No More Learning

l If we reckon as a minimum 10,000 full hides, this would imply a superficies of 190 square miles of arable land; and on this calculation, if we make a very moderate allowance for pasture, the space occupied by houses, and ground not capable of culture, the territory, at the period when this reform was carried out, must have had at least an extent of 420 square miles, probably an extent still more considerable. If we follow tradition, we must assume a number of 84,000 burgesses who were freeholders and capable of bearing arms; for such, we are told, were the numbers ascertained by Servius at the first census. A glance at the map, however, shows that this number must be fabulous ; it is not even a genuine tradition, but a conjectural calculation, by which the
16,800 capable of bearing arms who constituted the nonnal strength of the infantry appeared to yield, on an average of
five persons to each family, the number of 84,000 burgesses, and this number was confounded with that of those capable of bearing arms. But even according to the more moderate estimates laid down above, with a territory of some 16,000 hides containing a population
1 Even about 480, allotments of land of seven jugera appeared to those that received them small (Val. Max. iii. 3, 5; Colum. i. praef. 14; i. 3, 1r ; Plin. H. N. xviii. 3, 18 : fourteen jugera, Victor, 33 ; Plutarch, Apopltllt. Reg. :1 Imp. p. 235 Dtlbner, in accordance with which Plutarch. Crass. 2, is to be corrected).
A comparison of the Germanic proportions gives the same result. The jugerum and the merger: [nearly i of an English acre], both originally measures rather of labour than of surface, may be looked upon as originally identical. As the German hide consisted ordinarily of 30, but not unfrequently of 20 or 40 margen, and the homestead frequently, at least
among the Anglo-Saxons, amounted to a tenth of the hide, it will appear, taking into account the diversity of climate and the size of the Roman keredium of a jugera, that the hypothesis of a Roman hide of 20 jugem is not unsuitable to the circumstances of the case. It is to be regretted certainly that on this very point tradition leaves us without precise informa tion.
can. v1 THE REFORMED CONSTITUTION I23
of nearly 20,000 capable of bearing arms and at least three times that number of women, children, and old men, persons who had no land, and slaves, it is necessary to assume not merely that the region between the Tiber and Anio had been acquired, but that the Alban territory had also been conquered, before the Servian constitution was established; a result with which tradition agrees. What were the numerical proportions of patricians and plebeianl originally in the army, cannot be ascertained.
Upon the whole it is plain that this Servian institution did not originate in a conflict between the orders. On the contrary, it bears the stamp of a reforming legislator like the constitutions of Lycurgus, Solon, and Zaleucus ; and it has evidently been produced under Greek influence. Par ticular analogies may be deceptive, such as the coincidence noticed by the ancients that in Corinth also widows and orphans were charged with the provision of horses for the
. cavalry; but the adoption of the armour and arrangements of the Greek hoplite system was certainly no accidental coincidence. Now if we consider the fact that it was in the second century of the city that the Greek states in Lower Italy advanced from the pure clan-constitution to a modified one, which placed the preponderance in the hands of the landholders, we shall recognize in that move ment the impulse which called forth in Rome the Servian reform—a change of constitution resting in the main on the same fundamental idea, and only directed into a somewhat different course by the strictly monarchical form of the Roman state. 1
1 The analogy also between the so-called Servian constitution and the treatment of the Attic metoeci deserves to be particularly noticed. Athens. like Rome, opened her gates at a comparatively early period to the metoeci, and afterwards summoned them also to share the burdens of the state. We cannot suppose that any direct connection existed in this instanm between Athens and Rome; but the coincidence serves all the more distinctly to show how the same causes—nrban centralization and urban development—everywhere and of necessity produce similar effects.
of the Roman tc'ritory.
lacked feuds among themselves and with their neighbours; as the country flourished and civilization advanced, feuds must have become gradually changed into war and raids for pillage into conquest, and political powers must have begun to assume shape. No Italian Homer, however, has preserved for us a picture of these earliest frays and plundering excursions, in which the character of nations is moulded and expressed like the mind of the man in the sports and enterprises of the boy; nor does historical tradition enable us to form a judgment, with even approximate accuracy, as to the outward development of power and the comparative resources of the several Latin cantons. It is only in the case of Rome, at the utmost, that we can trace in some degree the extension of its power and of its territory. The earliest demonstrable boundaries of the united Roman community have been already stated (p. 58); in the landward direction they were on an average just about five miles distant from the capital of the canton, and it was only toward the coast that
they extended as far as the mouth of the Tiber (Ostia), at a distance of somewhat more than fourteen miles from Rome. "The new city,” says Strabo, in his description of the primitive Rome, "was surrounded by larger and
“
CHAPTER VII
THE HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUI
n4
HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK 1
Iktension THE brave and impassioned Italian race doubtless never
CHAP. vn HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
r25
smaller tribes, some of whom dwelt in independent villages and were not subordinate to any national union. ” It seems to have been at the expense of these neighbours of kindred lineage in the first instance that the earliest exten sions of the Roman territory took place.
The Latin communities situated on the upper Tiber and between the Tiber and the Anio-Antemnae, Crustumerium, F iculnea, Medullia, Caenina, Corniculum, Cameria, Collatia, —were those which pressed most closely and sorely on Rome, and they appear to have forfeited their independence in very early times to the arms of the Romans. The only community that subsequently appears as independent in this district was Nomentum; which perhaps saved its freedom by alliance with Rome. The possession of Fidenae, the 12! : a’: pan! of the Etruscans on the left bank of the Tiber, was contested between the Latins and the Etruscans—in other words, between the Romans and Veientes-with varying results. The struggle with Gabii, which held the plain between the Anio and the Alban hills, was for a long period equally balanced: down to late times the Gabine dress was deemed synonymous with that of war, and Gabine ground the prototype of hostile soil. 1 By these conquests the Roman territory was probably extended
to about 190 square miles. Another very early achieve- ment of the Roman arms was preserved, although in a legendary dress, in the memory of posterity with greater vividness than those obsolete struggles: Alba, the ancient sacred metropolis of Latium, was conquered and destroyed by Roman troops. How the collision arose, and how it was decided, tradition does not tell : the battle of the three
1 The formulae of accursing for Gabii and Fidenae are quite as character istic (Macrob. Sat. iii. 9). It cannot, however, be proved ‘lid is ex tremely improbable that. as respects these towns, there was ill! actual historical accursing of the ground on which they were built, sud: as really took place at Veii, Carthage, and Fregellae. It may be conjeq'ured mthat old accursing formularies were applied to those two hated towno, and considered by later antiquaries as historical documents.
Torrltq" jag. ‘
Alba,
Treatment of the earliest ac quisitions.
