No More Learning

Such were the principal provisions of the Treaty of Anagni. In order
to obtain a definite conclusion, the participation of the Sicilians and
Lombards was necessary; it was therefore resolved that the Pope with
his cardinals and the Emperor should meet in Lombard territory.
Bologna was agreed upon as the place of meeting, and on 9 March 1177
Alexander and his cardinals betook themselves to the Adriatic coast,
where they embarked at Vasto on Sicilian galleys waiting to escort them
to Venice, along with Roger, Count of Andria, Grand Constable of
the kingdom, and Romuald, Archbishop of Salerno, the historian of
these events. They landed at Venice, where Alexander was received with
great honours. The Emperor, who was then in the Romagna, sent
messages to the Pope asking him to alter the place of meeting.
order to treat better with the Lombards it was important for Frederick
to isolate them and separate them from the Pope. Bologna, loyal to the
League, was suspect to the Emperor. The Pope answered that he could
not give a decided assent until he had come to an agreement with the
Lombards, and made his way to Ferrara, in order to discuss the matter
with the representatives of the League.
On 17 April 1177, in the church of St George, the Pope addressed
a solemn discourse to the Lombards, who had met him at Ferrara,
magnifying the victory of the Papacy over the Empire, and declaring
that it was not a work of man but a miracle of God that an aged
and unarmed priest should have been able to resist the fury of the
Germans, and without striking a blow subdue the power of the Emperor.
But, he added, though the Emperor had offered peace to him and the
King of Sicily, he had declined to conclude it without them, and on this
account had engaged on a long and perilous journey.
The Lombards, to whom the Treaty of Anagni, concluded without
their participation, had given offence and cause of suspicion, answered
In
1


## p. 449 (#495) ############################################

Attitude of the Lombards
449
respectfully, but not without a touch of bitter irony. They thanked
him for having come. The persecutions of the Emperor were known to
them, not by hearsay only, but from hard experience. They had been
the first to sustain in their own persons the fury of the imperial attack
in order to avert the destruction of Italy and the Church, and for the
honour of both they had exposed property and life to extreme danger.
It was only just and reasonable that he should not have consented to
terms of peace without their adhesion, seeing that they had often refused
to listen to proposals which had not been referred to him. The fatigues
and dangers of his journey were very different from those to which they had
exposed themselves on behalf of the Church, offering up their substance,
themselves, and the lives of their children. “Let your Holiness know,
they added, “and let it be known to the imperial power that we,
so long as the honour of Italy is safeguarded, are willing to accept
peace and favour from the Emperor provided our liberties remain intact.
The tribute due to him of old from Italy shall be rendered and his
ancient rights acknowledged, but the liberty inherited from our sires
and forefathers can only be surrendered with life itself, and to us a glorious
death would be preferable to an existence dragged out in wretched
servitude. "
When the imperial delegates arrived and the various mediators had
been chosen, the question as to where the discussion should take place
broke out afresh. The Imperialists refused to hear of Bologna, while
Venice was displeasing to the Lombards. In the end Venice was accepted,
on the condition that the Emperor should not enter the city without
the consent of the Pope. The disputes over the conditions of peace at
Venice were long and often bitter. The imperialist claims were obsti-
nately resisted by the Lombards. The latter were determined not to
admit the privileges conceded to the Empire at Roncaglia, but to
restrict them solely to the rights enjoyed by Lothar and Conrad III.
Definite peace with the Lombards ceased to be thought of, and in its
place was proposed a preliminary truce for six years. In order to
expedite matters, Frederick was allowed to come to Chioggia, but,
taking advantage of a rising of the popular party in Venice, he tried to
force the doge to allow him to enter the city. The Lombards in anger
left Venice and retired to Treviso. The Pope was in a great strait
and peace seemed once more to be in danger. The Sicilian legates
saved the situation. Seeing that the doge was wavering, they made
ready their galleys with great ostentation and then, reproaching the
doge with breach of faith, they threatened to leave Venice and trust
to their king to take his revenge. This was tantamount to saying that
the many Venetians in the kingdom of Sicily would be made prisoners
and their goods confiscated. The popular party had to give way before
the attitude of the rest of the community, and the doge was able to
keep the Emperor at bay during the period of the negotiations, which
O. MEN, H. VOL. V. CH. XIII.
29


## p. 450 (#496) ############################################

450
The Treaty of Venice, 1177
now
were resumed and went on more rapidly. On 23 July 1177
peace was concluded with the Pope, a truce of fifteen years with Sicily
and of six with the Lombards. At the request of the Pope, the Venetian
galleys went to Chioggia to bring Frederick to San Niccolò del Lido,
where a commission of cardinals absolved him from excommunication,
while the imperialist prelates abjured the schism. On 24 July the doge,
along with the Patriarch of Aquileia, went to the Lido and meeting the
Emperor escorted him to Venice with great pomp. There in front of
St Mark's, amidst a reverent and deeply-moved assemblage, the two
champions met after a struggle of eighteen years for the ideal supremacy
which each deemed granted him by God. The moment was full of
solemnity. The Emperor, overcome by sentiments of reverence for the
aged man who received him, threw off his imperial mantle and prostrated
himself before him. The Pope, in tears, raised and embraced him, and
leading him into the church gave him his benediction. The next day
the Pope said mass in St Mark's, and on his quitting the church the
Emperor held his stirrup and made ready to conduct the palfrey. The
Pope, however, gave him his blessing, at the same time dispensing him
from accompanying him to his barge.
On 1 August the peace between the Church and the Empire, and the
truce with Sicily and the Lombards, were solemnly ratified. The Pope
in a council held in St Mark's pronounced anathemas against any who
should dare to disturb the peace now concluded. The Emperor in the
meantime displayed particular friendliness to the ambassadors of the
King of Sicily, and in the conversations with them laid special emphasis
on the common interests which bound together the two sovereigns and
on the possibility of a future alliance. Probably Frederick's active
mind was already turning over the new direction which might be given
to his relations with southern Italy and was preparing the way for a
new development of his aims.
After settling some minor points which were still pending, the
Emperor and the Pope parted company towards the end of September.
Frederick remained in Italy until the end of 1177, and Alexander
returned first to Anagni and thence to Rome, where he met with an
enthusiastic reception. This cordiality, however, was of short duration.
The old motives of discord were still active, and the opposition between
the temporal claims of the Pope and those put forward by the party of
municipal liberty were quickly renewed. The Treaty of Anagni had
again given to the Pope the right of investing the prefect of Rome, but
the prefect in office refused to pay homage and withdrew to Viterbo, con-
tinuing his support of the anti-Pope. The Archbishop of Mayence,
who represented the Emperor in Italy, tried ineffectually to recall him to
obedience. But Alexander instead, by more diplomatic means, won him
over, and thus compelled the anti-Pope to surrender and turn to him as
a suppliant. The Pope received him and provided for him generously.


