No More Learning

(R)^ They fol-
low lines very close to those promoted in Germany by a number of
large corporations before the coming of the Nazi regime. The cen-
tral idea of the Labor Front under the new regime has for its stated
objective the effort to "suppress the materialism" and "instead
divert the gaze of the workers to the spiritual values of the na-
<<<<
63 The Ford schools--as also the Ford conception of scattered and ruralized in- dustrial communities--may be taken as prototypal of these efforts in America. The reader will find the literature of personnel agencies, such as the Personnel Research Federation and the National Occupational Conference, replete with plans, programs, and propaganda for these schools. A good many of the larger American corporations have carried schooling on through to the university level, though the more or less vocational aspect tends to be minimized as one proceeds up through facilities pro- vided for office and upper managerial ranks.
64 For a description and favorable comment on the Hawthorne Experiments, see F. J. Roethlisberger and W. J. Dickson, Management and the Worker (Boston, 1934);
tion. "
Henderson, T. N. Whitehead, and Elton Mayo, "The Effects of Social Environ- ment," in Papers on the Science of Administration, ed. Luther Gulick and L. Urwick (New York, 1937); and Elton Mayo, The Human Problems of an Industrial Civiliza- tion (New York, 1933).
65 A publication of the British Institute for Industrial Psychology, written by G. H. Miles (London, 1932) is prefaced by an advertisement which states that the author "discusses the root problem of industry--how to supply adequate incentives so that the maximum energy of each worker, from the managing director to the office boy, may be aroused and directed in the best interests of the firm. " Commercial incentives throughout are played down; noncommercial incentives heavily empha- sized.
66 Robert Ley, Fuehrer of the Arbeitsfrontj in "New Forms of Community Work"
L.
J.
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Trades unions, all spokesmen for the Spitzenverbdnde agree, thrive on "materialism"--the interest drives for higher wages, shorter hours, better working conditions, job security, and the like. Employer specialists in the causes of industrial unrest have felt that if employer-controlled substitutes could be found for these labor ob- jectives it would be possible to bring the labor movement under control. Thus has arisen the general series of company social pro- grams known by the common designation of "welfare capitalism. " They are to be found in every major capitalist country in the world, some of them dating their programs back beyond the turn of the century. (R)^ Outstanding examples are Krupp, Siemens and Halske,
I. G. Farbenindustrie and Zeiss in Germany, Imperial Chemicals in England, the Harmel works at Val-de-Bois and the various prop- erties with which Henri Fayol was associated in France, Mitsui in Japan, and Ford, General Motors, Standard Oil of New Jersey, Procter and Gamble, Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co. and the A. T. and T. in the United States. ^^ These schemes run all the way from free lunches at noon to provision of recreational grounds and parks, retirement and other types of social insurance, club facili- ties, house journals and newspapers. ^^
The Italian "After-Work" (Dopolavoro) and the Nazi "Strength through Joy" (Kraft durch Freude) movements, supported by vari- ous affiliated and auxiliary services, represent a sort of generalizing and nationalizing of this type of labor neutralizing company activ- ity. Sports, hiking clubs, playing fields, and clubrooms are designed
(in English), Herausgegeben vom Reichsarbeits- und Reichswirtschaftsrat (Berlin, 1935)-
67 Notably, Krupp. A special guide book {Fiihrer durch die Essener Wohnsied- lungen der Firma Krupp, 1930, published by the Krupp Company), quoted from the biography of the elder ICrupp, written in defense of his settlements and general wel- fare program for Krupp employees inaugurated in the early 1860s, the following: "I am firmly convinced," Krupp said, "that everything I have recommended is neces- sary, and that the results will more than pay for themselves. We have much to gain thereby. Who knows but that when, after years and days, a general revolt will go
through the land, when there will be a general uprising of all laborers against their employers, but that we shall be the only ones passed by if we are able to do what is required in time? . . . The command of the establishment shall not be lost, the sympathy of the people shall not be forfeited, there shall be no strikes called. . . . In the foreground of general objectives [stands] increasing the attachment to the plant, the working place, the profession. "
68 For exhaustive data, favorable to such plans, consult particularly the several reports of the Goodyear and, the Procter and Gamble companies.