I26 HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM 300! I
Roman with the three Alban brothers born at one birth is nothing but a personification of the struggle between two powerful and closely related cantons, of which the Roman at least was triune. We know nothing at all beyond the naked fact of the subjugation and destruction of Alba by Rome. 1
It is not improbable, although wholly a matter of con jecture, that, at the same period when Rome was establish ing herself on the Anio and on the Alban hills, Praeneste, which appears at a later date as mistress of eight neighbouring townships, Tibur, and others of the Latin communities were similarly occupied in enlarging their territory and laying the foundations of their subsequent far from inconsiderable power.
We feel the want of accurate information as to the legal character and legal effects of these early Latin conquests, still more than we miss the records of the wars in which they were won. Upon the whole it is not to be doubted that they were treated in accordance with the system of incorporation, out of which the tripartite community of Rome had arisen; excepting that the cantons who were compelled by arms to enter the combination did not, like the primitive three, preserve some sort of relative inde
1 But there seems to be no good ground for the doubt recently expressed in a quarter deserving of respect as to the destruction of Alba having really been the act of Rome. It is true, indeed, that the account of the destruction of Alba is in its details a series of improbabilities and lmpossibilities ; but that is true of every historical fact inwoven into legend. To the question as to the attitude of the rest of Latium towards the struggle between Rome and Alba, we are unable to give an answer; but the question itself rests on a false assumption, for it is not proved that the constitution of the Latin league absolutely prohibited a separate war between two Latin communities (p. 51). Still less is the fact that a number of Alban families were received into the burgess-union of Rome inconsistent with the destruction of Alba by the Romans. Why may there not have been a Roman party in Alba just as there was in Capua? The circumstance, however, of Rome claiming to be in a religious and political
point of view the heir-at-law of Alba may be regarded as decisive of the matter ; for such a claim could not be based on the migration of individual clans to Rome, but could only be based, as it actually was, on the conquest of the town.
can. vrr HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
n7
pendence as separate regions in the new united community, but became so entirely merged in the general whole as to be no longer traced (p. 108). However far the power of a Latin canton might extend, in the earliest times it tolerated no political centre except the proper capital; and still less founded independent settlements, such as the Phoenicians and the Greeks established, thereby creating in their colonies clients for the time being and future rivals to the
mother city. In this respect, the treatment which Ostia
from Rome deserves special notice: the Romans could not and did not wish to prevent the rise de far-t0 of a town at that spot, but they allowed the place no political independence, and accordingly they did not
bestow on those who settled there any local burgess-rights, but merely allowed them to retain, if they already possessed, the general burgess-rights of Rome. 1 This principle also determined the fate of the weaker cantons, which by force of arms or by voluntary submission became subject to a
experienced
The stronghold of the canton was razed, its domain was added to the domain of the conquerors, and a new home was instituted for the inhabitants as well as for their gods in the capital of the victorious canton. . This must not be understood absolutely to imply a formal
stronger.
of the conquered inhabitants to the new capital, such as was the rule at the founding of cities in the East. The towns of Latium at this time can have been little more than the strongholds and weekly markets of the husbandmen: it was sufficient in general that the market and the seat of justice should be transferred to the new That even the temples often remained at the old
1 Hence was developed the conception, in political law, of the maritime colony or colony of burgesses (colonia ci'uium Romanarum), that is, of a community separate in fact, but not independent or possessing a will of its own in law ; a community which merged in the capital as the peculiar» of the son merged in the property of the father, and which as a standing garrison was exempt from serving in the legion.
transportation
capital.
I28 HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK I
spot is shown in the instances of Alba and of Caenina, towns which must still after their destruction have retained some semblance of existence in connection with religion. Even where the strength of the place that was razed rendered it really necessary to remove the inhabitants, they would be frequently settled, with a view to the cultivation of the soil, in the open hamlets of their old domain. That the conquered, however, were not unfrequently compelled either as a whole or in part to settle in their new capital, is proved, more satisfactorily than all the several stories from the legendary period of Latium could prove the maxim of Roman state-law, that only he who had extended the boundaries of the territory was entitled to advance the wall of the city (the pamm'um). Of course the conquered, whether transferred or not, were ordinarily compelled to occupy the legal position of clients;1 but particular individuals or clans occasionally had burgess rights or, in other words, the patriciate conferred upon them. In the time of the empire there were still recognized Alban clans which were introduced among the burgesses of Rome after the fall of their native seat amongst these were the Julii, Servilii, Quinctilii, Cloelii, Geganii, Curiatii,
Metilii: the memory of their descent was preserved their Alban family shrines, among which the sanctuary of the gens of the Julii at Bovillae again rose under the empire into great repute.
This centralizing process, which several small com munities became absorbed in larger one, of course was far from being an idea specially Roman. Not only did
To this the enactment of the Twelve Tables undoubtedly has reference Nexft' maucipiique] forts‘ . ranatique idem iur esta, that is, in dealings of private law the " sound" and the "recovered" shall be on a footing of equality. The Latin allies cannot be here referred to, because their legal
position was defined by federal treaties, and the law of the Twelve Tables treated only of the law of Rome. The ranales were the Latini prirci rives Romarn', or in other words. the communities of Latium compelled by the Romans to enter the plebeiate.
by
:
1
a by
;
it, by
can. vn I-IEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
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the development of Latium and of the Sabellian stocks hinge upon the distinction between national centralization and cantonal independence; the case was the same with the development of the Hellenes. Rome in Latium and Athens in Attica arose out of a like amalgamation of many cantons into one state; and the wise Thales suggested a similar fusion to the hard-pressed league of the Ionic cities as the only means of saving their nationality. But Rome adhered to this principle of unity with more consistency, earnestness, and success than any other Italian canton; and just as the prominent position of Athens in Hellas was the effect of her early centralization, so Rome was indebted for her greatness solely to the same system, in her case far more energetically applied
While the conquests of Rome in Latium may be mainly regarded as direct extensions of her territory and people presenting the same general features, a further and special significance attached to the conquest of Alba. It was not merely the problematical size and presumed riches of Alba
that led tradition to assign a prominence so peculiar to its capture. Alba was regarded as the metropolis of the Latin Alba. confederacy, and had the right of presiding among the thirty communities that belonged to it. The destruction
of Alba, of course, no more dissolved the league itself than the destruction of Thebes dissolved the Boeotian con federacy ;1 but, in entire consistency with the strict applica tion of the fus privatum which was characteristic of the Latin laws of war, Rome now claimed the presidency of the league as the heir-at-law of Alba. What sort of crises, if any, preceded or followed the acknowledgment of this
1 The community of Bovillae appears even to have been formed out of part of the Alban domain, and to have been admitted in room of Alba among the autonomous Latin towns. Its Alban origin is attested by its having been the seat of worship for the Julian gens and by the name Alhmi Longani Bow'llenm (Orelli-Henzen, 119, 2252, 6019); its autonomy by Dionysiul. v. 61, and Cicero, pro Plancia, 9, 23.
vol. 1
9
The hege mony of Rome over Latium.