## p. 451 (#497) ############################################

Third Lateran Council. Death of Alexander III
451
Another anti-Pope lasted for a few months, but having been taken
prisoner was shut up in the abbey of Cava.
The long travail of the Church was at an end, and it seemed a first
necessity that in the face of the world the pacification of consciences
should be ratified, the evils of the long schism healed, and the recurrence
of fresh divisions in the Church of Christ checked once and for all. In
March 1179 Alexander III summoned the Third Lateran Council, which
was attended by a great concourse of bishops and prelates from all
quarters. Many ordinances were proclaimed for regulating the lives of
the clergy; the rights and privileges of the Church, independent of lay
authority, were affirmed; abuses and customs contrary to the sanction
of civilisation and the feeling of Christianity were prohibited. All the
ordinances of the anti-Popes were annulled, and in order to prevent the
renewal of schismatical elections to the Papacy it was decreed that, in
the case of a contested election, the candidate who obtained two-thirds
of the votes should be declared elected. With this council the long and
laborious work of the pontificate of Alexander III may be said to have
come to an end. For two years longer he ruled the Church, not without
difficulties arising from his various relationships with the Lombards, the
Emperor, and the Romans, who were always jealous of papal authority
and inclined to revolt. On 30 August 1181 he died at Civita Castellana.
His pontificate was without doubt one of the most remarkable in the
history of the Church. For twenty-two years he had guided her in times
of singular difficulty with great prudence and firmness through a schism
of the most serious nature. His enemies were numerous, and he was in
open conflict with the Empire presided over by one who was among the
greatest wearers of the imperial crown. The champion of the Emperor
and the champion of the Papacy each represented in this strife contrast-
ing ideals which hardly admitted of reconciliation, and the strife was
waged on both sides with vigour because both the champions were
animated by a profound faith in the ideals for which they fought.
Lucius III, who succeeded Alexander, found a question of debate
with the Empire still undecided. This was the question of the inherit-
ance of the Countess Matilda, which the Treaty of Venice had settled
only provisionally and in terms lacking in precision. Nor was this his
only difficulty. The Romans held up their heads more proudly than ever,
bent on asserting their independence as opposed to the temporal preten-
sions of the Popes. Lucius was soon forced to leave Rome and shift from
place to place in the Campagna until, his situation in the neighbourhood
becoming daily more precarious, he had to make up his mind to retire
still farther, and in July 1184 he transferred himself to Verona. The prin-
cipal reason for fixing on this place of residence was his desire to regain
the friendship of the Lombards who, since the peace of Venice,
had kept
much aloof from the Church. He also wished to discuss with Frederick
the questions which still remained over for settlement. The Emperor,
OH. XIII.
29--2


## p. 452 (#498) ############################################

452
The Peace of Constance, 1183
.
after the peace of Venice, had set himself strenuously to restore order in
Germany, and had quelled by force of arms the open rebellion of Henry
the Lion who, in November 1181, was compelled to sue for peace at
Erfurt and then to seek refuge in England as an exile for several years.
Frederick, in the meanwhile, was not neglecting Italy. His long conflict
with that country had brought him gradually to recognise both the
powers of resistance that the republics possessed, and the advantages that
might accrue to him from their friendship. He turned over in his mind
a new scheme of policy. The negotiations for a definite peace with Lom-
bardy were facilitated by the discontent of the Lombards with the Pope,
while they saw that Frederick and the King of Sicily were at peace and
that, by the death of Manuel Comnenus, they could no longer count on
help from Constantinople. On these grounds their minds were now oc-
cupied in securing in a friendly way the liberties so dearly fought for
and not in meditating fresh hostilities. The peace was first negotiated
at Piacenza and then concluded at Constance in June 1183. It was an
honourable arrangement. The high sovereignty of the Empire was ad-
mitted without question and its ancient rights were recognised, but in
such a way as not to interfere with the freedom of the republics or with
their development. They were invested by the Emperor or by their
bishop, according to their status, with the regalia. The cities were
allowed to elect their own consuls or podestàs, who were to administer
justice according to their laws. They could also raise taxes without
the Emperor's special consent, although an appeal to him was conceded.
All the ancient customs were recognised. The allies were to fortify their
towns and castles, and their League was to continue unimpaired with
power of renewal. All offences were forgiven; the prisoners were ex-
changed; bans, confiscations, and all other penalties were annulled; the
city of Alessandria was admitted to the imperial favour, under the con-
dition, not of long duration, of taking the name of Cesarea. Thus the
imperial claims put forth at Roncaglia were curtailed at Constance, and
the proud but sagacious prince became reconciled to the noble people
who had defended their liberty with such valour and such tenacity.
With Germany restored to order and Italy pacified, Frederick might
well look backward over the thirty years of a glorious reign and feel pride
in the achievements of his career. In order to celebrate the termination
of so many vicissitudes, he commanded a great festival to be held at
Mayence on Whitsunday in the year 1184, a festival which long sur-
vived in the lays of the Minnesingers and the legends of Germany.
During these festivities, in a tournament in which the Emperor him-
self took part, the young King Henry VI won his spurs. He was a young
actor making his first entry on the stage of history. Frederick's chivalrous
designs were henceforward to be turned in a new direction. While
maturing in his mind the plan of a new and sacred enterprise, he was
preparing his son to rule the State and testing his capacities in various


