chieftain in a remote part of the kingdom the
mob at Vijaya nagar rose in the interests of their young raja, and
Hoj Narmal, intoxicated by the prospect of power, put his nephew
to death and usurped the throne. The people, disgusted by this
outrage, opened communications with Venkatarāya and Hoj Narmal
sought aid of Ibrāhim. Venkatarāya, anxious to prevent, at all
costs, Muhammadan invasion, feigned submission to the usurper
and reminded him of the excesses committed in past time by their
hereditary enemies. Hoj Narmal, beguiled by the regents profes-
sions and terrified by his warnings, assured Ibrāhīm that he had no
need of his services and bribed him with a large sum of money to
retire, and Venkatarāya marched on Vijayanagar. Hoj Narmal's
fantastic tyranny had rendered him odious to all, and when he
discovered that he would probably be surrendered and called to
account for the murder of his nephew the wretched maniac ham-
strung the royal horses, blinded the elephants, ground the jewels to


## p. 440 (#488) ############################################

440
( ch.
THE FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN
powder, and plunged a dagger into his own breast. Venkataraya
ascended the throne of Vijayanagar without opposition, and Ibrāhīm,
on the pretext that he had broken faith with his late ally, sent an
army under Asad Khān Lāri to besiege Adoni, where he was defeat-
ed by Venkatādri, brother of Venkatarāya. The story told by
Muslim chroniclers of a successful night attack on the Hindu camp,
which redeemed his defeat, is to be regarded with suspicion, for he
was obliged to obtain his master's sinction to a treaty of peace.
In 1537 Burhān Nizām Shāh was converted to the Shiah faith
by Shāh Tāhir, who had taken advantage of his successful treatment
of the dangerous illness of 'Abd-ul-Qādir, a favourite son, to in-
fluence a grateful father. The conversion did not improve Burhān's
relations with his Sunni neighbour, Ibrāhīm, and gave the enemies
of Asad Khān Lări, one of the few Foreign Shiahs left in the
kingdom of Bijāpur, an opportunity of compassing his downfall
by accusing him of being in treasonable correspondence with the
Shiah Burhān. The accusation was false, but it suited Burhān to
assert its truth and in 1540 he marched, with Amir 'Ali Barid, to
Parenda, annexed Sholāpur, and advanced towards Belgaum. His
dexterous use of the false accusation paralyzed resistance, for
Ibrāhīm saw in his advance confirmation of Asad Khān's treason,
and Asad Khān was not strong enough to meet him in the field and
dared not, for fear of misconstruction, march to his master's assist-
ance, and the only course left open to him was to join the invader
with a view to using his influence in his direction of peace.
Ibrāhīm retired to Gulbarga, where he was joined by Daryā
'Imad Shāh, who had succeeded his father in Berar in 1529, and
Burhān and Amir 'Ali occupied and burnt the city of Bījāpur, but
abandoned the siege of its citadel in order to pursue Ibrāhim.
As they approached Gulbarga, Asad Khān, with his 6000 horse,
deserted them and joined his master, and Ibrāhīm and Daryā thus
reinforced, compelled Burhān and Amir 'Ali to retire towards Bir,
and followed them closely. From Bir they were driven to the
hills above Daulatābād where, in 1542, Amir 'Ali Barid died, and
was succeeded in Bidar by his son 'Ali Barid Shāh. Burhān pur-
chased peace by the retrocession of Sholāpur and a promise never
again to molest Bījāpur.
Sultan Quli Qutb Shāh of Golconda had reached the great age
of ninety-eight, and Jamshid, his second surviving son, who had
grown grey in the expectation of succeeding him, caused him to be
assassinated on September 3, 1543, and ascended the throne.
Sultān Quli had been in alliance with Burhān, who, eager to