Relation of Rome to Latium.
claim, we cannot tell. Upon the whole the hegemony of Rome over Latium appears to have been speedily and generally recognized, although particular communities, such as Labici and above all Gabii, may for a time have declined to own it. Even at that time Rome was probably a maritime power in contrast to the Latin “land,” a city in contrast to the Latin villages, and a single state in contrast to the Latin confederacy; even at that time it was only in conjunction with and by means of Rome that the Latins could defend their coasts against Carthaginians, Hellenes, and Etruscans, and maintain and extend their landward frontier in opposition to their restless neighbours of the Sabellian stock. Whether the accession to her material resources which Rome obtained by the subjugation of Alba was greater than the increase of her power obtained by the capture of Antemnae or Collatia, cannot be ascertained: it is quite possible that it was not by the conquest of Alba that Rome was first constituted the most powerful com munity in Latium; she may have been so long before; but she did gain in consequence of that event the presidency at the Latin festival, which became the basis of the future hegemony of the Roman community over the whole Latin confederacy. It is important to indicate as definitely as possible the nature of a relation so influential.
The form of the Roman hegemony over Latium was, in general, that of an alliance on equal terms between the Roman community on the one hand and the Latin confed eracy on the other, establishing a perpetual peace through out the whole domain and a perpetual league for offence and defence. “There shall be peace between the Romans and all communities of the Latins, as long as heaven and earth endure ; they shall not wage war with each other, nor call enemies into the land, nor grant passage to enemies: help shall be rendered by all in concert to any community assailed, and whatever is won in joint warfare shall be
r30
HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM 800! I
can. vrr HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUH
r3I
equally distributed. ” The stipulated equality of rights in trade and exchange, in commercial credit and in inheritance, tended, by the manifold relations of business intercourse to which it led, still further to interweave the interests of communities already connected by the ties of similar lan guage and manners, and in this way produced an effect somewhat similar to that of the abolition of customs-restric tions in our own day. Each community certainly retained in form its own law: down to the time of the Social war Latin law was not necessarily identical with Roman: we find, for example, that the enforcing of betrothal by action at law, which was abolished at an early period in Rome, continued to subsist in the Latin communities. But the simple and purely national development of Latin law, and the endeavour to maintain as far as possible uniformity of rights, led at length to the result, that the law of private relations was in matter and form substantially the same throughout all Latium. This uniformity of rights comes most distinctly into view in the rules laid down regarding the loss and recovery of freedom on the part of the in dividual burgess. According to an ancient and venerable maxim of law among the Latin stock no burgess could become a slave in the state wherein he had been free, or suffer the loss of his burgess-rights while he remained within it: if he was to be punished with the loss of freedom and of burgess-rights (which was the same thing), it was necessary that he should be expelled from the state and should enter on the condition of slavery among strangers. This maxim of law was now extended to the whole territory of the league; no member of any of the federal states might live as a slave within the bounds of the league. Applications of this principle are seen in the enactment embodied in the Twelve Tables, that the insolvent debtor, in the event of his creditor wishing to sell him, must be sold beyond the boundary of the Tiber, in other words,
l3:
HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM B00! 1
beyond the territory of the league; and in the clause of the second treaty between Rome and Carthage, that an ally of Rome who might be taken prisoner by the Cartha ginians should be free so soon as he entered a Roman seaport. Although there did not probably subsist a general intercommunion of marriage within the league, yet, as has been already remarked 50), intermarriage between the different communities frequently occurred. Each Latin could primarily exercise political rights only where he was enrolled as burgess but on the other hand was implied in an equality of private rights, that any Latin could take up his abode in any place within the Latin bounds; or, to use the phraseology of the present day, there existed, side by side with the special burgess rights of the individual communities, general right of settlement co-extensive with the confederacy; and, after the plebeian was acknowledged in Rome as burgess, this right became converted as regards Rome into full freedom of settlement. easy to understand how this should have turned materially to the advantage of the capital, which alone in Latium offered the means of urban inter course, urban acquisition, and urban enjoyments; and how the number of meloea' in Rome should have increased with remarkable rapidity, after the Latin land came to live in perpetual peace with Rome.
In constitution and administration the several com munities not only remained independent and sovereign, so far as the federal obligations did not interfere, but, what was of more importance, the league of the thirty communities as such retained its autonomy in contradistinc tion to Rome. When we are assured that the position of Alba towards the federal communities was position superior to that of Rome, and that on the fall of Alba these communities attained autonomy, this may well have
been the case, in so far as Alba was essentially member
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can. vn HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
133
of the league, while Rome from the first had rather the position of a separate state confronting the league than of a member included in it; but, just as the states of the confederation of the Rhine were formally sovereign, while those of the German empire had a master, the presidency of Alba may have been in reality an honorary right
51) like that of the German emperors, and the protectorate of
Rome from the first supremacy like that of Napoleon. In fact Alba appears to have exercised the right of presiding in the federal council, while Rome allowed the Latin deputies to hold their consultations by themselves under the guidance, as appears, of president selected from their own number, and contented herself with the honorary presidency at the federal festival where sacrifice
was offered for Rome and Latium, and with the erection of second federal sanctuary in Rome—the temple of Diana on the Aventine-—-so that thenceforth sacrifice was offered both on Roman soil for Rome and Latium, and on Latin soil for Latium and Rome. With equal deference to the interests of the league the Romans in the treaty with Latium bound themselves not to enter into separate alliance with any Latin community-a stipulation which very clearly reveals the apprehensions entertained, doubt less not without reason, by the confederacy with reference
to the powerful community taking the lead.
of Rome not within, but alongside of Latium,
apparent in the arrangements for warfare.
force of the league was composed, as the later mode of making the levy incontrovertibly shows, of two masses of equal strength, Roman and Latin. The supreme command lay once for all with the Roman generals; year by year the Latin contingent had to appear before the gates of Rome, and there saluted the elected commander by
acclamation as its general, after the Romans commis lioned by the Latin federal council to take the auspices
The position most clearly The fighting
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK 1
Extension of the Rom territory after the
had thereby assured themselves of the contentment of the gods with the choice that had been made. Whatever land or property was acquired in the wars of the league was apportioned among its members according to the judgment of the Romans. That the Romano-Latin federation was represented as regards its external relations solely by Rome, cannot with certainty be maintained. The federal agree ment did not prohibit either Rome or Latium from under taking an aggressive war on their own behoof ; and if a war was waged by the league, whether pursuant to a resolution of its own or in consequence of a hostile attack, the Latin federal council may have been legally entitled to take part in the conduct as well as in the termination of the war. Practically indeed Rome must have possessed the hegemony even then, for, wherever a single state and a federation enter
into a permanent connection with each other, the prepon derance usually falls to the side of the former.