## p. 453 (#499) ############################################

New causes of disagreement
453
ways so that the lofty Empire to be committed to his charge might
be upheld in undiminished greatness. With this aim he proposed and
concluded the contract of marriage between Henry and Constance, the
heiress of Sicily, thus hoping to achieve his design of linking southern
Italy with the Empire. In September 1184 he re-entered Italy as a friend,
with a great suite of nobles but no army, and was received with a cordial
welcome from the Lombards. He wished to come to a closer understand-
ing with them, and to obtain from the Pope the imperial crown for his
son Henry. Pope and Emperor met at Verona, both in a conciliatory
mood, but it soon appeared how difficult would be the process of coming
to agreement. The Emperor insisted that the Pope should confirm the
orders conferred by the schismatic bishops, and the Pope, after some hesi-
tation, declared that before this step could be taken it would be necessary
to have conciliar authority, and proposed to summon a synod at Lyons.
This procrastinating reply did not please Frederick and made more difficult
than before the solution of the questions relating to the inheritance of the
Countess Matilda, which Frederick in the meantime held and had no in-
tention of giving up. Another source of discord was the archbishopric of
Trèves, where in 1183 a double election had occurred, the Pope favouring
one candidate and the Emperor the other. But the most delicate point of
all was the Emperor's persistent demand of the imperial crown for his
son Henry. The Pope objected, adducing as his reason that, notwith-
standing precedents, the contemporaneous existence of two Emperors was
incompatible with the very nature of the Empire itself. The Pope's
refusal was perhaps not altogether without support from the German
nobility, who may have seen in such a coronation a tendency to make the
Empire hereditary. It is probable that the suspicions and fears raised in the
Curia by the approaching marriage of Henry and Constance had a strong
influence over the Pope. In spite of the strained situation, the personal
relations between Lucius and Frederick remained cordial, and in their
conversations at Verona they had opportunity for enquiring together into
the imminent necessity of carrying succour to the Christians of the East,
exposed to serious danger by the enterprises of Saladin. But on 24 No-
vember 1185 Lucius III died at Verona, and was succeeded by the Arch-
bishop of Milan, who took the name of Urban III. He was an unbending
and vigorous man, with little friendship for the Emperor and ill-disposed
to concessions. With him was reopened the quarrel between Church and
Empire, and the imperial policy was turned more decisively to the path
on which it had first entered. Thus, as at the end of the struggle of the
investitures, so now, after a long contest, neither party could claim the
full victory or acknowledge entire defeat.
CH. XIII.


## p. 454 (#500) ############################################

454
CHAPTER XIV.
THE EMPEROR HENRY VI.
The Emperor Henry VI presents both in character and appearance a
striking contrast to his father; instead of the fine figure, the attractive
mien, the charm of manner which distinguish the personality of Frederick
Barbarossa, we are confronted with a man, spare and gaunt, of an unpre-
possessing appearance, which thinly disguised the harsh, cruel, unrelenting
qualities of his character. Instead of the fearless and skilful soldier, the
very personification of all that was knightly in an age of knights, we see
a man whose honour even among friends could not be trusted, whose
cruelty would stop short at nothing when it suited his purpose; a man
who cared not for the field of battle, and whose only active pursuit was
falconry and the chase. Certainly it was not Henry's personal attributes
that made him a great Emperor, nor was it in field-sports or deeds of
arms that Henry excelled; it was as a man of learning, as one “more
learned than men of learning," as a man of great business capacity,
that Henry impressed his contemporaries. One writer will dwell on his
eloquence and on his prudence, another will praise his intellectual attain-
ments, his knowledge of letters and of canon and secular law. “I rejoice,”
writes Godfrey of Viterbo in his dedication of the Speculum regum to
Henry, “that I have a philosopher king. ""
But if the characters of the two Emperors have so little in common,
there is a striking similarity in their political outlook. Henry inherited
from his father not only the problems that required solution, but the
methods and the ideas with which to solve them. The Peace of Venice,
though the end of one phase of the struggle, was also the beginning of
another. Frederick's last years, which coincide with Henry's first, are
occupied with the solution of the old problem on new lines; the three
powers whose combined strength had defeated him, the Papacy, the Lom-
bards, and the Normans, must be separated and separately dealt with. The
first step in this direction was achieved when Alexander III, who had
long been excluded from his capital, and who hoped with the Emperor's
aid to become once more master in Rome, was induced to sign the Peace
of Venice from which the Lombards and the Normans were excluded.
These had to content themselves with truces, the former for six, the latter
for fifteen years. As in the famous dramatic episode at Canossa a hundred
1 “Literatis ipse literatior. ” Gervase of Tilbury.
2 MGH, Script. xxii, 21. Cf. also Memoria seculorum, MGH, Script. xxII, 103,
"Tu vero, Henrice regum omnium felicissime, sicut a pueritia curasti phylosoficis
inherere doctrinis. ”


## p. 455 (#501) ############################################

Results of the Peace of Venice
455
years before, the Emperor cloaked a diplomatic triumph under the guise
of abject humility. Considered by results it is not too much to say, with
a recent writer', that the Pope entered Venice as judge and left it as pro-
tégé of the German Emperor. That Frederick remained with the upper
hand seems proved from the fact that, in spite of the agreement at
Anagni, he refused to evacuate the terra Mathildis which he claimed as of
right to be imperial territory. Moreover Alexander gained little by his
compliance; he was, it is true, reinstated at Rome by Christian of Mayence
and German soldiery, but only to be hounded once more from the city to
die, two years later, in exile at Civita Castellana. Alexander's successor,
Ubald, Cardinal-bishop of Ostia, who took the name of Lucius III, was
a man of advanced years and well-disposed towards the Emperor; he
would, he declared, deny him nothing; nor could he well do otherwise,
for he too after a short struggle was forced to abandon Rome, a fugitive
from the hostile Romans. Pope and Emperor were now working for the
same object-a durable peace; but there were still questions to be settled,
above all the question of the lands of Matilda. In the course of the
negotiations which occupied the years 1182–3 the Emperor through his
representatives suggested two solutions: first, that the disputed territory
should be definitely assigned to him, while he in return should compensate
the Pope with a tenth, the cardinals with a ninth, of the revenues; or
secondly, that a commission appointed from both parties should revise the
boundaries and, by means of mutual exchanges, arrive at a settlement
agreeable to both of them. However, neither plan commended itself to
Lucius, who proposed a personal conference at Verona, where he had taken
up his residence in July 1184 and whither the Emperor came in the
following October.
Here the issue was complicated by new difficulties: the demand of
Frederick for the reinstating of the Bishops of Metz, Strasbourg, and
Basle, who had been deposed in accordance with the second decree of the
Third Lateran Council (1179) which pronounced the ordinations by
schismatic Popes to be invalid; the demand for the imperial coronation
of the young King Henry; the question of the disputed election at Trèves.
Lucius was prepared to fall in with Frederick's wishes as far as he could,
but he was old, weak, and procrastinating; he would gladly restore the
deposed bishops, but a decision of a General Council could only, he
thought, be reversed by a similar body. He may not have been entirely
averse to crowning the young king, and according to one authority it was
the cardinals and not the Pope who stood in the way; but he soon seems
to have come round to the view that there could not be two Emperors
reigning simultaneously, and that Henry could only acquire the title if
Frederick was himself ready to abdicate in his favour. As regards the
Trèves election dispute there is little doubt that Lucius had every inten-
tion of satisfying the Emperor, was willing, that is to say, to consecrate
1 Haller, Heinrich VI und die römische Kirche, MIOGF, xxxv, p. 388.
CH. XIV.