## p. 441 (#489) ############################################

XVII )
CONFEDERACY AGAINST BIJĀPUR
441
avenge his recent defeat and humiliation, easily persuaded Jamshid
to renew the treaty, and, by inviting the raja of Vijayanagar to
join the alliance against Ibrāhim, committed an act of treachery and
folly which he afterwards had cause to repent bitterly.
In 1543 the kingdom of Bījāpur was invaded by a Hindu army
which besieged Rāichûr, by Jamshid, who occupied the Gulbarga
district and besieged Hippargi, and by Burhān and 'Ali Barid Shāh,
who besieged Sholāpur. Ibrāhim, thus beset, knew not whither to
turn, but by means of flattery and concessions eventually succeeded
in persuading Burhān and Sadāshivarāya of Vijayanagar to retreat,
and left Asad Khān Lāri free to attack Jamshid. He destroyed a
fort which Jamshid had built at Kakni, twice defeated him in the
field, and drove him almost to the gates of Golconda, where he again
defeated him and in single combat, after the manner of the Deccan,
wounded him severely in the face. After such victories it was easy
to enforce satisfactory terms.
In the following year the confederacy was renewed, and Burhān,
at the instance of Sadāshivarāya, besieged Gulbarga, but was
defeated by Ibrāhīm and driven from the kingdom. Burhān en-
deavoured to reconstruct the confederacy, but 'Ali Barid Shāh had
come to the conclusion that it was his duty to support the Sunni
rather than the Shiah, and insulted Shāh Tāhir, Burhān's envoy,
who returned to Ahmadnagar breathing vengeance. Burhān then
invaded the kingdom of Bidar and, in spite of the assistance which it
received from Bījāpur, captured the fortresses of Ausa, Udgir, and
Kandhār.
Ibrāhīm attributed these defeats to the treachery of his own
servants, and put to death without trial seventy Muslim and forty
Brāhman officials whom he suspected, so enraging his courtiers and
officers that they entered into a conspiracy to depose him and raise
to the throne his brother ‘Abdullāh. Asad Khān, who had fallen
under suspicion and retired to Belgaum, opened communications
with the Portuguese of Goa, Burhān, and Jamshid, with a view to
enlisting their support. Ibrāhim's discovery of the plot was followed
by a number of ruthless executions, and 'Abdullāh fled to Goa and
was well received by the Portuguese, who prepared to espouse his
cause in consideration of the cession of the Konkan, which had been
promised to them as the price of their support.
When Burhān and Jamshid marched in person on Bījāpur Asad
Khān refused to join them, fearing lest they should divide the
kingdom between themselves, and while they retired to their own
dominions the Portuguese withdrew their support from the pretender,


## p. 442 (#490) ############################################

442
( ch.
THE FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN
whose party, both in Bījāpur and in Goa, dissolved, but the Konkan,
disappointed of annexation by the Portuguese, revolted against
Ibrāhīm, who crossed the Ghāts with a large army and crushed the
rebellion. The veteran Asad Khān was reconciled to his master, who
visited him on his deathbed on March 4, 1546.
In 1547 Burhān returned to the fatal policy of an alliance with
Sadāshivarāya and besieged Sholāpur. By his ally's advice he
determined to deal first with 'Ali Barīd Shāh, and, having raised
the siege of Sholāpur, opened that of Kaliyāni. Ibrāhīm marched
to its relief, but was surprised by Burhān on November 14, the
festival which terminated the month of fasting, and his army,
which had neglected every military precaution, fled in confusion.
Kaliyāni fell, but Ibrāhīm, reassembling his army, marched on
Parenda. His troops, finding the gates open, occupied the fortress,
slew some of the garrison and put the rest to flight, and Ibrāhīm,
leaving a Deccani officer in command of the place, retired to Bījāpur.
Rumours of the approach of Burhān so terrified this officer that
without awaiting an attack he fled precipitately, with the garrison,
to Bījāpur, and was executed on his arrival there. According to
the facetious account of the foreigner Firishta, 'the valiant Deccani
was disturbed in the night by the buzzing of a mosqutio, imagined
that he heard Burhān's trumpets, and, mounting his horse, rode for
his life. '
In 1552 Burhān joined Sadāshivarāya in the Rāichūr Doāb,
which was conquered and annexed to Vijayanagar, and afterwards
took the fortress of Sholāpur. In the following year he and his ally
besieged Bījāpur while Ibrāhim withdrew to Panhāla, but a severe
illness with which Burhān was smitten compelled him to return to
Ahmadnagar, where he died on December 30, his last moments be-
ing embittered by open strife between his sons, two of whom, Husain
and 'Abd-ul-Qādir, contested the succession to the throne. The
former, with the aid of the foreign faction, was victorious, and the
latter fled to Berar. Of his four other sons Haidar, with the aid of
his father-in-law, Khvāja Jahān of Parenda, made an abortive
attempt to seize the throne, and on its failure fled to Bījāpur,
whither he was followed by his brothers 'Ali and Muhammad Bāqir,
and Khudābanda, another son, fled to Bengal.
Jamshid Qutb Shāh, after his defeat by Asad Khān Läri, fell
sick in Golconda, and his malady so embittered his temper as to
render him obnoxious to his courtiers, who conspired to raise to
the throne his brother Haidar. The conspiracy was discovered, and
Haidar fled to Bidar, while Ibrāhim, the king's youngest brother,
>