The steps by which after the fall of Alba Rome-now mistress of a territory comparatively considerable, and presumably the leading power in the Latin confederacy -extended still further her direct and indirect dominion,
tallofAlhl. can no longer be traced. There was no lack of feuds with the Etruscans and with the Veientes in particular, chiefly respecting the possession of Fidenae; but it does not appear that the Romans were successful in acquiring permanent mastery over that Etruscan outpost, which was situated on the Latin bank of the river not much more than five miles from Rome, or in dislodging the Veientes
from that formidable basis of offensive operations. On the other hand they maintained apparently undisputed possession of the Janiculum and of both banks of the mouth of the Tiber. As regards the Sabines and Aequi Rome appears in a more advantageous position; the con nection which afterwards became so intimate with the more
Henld. distant Hemici must have had at least its beginning under
can. vu HEGEMONY 0F ROME IN LATIUM
135
the monarchy, and the united Latins and Hernici enclosed
on two sides and held in check their eastern neighbours.
But on the south frontier the territory of the Rutuli and Rutnlllnd still more that of the Volsci were scenes of perpetual war. vohd' The earliest extension of the Latin land took place in this
direction, and it is here that we first encounter those com
munities founded by Rome and Latium on the enemy's
soil and constituted as autonomous members of the Latin confederacy-the Latin colonies, as they were called-the
oldest of which appear to reach back to the regal period.
How far, however, the territory reduced under the power of the Romans extended at the close of the monarchy, can by no means be determined. Of feuds with the neighbouring Latin and Volscian communities the Roman annals of the regal period recount more than enough; but only a few detached notices, such as that perhaps of the capture of Suessa in the Pomptine plain, can be held to contain a nucleus of historical fact. That the regal period laid not only the political foundations of Rome, but the foundations also of her external power, cannot be doubted; the position of the city of Rome as contradistinguished from, rather than forming part of, the league of Latin states is already decidedly marked at the beginning of the republic, and enables us to perceive that an energetic development of external power must have taken place in Rome during the time of the kings. Certainly great deeds, uncommon achievements have in this case passed into oblivion; but the splendour of them lingers over the regal period of Rome, especially over the royal house of the Tarquins, like a distant evening twilight in which outlines disappear.
While the Latin stock was thus tending towards union
under the leadership of Rome and was at the same time extending its territory on the east and south, Rome itself, Rome, by the favour of fortune and the energy of its citizens, had
been converted from a stirring commercial and rural town
Enlarge a? ? ? ‘ '1'
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK 1
into the powerful capital of a flourishing country. The remodelling of the Roman military system and the political reform of which it contained the germ, known to us by the name of the Servian constitution, stand in intimate connec tion with this internal change in the character of the Roman community. But externally also the character of the city cannot but have changed with the influx of ampler resources, with the rising requirements of its position, and with the extension of its political horizon. The amalgama tion of the adjoining community on the Quirinal with that on the Palatine must have been already accomplished when the Servian reform, as it is called, took place; and after this reform had united and consolidated the military strength of the community, the burgesses could no longer rest content with entrenching the several hills, as one after another they were filled with buildings, and with possibly
also keeping the island in the Tiber and the height on the opposite bank occupied so that they might command the course of the river. The capital of Latium required another and more complete system of defence; they pro ceeded to construct the Servian wall. The new continuous city-wall began at the river below the Aventine, and included that hill, on which there have been brought to light recently (r85 5) at two different places, the one on the western slope towards the river, the other on the opposite eastern slope, colossal remains of those primitive fortifications-portions of wall as high as the walls of Alatri and Ferentino, built of large square hewn blocks of tufo in courses of unequal height—emerging as it were from the tomb to testify to the might of an epoch, whose
subsist imperishably in these walls of rock, and whose intellectual achievements will continue to exercise an influence more lasting even than these. The ring-wall further embraced the Caelian and the whole space of the Esquiline, Viminal, and Quirinal, where a structure likewise
buildings
can. vii HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
137
but recently brought to light on a great scale (r862)-on the outside composed of blocks of peperino and protected by a moat in front, on the inside forming a huge earthen rampart sloped towards the city and imposing even at the present day-supplied the want of natural means of defence. From thence it ran to the Capitoline, the steep declivity of which towards the Campus Martins served as part of the city-wall, and it again abutted on the river above the island in the Tiber. The Tiber island with the bridge of piles and the Janiculurn did not belong strictly to the city, but the latter height was probably a fortified outwork. Hitherto the Palatine had been the stronghold, but now this hill was left open to be built upon by the growing city; and on the other hand upon the Tarpeian Hill, standing free on every side, and from its moderate extent easily defensible, there was constructed the new “ stronghold ” (arx, :apitolium containing the stronghold spring, the carefully enclosed “well-house” (Iulh'anum), the treasury (aerarz'um), the prison, and the most ancient
place of assemblage for the burgesses (area Cajitah'na), where still in after times the regular announcements of the changes of the moon continued to be made. Private dwellings of permanent kind, on the other hand, were not tolerated in earlier times on the stronghold-hill and the space between the two summits of the hill, the sanctuary of the evil god (Ve-diowi'), or as was termed in the later Hellenizing epoch, the Asylum, was covered with wood and presumably intended for the reception of the husbandmen
Both names, although afterwards employed as local names (capito b'um being applied to the summit of the stronghold-hill that lay next to the river, arx to that next to the Quirinal), were originally appellativcs, corresponding exactly to the Greek dxpa and rapt/451): every Latin town had its capitolium as well as Rome. The local name of the Roman
ltronghold-hill was mans Tarpeiur.
The enactment ne gut’s patricius in arc: and capitolio kabitaret prob
. bly prohibited only the conversion of the ground into private property, not the construction of dwelling-houses. Comp. Becker, Top. p. 386.
'1
it
;’
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1),
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HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM B00: 1
and their herds, when inundation or war drove them from the plain. The Capitol was in reality as well as in name the Acropolis of Rome, an independent castle capable of being defended even after the city had fallen: its gate lay probably towards what was afterwards the Forum. 1 '1‘he Aventine seems to have been fortified in a similar style,
less strongly, and to have been preserved free from permanent occupation. With this is connected the fact, that for purposes strictly urban, such as the distribution of the introduced water, the inhabitants of Rome were divided into the inhabitants of the city proper (montam'), and those of the districts situated within the general ring wall, but yet not reckoned as strictly belonging to the city (pagam' Aventinemes, lam'culmm', mllegr'a Capitolinorum at
although
The space enclosed by the new city wall thus embraced, in addition to the former Palatine and
Quirinal cities, the two federal strongholds of the Capitol
Mercurzblium)!