69 See various reports of the National Industrial Conference Board summarizing employer welfare plans.
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mostly to appeal to the youth. In the more fully developed pro- grams, special activities and facilities are provided likewise for the older employees, male and female, and for sweethearts, wives, moth- ers, and dependents. The coverage here is all-inclusive, and the range of interests brought into these systems of ideological regi- mentation soon becomes logically "totalitarian"--that is, it at- tempts to control both form and content of the totality of worker ideas and activities. The attitude of the big and dominating com- panies which have become interested in such programs within the various capitalistic countries is for all practical purposes uniform and highly enthusiastic. ^^
With but minor exceptions, the variety of motives underlying
these various programs from company unionism on through to the
more engaging forms of "welfare capitalism" all have as a common
denominator the objective of neutralizing militant labor organiza-
tion. In the course of time--most fully realized in the totalitarian
countries--these programs have been knit into coherent and bal-
anced systems for waging "total war" on the common ideological
front. More than that, in the hands of personnel experts, trained
in various scientific management schools, the aim of these programs
has changed from the desire to prevent antiemployer organization
to an intention to control--on behalf of determinate employer so-
cial interests as well as of employee interests--the underlying values
and thinking processes of all employees. As the Japanese have so
quaintly put the matter, extirpation of "dangerous thoughts" is
giving way to "ideological reconstruction" of "thought offend-
ers," who need to "liquidate their dangerous and contagious
^^
thoughts. "
Thus it may be said the general objective of all "harmony" pro-
grams is to transfigure the employers into the roles of instructors,
70 Particularly interesting in this connection is a book written by Dr. Rexford B. Hersey, of the Wharton School at the University of Pennsylvania, called Seele und Gefiihl des Arbeiter, Psychologic des Menschenfuhrung. Hersey, a leading figure in American scientific management circles and an advisor to the Pennsylvania Rail- road on personnel problems, was so impressed with what he saw in Germany under Reichsbahn and Labor Front auspices that he wrote this very laudatory book; Nazi leaders were so impressed with the book that a German edition was published with a foreword by Dr. Robert Ley, Leader of the Labor Front. Both Dr. Hersey and Dr. Ley, apparently, see quite eye to eye.
71 "Japan to Keep Thought Offenders Locked up so Duty of Conversion Can Be Carried Out," Otto D. Tolischus, New York Times, May i6, 1941.
? SOCIAL POLICIES 287
guides, and "leaders" of their men. Conversely, labor is to look to the employers for leadership and guidance--literally, to "entrust" the employer with their individual and collective welfare while conforming their innermost thoughts with the requirements of his ideas and the configuration of his interests. The accepted large- scale employer version of "harmony" in labor relations, in other words, could lead only to "the servile state. "
THE CONTENT OF "hARMONY" IN PUBLIC RELATIONS
"By following the dictates of their own interests landowners and farmers become, in the natural order of things, the best trustees and guardians for the public. " Thus spoke the official representa- tives of England's pre- and early industrial Squirearchy. ^^ g^t in order to find the precise equivalent for contemporary times, one has only to page through the voluminous literature of official busi- ness propaganda in any major capitalist country. Almost without exception the big businessman is coming to think of himself as the person who guides, "educates," and "leads" the general public on behalf of the common or "community" good, with the result, that although he is typically the possessor of vast wealth and prepotent political and social authority, spokesmen for his interests yet seek to remold the businessman in the public eye as the least selfish of all. ^^ In this redaction, not profits but "service" becomes his lead- ing aim; he, and all too often he alone, thinks of the sacrifices of the public when strikes occur and of the benefactions that flow to the public when "progress" under his benign guidance takes another momentous step forward.
American readers are now, thanks to the labors of public- relations counselors over the last decade or so, thoroughly familiar with this picture of the domestic business tycoon. They are apt, however, to misunderstand a like picture of businessmen abroad, where social backgrounds are quite different from those at home. Broadly speaking the importance of public relations--^whose pri-
72 See J. L. and Barbara Hammond, The Town Labourer, iy6o-i8^2 (London, 1917).
73 "Indeed, the very essence of business success lies in the degree to which the employer, in competition with others, can benefit both his employees and his custom- ers. . . . The employer . . . manifests daily a high order of unselfishness. " Link, TNEC Monograph No. 11, pp. 80, 81.