## p. 456 (#502) ############################################

456
Policy of Pope Lucius III
the imperial candidate; but the matter was not a very simple one. In
June 1183 one party of the electors had chosen Folmar, the archdeacon,
the other party the provost Rudolf. The dispute was referred to the
Emperor, who decided for the latter and forthwith invested him with the
regalia of his see; the disappointed Folmar thereupon appealed to the
Pope. Lucius procrastinated more curiae, as the Trèves historian com-
ments. At last the cardinals decided that as the appeal had been made
the case must, at least as a matter of form, be heard, and Rudolf was
summoned to Verona; this all meant further delay, and no decision was
reached when Frederick in November 1184 left the conference. But what
is of importance is that Frederick left Verona under the strong impression
that all was going well, that a decision favourable to him would ulti-
mately be pronounced; and so no doubt it would, had not Henry taken
precipitate action in Germany—he treated Folmar and his supporters as
traitors and seized their property—and had not, soon after the news of
this ill-judged act reached the papal Court, the well-intentioned Lucius
died.
It has been generally stated that the mild old man sitting at Verona
was struck as it were by a thunderbolt by the news from Augsburg of
the betrothal on 29 October 1184 of Henry with the aunt and heiress of
the reigning King of Sicily, and in consequence all hope of a peaceful
settlement between Pope and Emperor was at an end'. At one blow the
Curia would be deprived of its strongest ally, the Empire of its most
formidable enemy; in the next phase of the papal-imperial contest the
southern kingdom would be on the side of the Emperor, the Pope would
be between two fires. But it must be remembered that Lucius meant that
there should not be another phase of the hitherto incessant struggle.
Professor Haller has gone far to prove that this betrothal was not, as
usually supposed, a devastating blow to the Pope-for the simple reason
that the Pope himself had planned it? Nor was the event so certainly to
lead to the union of the Empire and Sicily. When the scheme was set on
foot, Constance was not heir-apparent but merely presumptive, and the
presumption rested on the fact that William II and Joanna, whose re-
spective ages in 1183 were 30 and 18, would die childless: the birth of
an heir was still within the bounds of possibility, even of probability;
Constance herself at the age of 40 gave birth to the future Emperor
1 This hypothesis suggested by Adolf Cohn in 1862 (FDG, 1, p. 441) was accepted
as a fact by all writers for half a century, until Haller re-examined the whole
evidence in 1914 (MIOGF, xxxv, pp. 414 sqq. ).
? This view rests principally on the testimony of Peter of Eboli (the physician
and court-poet of Henry VI), Liber ad honorem Augusti, lines 21-24,
Traditur Augusto coniunx Constantia magno;
Lucius in nuptu pronuba causa fuit;
Lucius hos iungit quos Celestinus inungit;
Lucidus hic unit, Celicus ille sacrat.


## p. 457 (#503) ############################################

، به
Marriage of Henry and Constance/
457
Frederick II in the ninth year of her married life. Barbarossa was in-
fluenced, no doubt, by the results the alliance might yield, but he must
also have been aware that the incorporation of Sicily in the Empire was as
yet but a possible eventuality. Lucius was perhaps less far-sighted; he saw
that the independent kingdom in the south was an obstacle in the way of
a durable peace with the Empire, that the surest way to attain his object
was to unite the two enemies in a family alliance, and he laid his plans
accordingly. While he was conferring with the Emperor over the
boundaries of papal territory at Verona, the seal was set to his marriage-
project at Augsburg. A year later, 25 November 1185, Lucius died,
believing till the end that his cherished scheme for a lasting peace
between the spiritual and temporal rulers of Christendom would yet
come to pass.
At Rieti on 28 August 1185 Constance was handed over to the
German envoys, who conducted her to Milan. This town, the arch-
enemy of Frederick in the days of the Lombard League, had been won
over to the imperial friendship by the grant of a comprehensive charter
of privileges in February 1185, and here, at the request of the Milanese
themselves, Constance and Henry were married on 27 January of the
year following, in the presence of a large concourse of German and
Italian princes. The marriage festival marks the triumph of Frederick’s
diplomacy. The enemies who had threatened his position in Italy for
twenty critical years of his reign were now bound to him by close ties of
friendship The ceremonies were concluded by three coronations:
Frederick himself received the Burgundian, Constance the German, Henry
the Italian crown. If Henry had been denied by the Pope the insignia,
he had now at least the substance, of imperial power. Since the age of
four he had been King of Germany; he was now King of Italy also. For
all practical purposes he was co-Emperor. He was given in fact the title
of Caesar. When Frederick in the following August returned to Germany,
Henry remained behind in charge of the administration of the an
kingdom.
In spite of his strong position in Italy, the task was not altogether
an easy one. Urban III, who had succeeded Lucius on the papal throne,
did not succeed to his policy; he was an old enemy of the Hohenstaufen;
he was a Milanese, and his family had suffered in the destruction of
Milan at Frederick's hands in 1162. He hated the Sicilian marriage,
hated too, no doubt, the cordial relations of his native city with the
Emperor.
On personal grounds, if not on political, he was determined to
resist the rapidly developing imperial domination in Italy. Henry's
ambassador, Conrad of Mayence, with untiring patience tried to reach a
settlement by mutual concessions: Urban should cede the lands of Matilda,
while Henry in return should subdue Rome and restore the Pope to his
1 The marriage commended itself to William II, who required the support of
Frederick in his designs against the Eastern Emperor.
CH. XIV.