1 For the chief thoroughfare, the Via Sacra, led from that quarter to the stronghold; and the bending in towards the gate may still be clearly recognized in the turn which this makes to the left at the arch of Sever-us. The gate itself must have disappeared under the huge structures which were raised in after ages on the Clivus. The so>called gate at the steepest part of the Capitoline Mount, which is known by the name of janualis or Saturnia, or the " open," and which had to stand always open in times of war, evidently had merely a religious significance, and never was a real gate.
’ Four such guilds are mentioned (1) the Capitolini (Cicero, ad Q. fr. a), with magim-i of their own (Henaen, 6010, 6011), and annual
games (Liv. v. 50; comp. Corp. bun‘. 1. 4! . n.
805); (a) the Mer curiales (Liv. ii. 27 Cicero, 4. Preller. Myth. p. 597) likewise with magirtri (Henzen, 6010), the guild from the valley of the Circus, where the temple of Mercury stood; (3) the pagans‘ Aventr'umes likewise with magistri (Henzen, 60m); and (4) the pagani pagr' Ianicuhmir likewise with mgiriri (C. L. n. 801, 802). certainly not accidental that these four guilds, the only ones of the sort that occur in Rome, belong to the very two bills excluded from the four local tribes but en closed by the Servian wall, the Capitol and the Aventine, and the Jani culum belonging to the same fortification and connected with this the further fact that the expression montam' pagani-ue employed as a desig nation of the whole inhabitants in connection with the city (comp. besides the well-known passage, Cic. dc Dame, :8, 74, especially the law as to the city aqueducts in Festus, 'u. . q'fur, p. 340; [ma/diam’ paganive “If: aquam dividuntfl). The manIani, properly the inhabitants of the three regions of the Palatine town (p. 67), appear to be here put 4 Mon‘ for
is
;
is
I. ;
i.
l.
It is
i.
;
ii. 5,
crutr. v11 HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
139
and the Aventine, and also the Janiculum ;1 the Palatine, as the oldest and proper city, was enclosed by the other heights along which the wall was carried, as if encircled with a wreath, and the two castles occupied the middle.
The work, however, was not complete so long as the ground, protected by so laborious exertions from outward foes, was not also reclaimed from the dominion of the water, which permanently occupied the valley between the Palatine and the Capitol, so that there was perhaps even a ferry there, and which converted the valleys between the Capitol and the Velia and between the Palatine and the Aventine into marshes. The subterranean drains still existing at the present day, composed of magnificent square blocks, which excited the astonishment of posterity as a marvellous work of regal Rome, must rather be reckoned to belong to the following epoch, for travertine is the material employed and we have many accounts of new structures of the kind
the whole population of the four regions of the city proper. The pagans‘ are, undoubtedly, the residents of the Aventine and Janiculum not included in the tribes, and the analogous callzg‘ia of the Capitol and the Circus valley.
1 The "Seven-hill-city" in the proper and religious sense was and continued to be the narrower Old-Rome of the Palatine (p. 62). Certainly the Servian Rome also regarded itself, at least as early as the time of Cicero (comp. ag. Cic. ad All. vi. 5, a; Plutarch, Q. Rom. 69), as
‘ ‘ Seven-hill-city," probably because the festival of the Septimontium, which was celebrated with great zeal even under the Empire, began to be re garded as a festival for the city generally; but there was hardly any definite agreement reached as to which of the heights embraced by the Servian ring-wall belonged to the "seven. " The enumeration of the Seven Mounts familiar to us, viz. Palatine, Aventine. Caelian, Esquiline, Viminal, Quirinal, Capitoline. is not given by any ancient author. It is put together from the traditional narrative of the gradual rise of the city (Jordan, Topographic, ii. :06 reg), and the Janiculum is passed over in simply because otherwise the number would come out as eight. The earliest authority that enumerates the Seven Mounts (manta) of Rome the description of the city from the age of Constantine the Great. It names as such the Palatine, Aventine, Caelian, Esquiline, Tarpeian, Vatican, and ]aniculum,-where the Quirinal and Viminal are, evidently as coller, omitted, and in their stead two "monies" are introduced from the right bank of the Tiber, including even the Vatican which lay outside of the Servian wall. Other still later lists are given by Servius (ad Am. vi. 783), the Berne Scholia to Virgil's Geoqr'cs (ii. 535), and Lydus (de Mar. p. :18, Bekker).
is
it,
I49
HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM BOOK!
in the times of the republic; but the scheme itself belongs beyond doubt to the regal period, although presumably to a later epoch than the designing of the Servian wall and the Capitoline stronghold. The spots thus drained or dried supplied large open spaces such as were needed by the new enlarged city. The assembling-place of the com~ munity, which had hitherto been the Area Capitolina at the stronghold itself, was now transferred to the flat space, where the ground fell from the stronghold towards the
city (comitium), and which stretched thence between the Palatine and the Carinae, in the direction of the Velia. At that side of the comitium which adjoined the stronghold, and upon the stronghold-wall which arose above the comz'tium in the fashion of a balcony, the members of the senate and the guests of the city had the place of honour assigned to them on occasion of festivals and assemblies of the people; and at the place of assembly itself was erected the senate house, which afterwards bore the name of the Curia Hos tilia. The platform for the judgment-seat (tribunal), and the stage whence the burgesses were addressed (the later T051711), were likewise erected on the comitium itself. Its prolongation in the direction of the Velia became the new market (far-um Romanum). At the end of the latter, beneath the Palatine, rose the community-house, which included the oficial dwelling of the king (regr'a) and the common hearth of the city, the rotunda forming the temple of Vesta; at no great distance, on the south side of the Forum, there was erected a second round building con
nected with the former, the store-room of the community or temple of the Penates, which still stands at the present day as the porch of the church Santi Cosma e Damiano. It is a feature significant of the new city now united in a way very different from the settlement of the “seven
mounts,” that, over and above the hearths of the thirty curies which the Palatine Rome had been content with
can. vrr HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM
r41
associating in one building, the Servian Rome presented this general and single hearth for the city at large. 1 Along the two longer sides of the Forum butchers’ shops and other traders’ stalls were arranged. In the valley between the Palatine and Aventine a “ring” was staked off for races; this became the Circus. The cattle-market was laid out immediately adjoining the river, and this soon became one of the most densely peopled quarters of Rome. Temples and sanctuaries arose on all the summits, above all the federal sanctuary of Diana on the Aventine 133), and on the summit of the stronghold the far-seen temple of Father Diovis, who had given to his people all this glory, and who now, when the Romans were triumphing over the surrounding nations, triumphed along with them over the subject gods of the vanquished.