## p. 443 (#491) ############################################

xvii)
REBELLION OF SAIF AIN-UL-MULK
443
>
fled to Vijayanagar and enjoyed the protection and hospitality of
Sadāshivarāya. Jamshid died in 1550, and the Foreign party en-
throned his son, Subhān Quli, a child of two years of age, but
discovering that without royal support, which a child could not
give them, they were unable to cope with the Deccani faction,
invited Ibrāhim to return. He responded with alacrity, entered
Golconda, and on October 28, 1550, deposed his young nephew and
ascended the throne.
Fresh strife was now brewing between Ahmadnagar and Bījāpur.
In 1551 Khvāja Jahān of Parenda, attacked by Husain Nizām
Shāh I, fled to Bījāpur, and at the same time Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk, a
Turk who had espoused the cause of 'Abd-ul-Qādir, left Berar and
took refuge with Ibrāhīm 'Adil Shāh, who bestowed on him the
fieſs of the late Asad Khān Lārī, so that he became the richest
and most powerful noble of Bījāpur. The two refugees easily per-
suaded Ibrāhīm to espouse the cause of his nephew 'Alī, half-brother
of Husain, who also had taken refuge at his court, and the prince
was supplied with a small force and was sent to invade his half-
brother's kingdom, where he hoped to find many partisans, while
Ibrāhim besieged Sholāpur, but ‘Ali was disappointed and Husain
marched with Daryā 'Imād Shāh to Sholāpur. Ibrāhīm sent Saif
'Ain-ul-Mulk, with the advanced guard, to check the advance of
Husain and Daryā, and the Turk rashly attacked the whole of
Husain's army. His small force was enveloped, and an officer, who
,
fled panic-stricken, falsely reported to Ibrāhīm that he had seen
Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk dismount and do reverence to Husain, who had
received him kindly.
Ibrāhīm, without attempting to verify this story, retreated
towards Bījāpur, his march being accelerated by a report that Saif
*Ain-ul-Mulk, who was attempting to rejoin him, was pursuing him
with hostile intent. Husain, whose army had been severely handled,
retired to Ahmadnagar, and Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk sent a message to
his master assuring him of his unwavering loyalty and asking for
an advance from the treasury to enable him to equip his exhausted
troops, but Ibrāhīm coldly replied that he had no longer any need of
his services, and 'Ain-ul-Mulk, thus summarily dismissed, became
a rebel and a free lance, and in March, 1555, occupied the fertile
Mān district, in the north-western corner of the kingdom, where he
supported his troops by levying taxes on the cultivators. He gained
more than one victory over the royal troops, declared for 'Abdullāh,
who was still at Goa, and at length singally defeated the royal army,
led by Ibrāhīm in person, followed the fugitives as far as Torwa,


## p. 444 (#492) ############################################

444
(CH.
THE FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN
within four miles of Bījāpur, and there proclaimed 'Abdullāh king.
Ibrāhīm, in his extremity, appealed to Sadāshivarāya, who sent his
brother Venkatādri, with 15,000 horse, to his assistance. 'Ain-ul-
Mulk made a night attack on the Hindu army, but Venkatādri,
accustomed to the tactics of Asad Khān Lāri, was on the alert, and
'Ain-ul-Mulk's force was nearly annihilated. Ibrāhim captured
'Abdullāh and imprisoned him, and Saif 'Ain-ul-Mulk and his
nephew Salābat Khān fled to the borders of Ahmadnagar and
begged to be readmitted to the service of that kingdom. Husain
treacherously returned a favourable answer, and caused 'Ain-ul.
Mulk to be assassinated as he made his obeisance. Some of his
followers saved their lives by accepting service under Husain, but
the rest, including Salābat Khān, were murdered. The ladies of
the murdered man's harem found an asylum at Golconda through
the interest of his principal wife, who was a sister of Ibrāhim Qutb
Shāh.
During the last two years of his reign Ibrāhim 'Adil Shāh
waged unsuccessful warfare against the Portuguese in the northern
Konkan, and in 1558 died at Bījāpur. It had been his intention to
disinherit his eldest son 'Ali, who was a Shiah, in favour of the
younger, lahmāsp, but on discovering that Tahmāsp was even a
more bigoted Shiah than 'Ali he let matters take their course. 'Ali
'Adil Shāh I re-established the Shiah religion and Foreigners were
again encouraged to enter the service of the state, and regained
their old ascendancy.
'Ali immediately sought the assistance of Sadāshivarāya for the
recovery of Sholāpur, and Husain Nizām Shāh and Ibrāhim Qutb
Shāh invaded his kingdom and besieged Gulbarga, but Ibrāhīm,
urged by Sadāshivarāya, who had claims on his gratitude, and
suddenly doubtful of the wisdom of crushing Bijapur, now once
more a Shiah state, in the interests of Ahmadnagar, deserted
.
Husain, who was obliged to raise the siege and retire. In the
following year 'Ali endeavoured to persuade Husain to restore to
him Sholāpur and Kaliyāni, but Husain, though embroiled at the
time with the Portuguese and warned by his advisers that 'Ali was
creating a powerful coalition against him, steadfastly refused to
cede either fortress.
The Portuguese had sought permission to build a fort at Reve
danda, near Chaul, but Husain detained their envoy and sent a
force to build a ſort on the site which they had chosen. Francisco
Barreto, governor of Goa, caused the port to be blockaded until he
could arrive with 4,000 Portuguese and a force af native troops,