## p. 458 (#504) ############################################

458
Urban III's hostile attitude towards the Emperor
capital. But Urban was not of a conciliatory turn of mind; he raised new
issues, the renunciation of the ius spolii among others; he demanded the
unconditional surrender of the occupied territories; and on 17 May he
took the decisive step-he confirmed the appointment of Folmar, and
a fortnight later consecrated him Archbishop of Trèves. It was a
declaration of war, and he risked the inevitable break, relying on the
difficulties with which the Emperor was faced. There were weak links in
the imperial armour: there were popular risings in the Tuscan towns,
especially in Siena; the rebuilding of Crema led to the revolt of its rival
Cremona; in Germany the rebellion of Philip of Cologne threatened to
become generall. These rebellions the Pope fostered by every means in
his power; he forbade the towns and bishops under threat of excommuni-
cation to assist in the suppression of Cremona. But he had underrated the
strength of his opponent. Henry in alliance with the Tuscan nobility
speedily put down the rising of the Sienese, and deprived them of many
of their privileges; while his father, after a siege of a few weeks, forced
Cremona to submission. By way of retaliation for the part the Pope had
played in the revolts, Frederick commanded his son to overrun the
Campagna. Henry carried out his task with a thoroughness which
characterised all his actions; he devastated the country to the frontier of
Apulia, received the oath of allegiance from the towns and nobles of the
Campagna and Romagna, and by the end of the year 1186 almost the
whole of northern and central Italy were under imperial control.
Urban's efforts to promote discontent in Germany met with little
better success. Though the new issues he had raised, the question of the
ius spolii, of the lay advocacies, of the taking of ecclesiastical tithes by
laymen, all long-standing grievances of the clergy, were framed with the
object of winning the German Church to his side, the bishops, with but
few exceptions, stood firmly by Frederick (Gelnhausen, December 1186).
Urban, isolated and deserted at Verona, perhaps in a moment of weakness,
perhaps under pressure from the imperialist section of the cardinals,
changed his front, abandoned Folmar, and agreed to a new election.
This was in the summer of 1187. But before his death in the following
October he had once more reverted to his former attitude of bitter
hostility. He left the imperialist Verona for the papalist Ferrara, where
he died, cogitating, it is said, the excommunication of both the Emperor
and the king.
That the cardinals sympathised little with Urban's policy seems clear
from their choice of a successor. The aged Albert of Morra, who now as
Pope took the name of Gregory VIII, had been the chief confidant of the
Emperor among the cardinals; Gervase of Canterbury would even have
us believe that he kept the Emperor informed of the secret counsels of
the Curia, and in his official capacity of papal Chancellor he would have
the best opportunities of furnishing him with accurate reports. But
1 See supra, Chapter XII, pp. 408 sq.


## p. 459 (#505) ############################################

Gregory VIII and Clement III
459
from political as well as from personal motives Gregory was anxious to re-
store the harmony between Empire and Papacy. The Christians in Syria
had been defeated at Hițțīn on 4 July 1187, and the ill-tidings are said
to have hastened the death of Urban; on 3 October Jerusalem was in
the hands of Saladin. Gregory devoted the last energies of his life to the
organisation of the Third Crusade, for the success of which the co-opera-
tion of Frederick was essential. In his two months' pontificate he worked
hard to undo the mischief done by his predecessor; the question of the
disputed lands falls into the background, papal support is withdrawn
from the anti-imperialist Archbishop of Trèves, and the scribes of the
papal Chancery are bidden to address King Henry as Roman Emperor-
elect. Frederick on his side was not behindhand in meeting the Pope's
advances; he sent instructions to Leo de Monumento, the Roman Senator,
and to other princes to conduct the Pope to his capital, and it was on
the way thither that Gregory died at Pisa on 17 December.
Clement III, equally well-disposed towards the Emperor, continued
the work of conciliation which his predecessor had begun. He regained
Rome, not by the help of German arms but by a somewhat disgraceful
bargain with the Romans; he agreed to sacrifice the loyal Tusculum,
totally to demolish it in the event of its falling into his hands, and, if it
should not, to excommunicate its inhabitants and to employ the troops
of the Papal States to accomplish its ruin. The terms, which, to their
honour, Alexander and Lucius had refused as the price of recovering
their capital, were ultimately carried into effect by Clement's successor
in co-operation with Henry VI. The negotiations between Pope and
Emperor dragged on for another year; but the fruits of that year's work,
engrossed in a document dated at Strasbourg on 3 April 1189, mark the
final triumph of the imperial policy. The Emperor agreed to evacuate
the Papal States with a reservation of imperial rights; Folmar, who had
failed to answer the Pope's summons to Rome, was set aside, and John
the imperial Chancellor became Archbishop of Trèves with the Pope's
sanction; finally, Clement promised the imperial crown to King Henry
when he should come to Rome to obtain it.
Henry was not, however, destined to be crowned Emperor while his
father yet lived; after the latter's departure for the Holy Land at Easter
1189, the king took over entire charge of the affairs of the Empire, and
the work kept his hands fully occupied. Frederick, before he left, had
done all in his power to smooth the path; unity between Empire and
Papacy had been completely restored, the troublesome affair of the Trèves
election had been happily solved, Philip of Heinsberg, Archbishop of
Cologne, had made his submission, and remained a loyal supporter of the
crown during the rest of his life; the difficulties in the lower Rhenish
districts had been peaceably settled"; the leader of the Welfs, Henry the
Lion, had withdrawn once more into banishment at the English court.
1 See supra, p. 410.
CH. XIV.