The names of the men, at whose bidding these great buildings of the city arose, are almost as completely lost in oblivion as those of the leaders in the earliest battles and victories of Rome. Tradition indeed assigns the different works to different kings-the senate-house to Tullus Hostilius, the Janiculum and the wooden bridge to Ancus Marcius, the great Cloaca, the Circus, and the temple of Jupiter to the elder Tarquinius, the temple of Diana and the ring-wall to Servius Tullius. Some of these statements may perhaps be correct; and apparently not the result of accident that the building of the new ring-wall associated both as to date and author with the new organi zation of the army, which in fact bore special reference to the regular defence of the city walls. But upon the whole we must be content to learn from this tradition-what
Both the situation of the two temples, and the express testimony or Dionysius, ii. 65, that the temple of Vesta lay outside of the Roma quadrata, prove that these structures were connected with the foundation not of the Palatine, but of the second (Servian) city. Posterity reckoned this rzgia with the temple of Vesta as scheme of Numa but the cause which gave rise to that hypothesis too manifest to allow of our attaching anyweighttolt.
is
a
;
1
is
is
it is
(p.
r42
HEGEMONY OF ROME IN LATIUM B001: 1
indeed evident of itself—that this second creation of Rome
with the commencement of her hegemony over Latium and with the remodelling of her
stood in intimate connection
burgess-army, and that, while it originated in one and the
its execution was not the work either of a single man or of a single generation It is im
possible to doubt that Hellenic influences exercised a
effect on this remodelling of the Roman com munity, but it is equally impossible to demonstrate the mode or the degree of their operation. It has already been observed that the Servian military constitution is essentially of an Hellenic type (p. 123) ; and it will be afterwards
shown that the games of the Circus were organized on an Hellenic model. The new regr'a with the city hearth was quite a Greek prytaneion, and the round temple of Vesta, looking towards the east and not so much as consecrated by the augurs, was constructed in no respect according to Italian, but wholly in accordance with Hellenic, ritual. With these facts before us, the statement of tradition
appears not at all incredible that the Ionian confederacy in
Asia Minor to some extent served as a model for the
Romano-Latin league, and that the new federal sanctuary on the Aventine was for that reason constructed in imitation
of the Artemision at Ephesus.
same great conception,
powerful
can. vm THE UMBRO-SABELLIAN STOCKS
CHAPTER VIII
I43
m UMBRO-SABELLIAN STOCKS-BEGINNINGS OI’ m SAMNITES
THE migration of the Umbrian stocks appears to have Umbro begun at a period later than that of the Latins. Like the s‘lbdh“ Latin, it moved in a southerly direction, but it kept more migration. in the centre of the peninsula and towards the east coast.
It is painful to speak of it; for our information regarding it comes to us like the sound of bells from a town that has been sunk in the sea. The Umbrian people extended according to Herodotus as far as the Alps, and it is not improbable that in very ancient times they occupied the whole of Northern Italy, to the point where the settlements of the Illyrian stocks began on the east, and those of the Ligurians on the west. As to the latter, there are traditions of their conflicts with the Umhrians, and we may perhaps draw an inference regarding their extension in very early times towards the south from isolated names, such as that of the island of Ilva (Elba) compared with the Ligurian Ilvates. To this period of Umbrian greatness the evidently Italian names of the most ancient settlements in the valley of the Po, Atria (black-town), and Spina (them-town), probably owe their origin, as well as the numerous traces of Umbrians in southern Etruria (such as the river Umbro, Camars the old name of Clusium, Castrum
Such indications of an Italian population
Amerinum). having preceded
144
THE UMBRO'SABELLIAN STOCKS B00! 1
the Etruscan especially occur in the most southern portion of Etruria, the district between the Ciminian Forest (below Viterbo) and the Tiber. In Falerii, the town of Etruria nearest to the frontier of Umbria and the Sabine country, according to the testimony of Strabo a language was spoken different from the Etruscan, and inscriptions bearing out that statement have recently been brought to light there, the alphabet and language of which, while presenting points of contact with the Etruscan, exhibit a general resemblance to the Latin. 1 The local worship also presents traces of a Sabellian character; and a similar inference is suggested by the primitive relations subsisting in sacred as well as other matters between Caere and Rome. It is probable that the Etruscans wrested those southern districts from the Umbrians at a period considerably subsequent to their
of the country on the north of the Ciminian Forest, and that an Umbrian population maintained itself there even after the Tuscan conquest. In this fact we may presumably find the ultimate explanation of the surprising rapidity with which the southern portion of Etruria became Latinized, as compared with the tenacious retention of the Etruscan language and manners in northern Etruria, after the Roman conquest. That the Umbrians were after obstinate struggles driven back from the north and west into the narrow mountainous country between the two arms of the Apennines which they subsequently held, is clearly indicated by the very fact of their geographical position,
just as the position of the inhabitants of the Grisons and
l In the alphabet the respecially deserves notice, I of the
being Latin
(R) and not of the Etruscan form (D). and also the z ( ) only be ; it can
derived from the primitive Latin, and must very faithfully represent it. The language likewise has close aflinity with the oldest Latin; Marci
occupation
Acarnlini he cupa, that is, l. l/lan‘iur Acarceliniur lzeic cubat‘:
A. Cotena La. f. . . xenaluo sentzm . . dedet cuando. . auncaplum, that is, Minervae A(ulus Cotena La(rtir)f(ilius) dc senalus senlentia dzdil guando (perhaps:olim) mnceptum. At the same time with these and similar inscriptions there have been found some others in
lncter and language, undoubtedly Etruscan.
Marten/a
difi'erent char
a
i’)
CHAP- VIII BEGINNINGS OF THE SAMNITES
245
that of the Basques at the present day indicates the similar fate that has befallen them. Tradition also has to report that the Tuscans wrested from the Umbrians three hundred towns; and, what is of more importance as evidence, in the national prayers of the Umbrian Iguvini, which we still possess, along with other stocks the Tuscans especially are cursed as public foes.
In consequence, as may be presumed, of this pressure exerted upon them from the north, the Umbrians advanced towards the south, keeping in general upon the heights, because they found the plains already occupied by Latin stocks, but beyond doubt frequently making inroads and encroachments on the territory of the kindred race, and intermingling with them the more readily, that the distinction in language and habits could not have been at all so marked then as we find it afterwards. To the class of such inroads belongs the tradition of the irruption of the Reatini and Sabines into Latium and their conflicts with the Romans; similar phenomena were probably repeated all along the west coast. Upon the whole the Sabines maintained their footing in the mountains, as in the district bordering on Latium which has since been called by their name, and so
too in the Volscian land, presumably because the Latin population did not extend thither or was there less dense ; while on the other hand the well-peopled plains were better able to offer resistance to the invaders, although they were not in all cases able or desirous to prevent isolated bands from gaining a footing, such as the Tities and afterwards the Claudii in Rome 55). In this way the stocks here became variously mingled, state of things which serves to explain the numerous relations that subsisted between the Volscians and Latins, and how happened that their district, as well as Sabina, afterwards became so early and speedily Latinized.