## p. 445 (#493) ############################################

XVII ]
CONFEDERACY AGAINST AHMADNAGAR
445
and Husain sued for peace, which was concluded on the condition
that neither party fortified either Chaul or Revdanda.
‘Ali Ādil Shāh had succeeded in drawing Golconda into the
confederacy against Ahmadnagar, and Husain, who stood alone,
looked round for an ally, but could find none better than his
neighbour of Berar. He and Daryā 'Imād Shāh met at Sonpet on
the Godāvarī, where he married Daulat Shāh, Daryā's daughter.
‘Ali nɔw addressed to Husain a more peremptory request for
the surrender of Sholāpur and Kaliyāni, and on receiving an
insulting reply prepared to enforce his demand. He marched
northwards, accompanied by Sadāshivarāya with a large army, and
was joined on his frontier by Ibrāhīm Qutb Shāh. As the allies
advanced towards Ahmadnagar, Husain, leaving a garrison in the
fortress, retired to Paithan, on the Godāvarī, and summoned to his
aid Daryā 'Imād Shāh, who was, however, dissuaded from joining
him by Khānjahān, brother of 'Ali Barid Shāh of Bidar, who joined
'Ali 'Ā lil Shāh, while Daryā's minister, Jahāngir Khān the Deccani,
invaded Ahmadnagar with the army of Berar.
Meanwhile the invaders were laying waste the country which
they occupied, and the Muslims of all the armies were scandalised
by the insults offered by the Hindus to their religion. Mosques
were used as stables, or destroyed, and Muslim women were violated
and enslaved by misbelievers. Ibrāhim Qutb Shāh again began to
tremble for the balance of power, and entered into correspondence
both with the garrison of Ahmadnagar, which he aided with supplies,
and with Husain, whom he assured of his goodwill. This correspond-
ence was discovered, and 'Ali and Sadāshivarāya bitterly upbraided
Ibrāhim, who deserted them by night and retired rapidly to Gol.
conda, while one of his nobles joined the garrison of Ahmadnagar
and eventually entered Husain's service.
Meanwhile Jahāngir Khān of Berar received orders from his
master to change sides, and proceeded to intercept all grain and
provisions coming from the south for the allies. The invaders,
reduced to great straits, raised the siege of Ahmadnagar and
marched to Ashtī, whence an army was sent to besiege Parenda.
Husain, with whom was his ally Daryā, sued for peace, and Sadā.
shivarāya, the dominant partner in the confederacy, insisted on
three conditions, the surrender of Kaliyāni to 'Alī, the death of
Jahāngir Khān, whose interception of convoys had caused famine
and much distress in his camp, and the personal submission of Husain.
The second of these, the execution of an ally for faithful and
efficient service, was impossible of acceptance but by one dead to all


## p. 446 (#494) ############################################

446
[CH.
THE FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN
sense of honour and of shame, but Husain accepted it and caused
Jahāngir Khān to be put to death, while his master, being to some
extent in the murderer's power, could do nothing to save his servant,
but retired sullenly to Berar. Husain's humiliation before Sadā.
shivarāya was a fitting punishment for his turpitude. The haughty
Hindu refused to acknowledge his salutation otherwise than by
giving him his hand to kiss, and Husain in his wrath called for
water and washed his hands. The insult was returned by the in-
furiated Sadāshivarāya, who uttered the threat, in Canarese, that
if Husain had not been his guest the largest part of him that would
have been left whole would have been his finger tips. The quarrel
was composed, and Husain was compelled to surrender the keys of
Kaliyāni.
Sadāshivarāya, on his way back to Vijayanagar, treated 'Alī, as
his servant, and the result of this unfortunate campaign was an
increase of the bitterness between the Muslim kings and the
humiliation of all before the Hindu.