## p. 460 (#506) ############################################

460
Rebellion of Henry the Lion
Nevertheless, in spite of Frederick's wise precautions, Henry's task was
not altogether an easy one. Saxony and the neighbouring districts to the
east had been in a perpetual state of unrest since the fall of Henry the
Lion in 1180. Bernard of Anhalt, the new Duke of Saxony, was at once
unpopular and inefficient, lacking in decision and judgment, and his
authority was disregarded by princes and people alike. The man most
capable of maintaining order, Count Adolf of Holstein, had gone off with
Frederick on Crusade, leaving the care of his lands in charge of his
nephew, Adolf of Dassel. The opportunity was too tempting for the
banished Welf; encouraged by the Kings of England and Denmark,
actuated also by the death in the summer of his wife Matilda whom he
had left to manage his affairs at Brunswick, Henry the Lion broke his
oath and returned to Germany (October 1189). At first his enterprise
met with astonishing success; he was welcomed by Hartwig, Archbishop
of Bremen, who enfeoffed him with the county of Stade; he was joined
by many of his old vassals, Bernard of Ratzeburg, Helmold of Schwerin,
Bernard of Wölpe; many of the Holsteiners even transferred their allegi-
ance to him. Town after town fell into his hands, and the helpless Adolf
of Dassel fled with his family to Lübeck. On his way thither in pursuit,
Henry met with resistance at Bardowiek, which he stormed, captured, and
destroyed. When he reached Lübeck in November he found the
inhabitants willing to open their gates on the condition that Adolf should
be allowed to withdraw in safety; this was granted and Henry entered
the town. The successful campaign of the autumn of 1189 was concluded
by an attack on the strong fortress of Lauenburg which Duke Bernard of
Saxony had built on the banks of the Elbe; after a month's siege the
fortress fell. Holstein was his, save only the town of Segeberg which
stood loyally by its absent count. It was while besieging this place that
the tide of fortune turned; the garrison put up a brave resistance, and
Henry's besieging troops were finally defeated by a force under Duke
Bernard (May 1190). Moreover the young king himself had taken steps
to check the progress of the rebellion. At a diet at Merseburg (October
1189) he had proclaimed a campaign; but except the devastation of the
country round Brunswick and the burning of Hanover nothing was
accomplished, and the hardness of the winter made it necessary to post-
pone further operations till the next spring.
In the meantime events had occurred which made the king anxious
for peace: William II of Sicily died on 18 November, and Henry, by right
of his wife, was heir to the Sicilian crown. Through the mediation of the
Archbishops of Mayence and Cologne peace was concluded at Fulda in
July: Henry the Lion agreed to rase the walls of Brunswick and to
destroy the fortress of Lauenburg; he was permitted to retain half the
city of Lübeck on the understanding that Adolf should have undisturbed
possession of the remainder. As surety for the fulfilment of his
obligations, the ex-duke handed over his two sons Henry and Lothar as


## p. 461 (#507) ############################################

Election of Tancred of Lecce
461
hostages. Peace was restored, but Henry the Lion felt no compunction
in disregarding the terms; he delivered over his sons, one of whom-
Henry-was destined to accompany the Emperor on his first Italian ex-
pedition, to escape, and to play a part in the mighty conspiracy of 1192;
but the walls of Brunswick continued to stand, the fortress of Lauenburg
remained undestroyed, nor had Henry the least intention of sur-
rendering half of Lübeck, as he had promised, or indeed any other of
the Holstein lands he had occupied, to the absent Count Adolf.
It was the situation in Sicily which hurried King Henry into con-
cluding a makeshift treaty with the Welfs. It was at once clear that the
inheritance of his wife was not to be won without a struggle. There was
a curiously strong national sentiment among the heterogeneous popula-
tion which composed the kingdom of Sicily; correspondingly, there was a
deep hatred, especially manifest in the island, to the idea of German
domination, which the succession of Constance would inevitably bring
with it; the children, we are told, were terrified by the raucous tones of
German speech. Constance herself was not disliked; she was a member
of the family of Hauteville, the founders of Sicilian greatness; but it
was her German husband against whom their patriotic feelings revolted.
Constance had been recognised conditionally by her nephew William II
as his heir, and the chief barons had taken to her the oath of allegiance';
the oath seems to have been repeated by some of the barons, and among
them Tancred of Lecce, at Troia immediately after William's death. But
the national party under the able leadership of the Chancellor Matthew
of Ajello had soon brought nationalist candidates into the field. Two
names were proposed: Count Roger of Andria and Count Tancred of
Lecce. Tancred, both because he was of royal blood-he was a natural
son of Duke Roger of Apulia, the son of King Roger—and because he
was the choice of the clever and influential Matthew, was selected. The
consent of Rome was secured', and at Palermo in January 1190 the
Archbishop Walter placed the crown of Sicily on the head of Tancred.
“Behold an ape is crowned," wrote Peter of Eboli, and indeed, if the
illuminator of Peter's manuscript portrays him with any faithfulness, the
simile is not inept. The small, misshapen, and horribly ugly appearance
of Tancred disguised, however, a fine and brave character. His military
1 This probably happened in 1174 after the death, a couple of years before, of
William's brother, Prince Henry of Capua. See Haller, op. cit. p. 429, and the
evidence of the Gesta Henrici II et Ricardi I (Rolls Series, ed. Stubbs), 11, pp. 101 sq.
That homage was done to Constance at Troia in 1186, as is usually stated (e. g.
Toeche, Heinrich VI, p. 127; Chalandon, Hist. de la Domination Normande en Italie
et en Sicile, 11, p. 387), is unlikely. Cf. Haller, op. cit. pp. 425 sqq.
2 The motives of Clement in thus turning round against the Emperor, whose
interests he had hitherto been so anxious to promote, are difficult to perceive. It
may have been, as one contemporary suggests, that out of the confusion wbich was
bound to follow he hoped to be able to appropriate Apulia, and to add it to the
States of the Church. Seo Haller, op. cit. pp. 550 sq.
CH XIV.


## p. 462 (#508) ############################################

462
Situation in Sicily and South Italy
prowess had won for him in the past high commands both on land and
sea; his practical efficiency had been rewarded by the grant of administra-
tive posts of great responsibility. He was in fact Grand Constable and
Master Justiciar of Apulia and of the Terra di Lavoro. He was a man,
too, of some intellectual capacity, familiar with the Greek tongue, versed
in a knowledge of astronomy and of the peculiar Arabic-Byzantine culture
which characterised the Norman kingdom of Sicily and South Italy.
Tancred's election had not been carried through without the shedding
of blood; and much more was to be spilt in his attempts to maintain
himself on the throne thus won. In Sicily the Saracens, seizing the
favourable opportunity to pay off old scores--in particular a massacre of
their people perpetrated by the Christians of Palermo-revolted. The
suppression of the Muslims occupied Tancred's attention during the
greater part of the year 1190. In the Norman provinces of South Italy,
in Apulia, Salerno, and Capua, Tancred's election was regarded with
disfavour. The supporters of Constance and the supporters of the rejected
candidate, Count Roger of Andria, made common cause, and under the
leadership of Count Roger himself the malcontents took up arms. Then,
in May 1190, Henry of Kalden, Marshal of the Empire, crossed the
Norman frontier near Rieti with the first detachment of German troops.
In conjunction with Count Roger of Andria, the German commander
pushed along the coast of the Adriatic for the invasion of Apulia. At
first he encountered but little resistance; when, however, he struck west-
ward across the Apennines to join forces with the rebels of Capua and
Aversa, he received a check. And the German army had to retire before
the attack of Count Richard of Acerra, the brother-in-law of Tancred;
the Count of Andria fell into a trap, was captured, and shortly afterwards
put to death. The optimistic report, omnia facilia captu, of Henry's
Chancellor Diether, who was sent in the summer to reconnoitre the
position, was hardly warranted by the facts.
In September Philip Augustus and Richard Coeur-de-Lion arrived
at Messina on their way to Palestine. Their presence, especially that of
the English king, was an additional embarrassment to Tancred; there
were constant broils between the unpopular English troops and the
people of Messina and the surrounding districts; Richard himself made
extravagant demands on Tancred both on his own behalf and on that of
his sister Joanna, the widow of William II, whom Tancred had imprudently
thrust into prison. At last, however, in November the two kings came
to an agreement, and a treaty was concluded according to the terms of
which Richard promised, so long as he remained in the Norman dominions,
to lend aid to the Sicilian king in his struggle with Henry VI.
With the opening of the new year Henry had entered in earnest upon
the long-delayed' Italian campaign; be spent a month in strengthening
1 The army was assembled at Augsburg in the autumn, and everything was in
readiness to start when news arrived of the death before Acre of the Landgrave