The chief branch, however, of the Umbrian stock threw Samnite‘. VOL. r0
1
it
(p. a
146
THE UMBRO-SABELLIAN STOCKS B00! 1
itself eastward from Sabina into the mountains of the Abruzzi, and the adjacent hill-country to the south of them. Here, as on the west coast, they occupied the mountainous districts, whose thinly scattered population gave way before the immigrants or submitted to their yoke; while in the plain along the Apulian coast the ancient native population, the Iapygians, upon the whole maintained their ground, although involved in constant feuds, especially on the northern frontier about Luceria and Arpi. When these migrations took place, cannot of course be determined; but it was presumably about the time when kings ruled in Rome. Tradition reports that the Sabines, pressed by the Umbrians, vowed a ver sacrum, that swore that they would give up and send beyond their bounds the sons and daughters born in the year of war, so soon as these should reach maturity, that the gods might at their pleasure destroy them or bestow upon them new abodes in other lands. One hand was led by the ox of Mars; these were the Safmi or Samnites, who in the first instance established themselves on the mountains adjoining the river Sagrus, and at later period proceeded to occupy the beautiful plain on the east of the Matese chain, near the sources of the Tifemus. Both in their old and in their new territory they named their place of public assembly-which in the one case was situated near Agnone, in the other near Bojano—from the ox which led them Bovianum. second band was led by the woodpecker of Mars; these were the Picentes, “the woodpecker-people,” who took possession of what now the March of Ancona. A third band was led by the wolf
into the region of Beneventum these were the Hirpini. In similar manner the other small tribes branched off from the common stock—the Praetuttii near Teramo the Vestini on the Gran Sasso the Marrucini near Chieti the Frentani on the frontier of Apulia the Paeligni on the
Majella mountains; and lastly the Marsi on the Fucine
(kirpus)
;
A ;
;
;;
a
is
a
is,
ci-mr. vm BEGINNINGS OF THE SAMNITES
r47
lake, coming in contact with the Volscians and Latins. All of these tribes retained, as these legends clearly show, a vivid sense of their relationship and of their having come forth from the Sabine land. While the Umbrians suc cumbed in the unequal struggle and the western offshoots of the same stock became amalgamated with the Latin or Hellenic population, the Sabellian tribes prospered in the seclusion of their distant mountain land, equally remote from collision with the Etruscans, the Latins, and the Greeks. There was little or no development of an urban life amongst them; their geographical position almost
wholly precluded them from engaging in commercial inter course, and the mountain-tops and strongholds sulficed for the necessities of defence, while the husbandmen continued to dwell in open hamlets or wherever each found the well spring and the forest or pasture that he desired. In such circumstances their constitution remained stationary; like the similarly situated Arcadians in Greece, their communities never became incorporated into a single state ; at the utmost they only formed confederacies more or less loosely con
nected. In the Abruzzi especially, the strict seclusion of the mountain valleys seems to have debarred the several cantons from intercourse either with each other or with the outer world. They maintained but little connection with each other and continued to live in complete isolation from the rest of Italy; and in consequence, notwithstanding the bravery of their inhabitants, they exercised less influence
than any other portion of the Italian nation on the develop ment of the history of the peninsula.
On the other hand the Samnite people decidedly ex-
hibited the highest political development among the eastern 5:3: Italian stock, as the Latin nation did among the western. Mi From an early period, perhaps from its first immigration, a comparatively strong political bond held together the Samnite nation, and gave to it the strength which subse~
Their
148
THE UMBRO-SABELLIAN STOCKS BOOK I
quently enabled it to contend with Rome on equal terms for the first place in Italy. We are as ignorant of the time and manner of the formation of the bond, as we are of its federal constitution ; but it is clear that in Samnium no single community was preponderant, and still less was there any town to serve as a central rallying point and bond of union for the Samnite stock, such as Rome was for the Latins. The strength of the land lay in its communes of husbandmen, and authority was vested in the assembly formed of their representatives; it was this assembly which in case of need nominated a federal commander-in-chief. In consequence of its constitution the policy of this confederacy was not aggressive like the Roman, but was limited to the defence of its own bounds; only where the state forms a unity is power so concentrated and passion so strong, that the ex tension of territory can be systematically pursued. Accord_ ingly the whole history of the two nations is prefigured in their diametrically opposite systems of colonization. What ever the Romans gained, was a gain to the state: the conquests of the Samnites were achieved by bands of volunteers who went forth in search of plunder and, whether they prospered or were unfortunate, were left to their own resources by their native home. The conquests, however, which the Samnites made on the coasts of the Tyrrhenian and Ionic seas, belong to a later age; during the regal period in Rome they seem to have been only gaining possession of the settlements in which we afterwards find them. As a single incident in the series of movements among the neighbouring peoples caused by this Samnite settlement may be mentioned the surprise of Cumae by Tyrrhenians from the Upper Sea, Umbrians, and Daunians
‘24. in the year 2 30. If we may give credit to the accounts of the matter which present certainly a considerable colouring of romance, it would appear that in this instance, as was often the case in such expeditions, the
can. vrn BEGINNINGS OF THE SAMNITES
I49
intruders and those whom they supplanted combined to form one army, the Etruscans joining with their Umbrian enemies, and these again joined by the Iapygians whom the Umbrian settlers had driven towards the south. Neverthe less the undertaking proved a failure: on this occasion at least the Hellenic superiority in the art of war, and the bravery of the tyrant Aristodemus, succeeded in repelling the barbarian assault on the beautiful seaport.
Etruscan nationality.
THE Etruscan people, or Ras,1 as they called themselves, present a most striking contrast to the Latin and Sabellian Italians as well as to the Greeks. They were distinguished from these nations by their very bodily structure: instead of the slender and symmetrical proportions of the Greeks and Italians, the sculptures of the Etruscans exhibit only short sturdy figures with large head and thick arms. Their manners and customs also, so far as we are acquainted with them, point to a deep and original diversity from the Graeco-Italian stocks. The religion of the Tuscans in particular, presenting a gloomy fantastic character and delighting in the mystical handling of numbers and in wild and horrible speculations and practices, is equally remote from the clear rationalism of the Romans and the genial image-worship of the Hellenes. The conclusion which
these facts suggest is confirmed by the most important and authoritative evidence of nationality, the evidence of language. The remains of the Etruscan tongue which have reached us, numerous as they are and presenting as they do various data to aid in deciphering occupy a position of isolation so complete, that not only has no one hitherto succeeded in interpreting these remains, but no one has been able even to determine precisely the place of
Rar-ermae, with the gentile termination mentioned at p. 152.