? o88
SOCIAL POLICIES
mary purpose is to paint just such a picture--decreases as one moves away from countries with long and deep-seated liberal, dem- ocratic, and parliamentary institutions. In those countries, such as Japan, Italy, and Germany, where forces behind the transition from feudal and despotic authorities were either but short lived or unable, for one reason or another, to prevail for long against a more tenacious past, public-relations activity as we know it is al- most nonexistent. The benevolent or "patronal" position of the businessman is there largely taken care of by the surviving eti- quettes and the formal compulsion of invidious social status, and is quickly reinforced in the event of emergency by official govern- ment propaganda.
Even here there is a great difference between a country such as Germany, where liberal education and some popular familiarity with democratic institutions had taken more than superficial root, and countries like Italy and Japan where the reverse was the case. For these reasons National Socialist propaganda was necessarily, and by all means, better organized, more distinctly employer con- scious, more vociferous, and more versatile than the propaganda of either Italy or Japan. And at the other end of the scale, public- relations propaganda of the corporate growth in the United States --where social station, the insignia of rank and power, and day-to- day contacts with the claims of squirearchy, royalty and empire are much less striking or almost nonexistent--is more highly colored and ambidextrous than it has ever become even in England.
In countries within the totalitarian bloc all this is commonly, and as a matter of course, taken for granted. So, likewise, is the spe- cific purpose and the general content of the official propaganda. The specific purpose is always and universally that of consolidating the economic and political power of the upper social layers. And the content is designed to inculcate public loyalty to the same social layers whenever their authority or rights of leadership are seriously questioned. Just what symbolism it uses, and by what methods or routes popular acceptance of the dictates of the upper social layers is achieved, will depend upon times, circumstances, and historical antecedents. But the purpose is always the same, and the central
theme is always that felicitous relation between the rulers and the
? SOCIAL POLICIES 289
ruled, between master and man which is said to represent "social harmony. "
Most public relations as we know it in America, to make a long story short, not only strives to "sell the public" on the "enterprise system," but also makes its appeal primarily to the symbolism and myths of "social harmony" and "class collaboration," as these have been transmuted to fit into the ideological framework of the "mid- dle class" outlook.
That "social harmony," with its implied--^when not directly in- sisted upon--blind acceptance of the "leadership" of compactly or- ganized business, is the object of American public relations is so well known that it no longer requires proof. The series of adver- tisements by the NAM captioned "Prosperity Dwells Where Har- mony Reigns," is typical of the central strain running through all big-business controlled propaganda here and abroad. In a society where the burgherdom has played such an important role through- out its history as it has in the United States, this really means "mid- dle class relations. "
That the central appeal in American public-relations literature is directed largely, if not exclusively, to the middle class can easily be demonstrated. Aside from early sporadic efforts, the first clear appeal made in peacetimes for public support of the business sys- tem as such came during the postwar years, when middle-class "unions" of one sort or another were organized in the various formerly belligerent countries as an offset to resurgence of popular demands and threatened civil strife. In one form or another they were established by militant business interests in the United States, England, France, Italy and Germany. ^* With the return to "pros-
74 In England the Middle Classes Union, organized in 1919 to defend the "people with the middle interests" claimed that it was able to destroy successively a railroad strike, a coal strike, and a dock strike. In France a "confederation of Intellectual Workers" was formed about the same time. It claimed 120,000 members in 1921 dedicated to the position that demands of intellectuals "had nothing in common with those of the manual laborers. " New York Times, May 22, 1921. In Italy "a number of organizations comparable to what may be called a vast middle-class union" were "formed throughout the various cities and towns" during 1920 which brought to- gether "the gentlemen of assured income" in forces sufficiently powerful to "break the back" of a strike of postal clerks and railroad employees. New York Times, May 23, 1920. In Germany a similar union made up primarily of professional people had doctors and hospital help who refused during the period of the Spartacist revolts
? sgo SOCIAL POLICIES
perity," and the subsidence of popular discontent, middle-class unions everywhere went on the rocks.