## p. 463 (#509) ############################################

Demolition of Tusculum
463
his position in Lombardy; he secured on 1 March the assistance of the
Pisan fleet for the conquest of Apulia by the confirmation and augmenta-
tion of the charter of privileges granted by Frederick Barbarossa in 1162;
he then resumed his journey Romeward. He was, it appears, already in
communication with Clement, who seems to have been prepared to fulfil
his earlier promise to grant Henry the imperial crown, stipulating only
for the confirmation of the rights and possessions of the Romans.
Then in the spring, towards the end of March, Clement died; and
for the better part of a month Henry was forced to linger in the neigh-
bourhood of the city, while a successor was appointed and new con-
ditions for Henry's coronation were arranged'. Clement, whether from
inability or from disinclination it is impossible to say, had not carried
out the compact, by which he had gained admission into his capital in
1188, with regard to Tusculum. Nor yet had Henry complied with the
condition of the Peace of Strasbourg (1189) which related to its evacua-
tion, for there was now a German garrison in the fortress. The vigorous
old cardinal Hyacinth—he was well past eighty years old--who was now
Pope Celestine III, belonged to the family of Bobo, a branch line of the
Orsini; the interests of the Roman Senate were the interests of his own
house. Perhaps, too, he still had dim memories of how in his youth he
had espoused the cause of Arnold of Brescia and brought upon himself
thereby the rancour of St Bernard? . It was no doubt the Senate that
urged him to make Henry's coronation conditional upon the surrender of
Tusculum. Henry complied, for not otherwise could he acquire the
imperial title which he regarded as indispensable; but by his compliance
he suffered something in prestige. So at least thought the chroniclers of
the next generation. “He had,” they said, “brought not a little dis-
honour upon the Empire. ” But were it not for the high reputation
Celestine enjoyed for honourable conduct-“to see or hear him was to
learn the meaning of honour,” wrote a contemporary-one would impute
rather to him the responsibility for the black deed; for he it was who
delivered the hapless town, as the price of his own security in his capital,
to the mercy of the Romans. But the Romans shewed no mercy; not a
stone was left standing, scarcely a man left alive or unmutilated.
Louis of Thuringia without direct heirs. Henry hurried northward to attempt to
get the vacant fief into his own hands. However, in deference to the strong
protests of the princes, who thought that the hereditary character of fiefs was
endangered, he was forced to grant it to Herman, brother of the late landgrave.
This affair delayed the Italian campaign for two months.
1 The statement of Arnold of Lübeck, v, 4, which has been followed by the
majority of recent historians, that Celestine III postponed his own consecration in
order to avoid crowning Henry is probably mere gossip. Celestine was elected
probably on 30 March; it is quite understandable that he should postpone his
coronation for a fortnight in order that the ceremony might take place on Easter
Day, which fell in that year on 14 April. See Haller, op. cit. pp. 556 sq.
2 John of Salisbury, Historia Pontif. cap. 31.
CH, XIV.


## p. 464 (#510) ############################################

464 Failure of Henry VI's first campaign in South Italy
The significance of this event lies in the fact that the Pope was now
once more reconciled with the Romans. Safe in Rome he could steer his
course independently of the Emperor; he could and did defy the Emperor,
and spent the closing years of a long life in championing the cause of the
Church against his encroachments. He failed, but his failure was due
not to his own lack of effort but to his opponent's strength. His work
was not wholly unrequited, for by his policy he prepared the way for
the triumph of his successor Innocent III.
On 15 April Henry was crowned; a fortnight later, in spite of the
Pope's remonstrances, he, with the Empress Constance and the German
army, crossed the Norman frontier at Ceprano. The bulk of the feudal
aristocracy of southern Italy stood, it appears, on the side of the Emperor;
Tancred therefore looked chiefly to the towns for support, and won their
interest by lavish grants of privileges. He organised his defences round
two strong points: first round a group of towns in the heel of the penin-
sula, Brindisi, Taranto, Lecce, and secondly round Naples. Henry delivered
his attack against the latter point, which was defended by Tancred's
brother-in-law, Richard, Count of Acerra. The campaign opened
propitiously: Arce after a short siege, Monte Cassino, San Germano,
Capua, Aversa, and many other towns, opened their gates; and an ever-
increasing number of the Norman feudatories deserted Tancred to swell
the ranks of the imperial army; the walls of Naples were reached with
scarcely any serious resistance. But the fortifications of Naples were
strong and withstood Henry's repeated attacks; only by cutting off
supplies from the sea could the place be captured. But the Pisan fleet
deputed for this task was defeated by Tancred's admiral Margaritus, and
the Genoese, whose aid was bought by the grant of a charter on 30 May,
arrived too late. The siege dragged on; the summer came, and with it
disease and death. Many perished, not a few deserted; to crown all, the
Emperor himself was attacked by the prevailing sickness; and the Welf
hostage, the younger Henry, escaped from the camp at Naples to spread
wild rumours in Germany of the Emperor's death and of the crushing
disasters which had befallen his army. In the face of these overwhelming
troubles he could do nothing else than raise the siege and make his way
back to Germany (August). But before he quitted the Norman dominions
he received yet another blow; the people of Salerno had revolted and had
captured the Empress Constance who had taken up her residence there
during the siege of Naples. By the end of the year 1191 most of the
German garrisons left in the captured towns, in spite of the efforts of
Diepold of Vohburg, had been expelled by Tancred's generals. In
the course of the following year the Pope took a more decided line with
regard to Sicilian affairs; he excommunicated the monks of Monte
Cassino and placed the abbey under interdict for favouring the cause of
Henry; he attempted mediation and failed; and finally he took the
decisive step-he invested Tancred with the kingdom of Sicily. But