150
THE ETRUSCANS BOOK 1
CHAPTER IX
THE rmwscrms
1
it,
cm. I: THE ETRUSCANS
r5r
Etruscan in the classification of languages. Two periods in the development of the language may be clearly dis tinguished. In the older period the vocalization of the language was completely carried out, and the collision of two consonants was almost without exception avoided. 1 By throwing off the vocal and consonantal terminations, and by the weakening or rejection of the vowels, this sod: and melodious language was gradually changed in character, and became intolerably harsh and rugged! ‘ They changed
for example ramuSaf into ramsa, Tarquinius into Tarclmqf, Minerva into Illenrva, Menelaos, Polydeukes, Alexandros, into Mimie, Pultuke, Elc/zsentre. The indistinct and rugged nature of their pronunciation is shown most clearly by the fact that at a very early period the Etruscans made no distinction of a from u, b from p, c from g, d from t. At the same time the accent was, as in Latin and in the more rugged Greek dialects, uniformly thrown back upon the initial syllable. The aspirate consonants were treated in a similar fashion; while the Italians rejected them with the exception of the aspirated b or the j; and the Greeks, reversing the case, rejected this sound and retained the others 3, ¢, x, the Etruscans allowed the softest and most pleasing of them, the to drop entirely except in words borrowed from other languages, but made use of the other three to an extraordinary extent, even where they had no proper place Thetis for example became Tlzetilis, Telephus Tlzelap/u, Odysseus Uluze or Ut/ruze. Of the few termina tions and words, whose meaning has been ascertained, the greater part are far remote from all Graeco-Italian analogies
such as, all the numerals; the termination a! employed as
To this period belong ag. inscriptions on the clay vases of Caere, such as, minicmmamimaSumaramliriafirfurmaiefizerairieepanamine Sunartavkelefu, or mi ramuhafkaiufinaia.
We may form some idea of the sound which the language now had from the commencement of the great inscription of Perusia; eulat Iamm [arm] amwaxr lautn rlelfirime . rtlaafuna: sleleBcaru.
’1
a;
;
4>,
152
THE ETRUSCANS nooK 1
of descent, frequently of descent from the mother, ag. Cam'al, which on a bilingual inscription of Chiusi is translated by Cairmia natus; and the termination . ra in the names of women, used to indicate the clan into which they have married, eg. Lemesa denoting the spouse of a Lia'm'us. So cela or clan with the inflection clam-i means son; sex daughter; ril year; the god Hermes becomes Turms, Aphrodite Turan, Hephaestos Set/11am, Bakchos Fufluns. Alongside of these strange forms and sounds there certainly occur isolated analogies between the Etruscan and the Italian languages. Proper names are formed, substantially, after the general Italian system. The frequent gentile termination was or em:1 recurs in the termination mus which is likewise of frequent occurrence in Italian, especially in Sabellian clan-names; thus the Etruscan names Mauenas and Spurinna correspond closely to the Roman Maea'us and Spurius. A number of names of divinities, which occur as Etruscan on Etruscan monu ments or in authors, have in their roots, and to some extent even in their terminations, a form so thoroughly Latin, that, if these names were really originally Etruscan, the two
designation
must have been closely related; such as Usi: (sun and dawn, connected with ausum, aurum, aurora, sol), M'nema (menervare), Lara (lam'vus), Mptunus, Voltumna. As these analogies, however, may have had their origin
in the subsequent political and religious relations between the Etruscans and Latins, and in the accommoda tions and borrowings to which these relations gave rise, they do not invalidate the conclusion to which we are led by the other observed phenomena, that the Tuscan language differed at least as widely from all the Graeco-Italian
1 Such as Maecenas, Porsena, Vivenna, Caecina, Spurinna. The vowel in the penult is originally long, but in consequence of the throwing hack of the accent upon the initial syllable is frequently shortened and even rejected. Thus we find Porsena as well u Porsena. and Ceicne as
well as Caecina.
languages
only
can. 1x THE ETRUSCANS
r53
dialects as did the language of the Celts or of the Slavonians. So at least it sounded to the Roman ear; “Tuscan and Gallic ” were the languages of barbarians, “ Oscan and Volscian ” were but rustic dialects.
But, while the Etruscans differed thus widely from the Graeco-Italian family of languages, no one has yet succeeded in connecting them with any other known race. All sorts of dialects have been examined with a view to discover afi'inity with the Etruscan, sometimes by simple interroga tion, sometimes by torture, but all without exception in vain. The geographical position of the Basque nation would naturally suggest it for comparison; but even in the Basque language no analogies of a decisive character have been brought forward. As little do the scanty remains of the Ligurian language which have reached our time, consisting of local and personal names, indicate any con nection with the Tuscans. Even the extinct nation which has constructed those enigmatical sepulchral towers, called Nuraglu, by thousands in the islands of the Tuscan Sea, especially in Sardinia, cannot well be connected with the Etruscans, for not a single structure of the same character is to be met with in Etruscan territory. The utmost we can say is that several traces, that seem tolerably trust worthy, point to the conclusion that the Etruscans may be on the whole numbered with the Indo-Germans. Thus mi in the beginning of many of the older inscriptions is certainly élu’, rim’, and the genitive form of consonantal stems veneruf, ra zwuf is exactly reproduced in old Latin, corresponding to the old Sanscrit termination as. In like manner the name of the Etruscan Zeus, Tina or Tim'a, is probably connected with the Sanscrit dina, meaning day, as Zév is connected with the synonymous a’iwan. But, even granting this, the Etruscan people appears withal scarcely less isolated. “The Etruscans,” Dionysius said long ago, “are like no other nation in language
Home
of the Etruscans.
and manners ;” and we have nothing to add to his statement.
It is equally diflicult to determine from what quarter the Etruscans migrated into Italy; nor is much lost through our inability to answer the question, for this migration belonged at any rate to the infancy of the people, and
their historical development began and ended in Italy. No question, however, has been handled with greater zeal than this, in accordance with the principle which induces anti quaries especially to inquire into what is neither capable of being known nor worth the knowing—to inquire “who was Hecuba’s mother,” as the emperor Tiberius professed to do. As the oldest and most important Etruscan towns lay far inland—in fact we find not a single Etruscan town of any note immediately on the coast except Populonia, which we know for certain was not one of the old twelve cities— and the movement of the Etruscans in historical times was
from north to south, it seems probable that they migrated into the peninsula by land. Indeed the low stage of civilization, in which we find them at first, would ill accord with the hypothesis of immigration by sea. Nations even in the earliest times crossed a strait as they would a stream ; but to land on the west coast of Italy was a very different matter. We must therefore seek for the earlier home of the Etruscans to the west or north of Italy. It is not wholly improbable that the Etruscans may have come into Italy over the Raetian Alps; for the oldest traceable settlers in the Grisons and Tyrol, the Raeti, spoke Etruscan down to historical times, and their name sounds similar to that of the Ras. These may no doubt have been a remnant of the Etruscan settlements on the Po; but it is at least quite as likely that they may have been a portion of the people which remained behind in its earlier abode.