## p. 465 (#511) ############################################

Disturbances in Germany
465
although Tancred now had official recognition of his status, the concordat
sealed at Gravina in June 1192 robbed him of many of the valued
privileges which his predecessors had wrung from former Popes. Celestine
continued to intrigue in the hope of getting Henry to renounce his
claims; with this end in view, he induced Tancred to liberate the
Empress Constance, intending himself to use her as a pawn in the
negotiations; but Constance eluded him on her road to Germany.
In the meanwhile, the Emperor had hastened homeward, stopping
only at Pavia and Milan to settle disputes which had arisen during his
absence among certain of the Lombard cities. Before Christmas 1191 he
was once more in Germany. It was but a gloomy prospect that awaited
him here: the north-east of Germany was in a state of the wildest con-
fusion; nobles formed themselves into bands to rob and plunder their
neighbours; families were divided amongst themselves; Albert of Wettin,
for example, had to return from Italy to defend his March of Meissen
against the attacks of his brother Dietrich. In Saxony the war continued
unabated. Adolf of Holstein, hearing at Tyre that his lands had been
invaded by the Welfs, had hurried home; before Christmas 1190 he was
in Germany, but barred from entry into his own territory by Henry the
Lion, who was in possession of the strong places around the mouth of
the Elbe. However, with the help of the brothers Bernard, Duke of
Saxony, and Otto, Margrave of Brandenburg, he succeeded at last in
forcing his way through, and at once set to work to recover Holstein.
Lübeck, the first object of his attack, resisted all attempts made against
it, and even when the sea-approach was blocked by a boom thrown across
the mouth of the Trave, it continued to hold out until relief came.
But the tide of events now turned in Adolf's favour; he won a decisive
victory at Boizenburg on the Elbe; he captured the town of Stade; and
Lübeck itself at last capitulated. With the fall of Lübeck, Adolf was
once more master of his country. Nevertheless, the position of the
Welfs was far from hopeless; the political situation in the Empire gave
them ample ground for encouragement. The Pope, anxious above all
things to frustrate the Emperor's Sicilian policy, was secretly abetting
the disturbances in Germany; in August 1191 he granted to Henry the
Lion a privilege protecting him and his sons against ecclesiastical
punishments. Moreover the Welfs were able to rely on the support of
powerful secular princes, of Tancred and of Tancred's ally, Richard of
England, with whom they were connected by ties of blood, and of Canute
of Denmark. Henry VI's high-handed methods had alienated not a few
of his earlier supporters; the Landgrave of Thuringia and even the Duke
of Saxony appear to have sympathised with the opposition which was
rapidly forming against the Emperor. Unhappily also, the wisest and the
most loyal of the royal supporters in that region of discontent, Wichmann,
Archbishop of Magdeburg, who had, by his moderation and skilful
management of affairs, many a time saved the Emperor and his father
C. MED. H. VOL. V. CH. XIV.
30


## p. 466 (#512) ############################################

466
Disputed election to the see of Liège
from critical situations, died in the summer of 1192. The death of old
Duke Welf VI in December 1191 was more cheerful news for the Emperor
in these months of gloom; for his rich property in Swabia and his
numerous fiefs were a substantial accession of strength to the house of
Hohenstaufen which he had made his heir,
As so often in the twelfth century, a disputed election to a bishopric
played a prominent part in the great rebellion which now broke out
against the Emperor. With regard to ecclesiastical appointments Henry
adopted the policy established and maintained with such success by his
father. He took care that candidates to his liking were chosen; occa-
sionally he would himself be present at the electoral gathering; in 1190
he even went so far as to procure the see of Würzburg for his brother
Philip, a boy of some fourteen years of age. His influence was often re-
sisted, sometimes with success: Bruno of Berg in 1191 was elected to the
see of Cologne against the imperialist candidate Lothar of Hochstadt.
In cases of dispute he himself exercised the right of nomination on
his father's principle of the devolutionsrecht, and it was on this principle
that he acted, with the express consent of the German bishops, in the
case of Liège. The electors were divided; the majority gave their votes
for Albert, brother of Henry, Duke of Brabant, the minority for Albert,
uncle of Baldwin, Count of Hainault. Both appealed to the Emperor, and
both were set aside in favour of a third, Lothar of Hochstadt (Worms,
13 January 1192). Albert of Brabant refused to submit to the decision;
he appealed to the Pope, went himself to Rome, and there obtained con-
firmation of his election. The appeal to Rome was in itself an attack on
the imperial position in regard to Church matters; still more so was the
Pope's method of executing his judgment. He ordered the Archbishop
of Cologne to consecrate Albert, but, in the event of his expected refusal,
he directed that the ceremony should be performed by the Archbishop of
Rheims; and by this prelate Albert was duly consecrated at Rheims in
September 1192.
War between the two parties was the result; Albert, it seems, was
regarded by the Emperor as guilty of high treason; the property of
certain of his supporters at Liège, we are told, was confiscated; he himself,
though vigorously backed by Celestine, who pronounced excommunication
against those who denied his claims, and by the majority of the nobles in
the district of the lower Rhine, was driven from his diocese, while his
brother, Henry of Brabant, was forced to take the oath of fealty to
his rival Lothar of Hochstadt. Prospects were brightening for Henry,
when the untoward event occurred: Albert was murdered at Rheims by
a party of German knights on 24 November 1192. The Emperor, it
was said, had a hand in the deed; the charge, thɔugh in all probability
groundless, was given countenance by the fact that Henry only inflicted
slight punishments on the perpetrators, and it had the serious effect of
uniting together the various elements of opposition.


## p. 467 (#513) ############################################

Insurrection against the Emperor
467
Frederick in his last years had been at pains to promote rivalry and
so to keep apart the two centres of danger to the Hohenstaufen power-
Saxony and the lower Rhine—the combination of which it had been the
aim of Philip of Cologne to achieve.