But with the beginning of the great depression of the early thir- ties, the leading business concerns made new and much more effec- tive efforts to mobilize sentiments along these lines. By this time, however, a number of factors conspired to alter greatly the type of appeal within the United States. The factors, outlined in this study, include the growth in the relative importance of the Spitzenver- bdnde and the dominant position of the giant corporations within these newer networks, together with an increasing concentration of control over the media for the dissemination of information on the one hand, and the critical character of American relations with countries which had formally gone over to a totalitarian basis on the other. The change in appeal was twofold. One emphasis led to the organization of various types of semi- or openly vigilante Citi-
zens' Committees and Citizens' Forums. The other led to the rise of public-relations counselors, frequently in connection with or- ganized advertising agencies, but everywhere openly and frankly employing the techniques and the approach of high-pressure ad- vertising. Fusion of these two in the middle thirties, with adver- tising steadily gaining the guiding power, had led by the latter part of the decade to the swift articulation of an organized nation-wide business propaganda for the "sale of ideas" to the American people dealing with promotion of the values and merits of "the enterprise system. "
Just what this means can be seen when it is realized that ad- vertising in America, contrary to the common impression, had come by the early thirties to direct its appeals not to the broad masses but primarily to the middle-income layers. The expression long employed in these circles to describe the shift of the basis of the
to serve "sick Proletarians" in a "counter strike," with the result that these same "sick proletarians could thenceforth obtain neither drugs nor medical attention, while proletarian patients were left unattended in their beds. " The result was a breaking of the strike. Lothrop Stoddard, "The Common People's Union," World's Work XXXIX (Nov. , 1919), No. 1, pp. 102-4. A"nd in 1920, on the suggestion of Chauncey Depew of the New York Central Railroad, a People's Union was estab- lished with headquarters at the New York Press Club. It announced in its first official statement that "The breath of our life is public opinion. This movement is answer to a demand by the country's press for protection of the organized public from the terrible consequences of general strikes. " New York Times, July 22, 1920. See also, Corbin, The Return of the Middle Class.
? SOCIAL POLICIES 291
appeal from mass markets to the middle class has been, "the market
is a diamond. " The phrase means simply that, when incomes are
aggregated by layers horizontally across the typical income pyra-
mid, purchasing power by income layers takes on the shape of a
diamond, not a triangle. Advertising copy is then written to a mass
market, rated in terms of purchasing power, across the center of a
diamond and not the base of a pyramid. Sales above or below what-
ever may be determined as the two limiting bands of profitable
appeal are then regarded as of the order of "windfall gains. " Only
to the income territory within the two bands, however, does "it pay
"^^ to advertise. "
The market for every commodity has been shown to have some variation on the general diamond shape, including even the cheap- est and most widely sold foodstuffs. Likewise the market for con- sumer goods as a whole shows the diamond pattern. But it is inter- esting to note that the companies which advertise, the agencies which write the advertising copy, and the media through which advertising appeals are made are not only typically large-scale, ex- clusive, and closely controlled by the upper social strata, whose in- comes are above the upper band, but also that the lower band, de- pending upon the commodity, excludes from between 20 and 60 percent or more of the entire population of the United States. This only means, of course, that the upper social layers purchase but small quantities of mass produced goods and services from which they draw their incomes, and that the lower income layers have in- sufficient purchasing power to be worth the cost of the appeal.
Consequently, when militant interests within the advertising in- dustry begin to take over the "sale of ideas," its copy is written primarily as appeal to the middle-income layers. Such a fusion of advertising and public relations not only directs attention to the values, institutions, and symbolisms of the middle layers, but also does so at a time when the income, occupation, and social security status of these same ranks is becoming peculiarly and increasingly unstable. The "average citizen," for example, is gradually losing his property stakes. The little businessman is in a more precarious position than at any time since the very beginning of the capitalis-
ts See W. H. Mullen, "Diamond as Market Pattern," Printers' Ink, Feb. 6, 1936, pp. 66-70.
? 292 SOCIAL POLICIES
tic system. The farmer-operator is in the process of being trans- ferred from an independent owner to a dependent tenant. It is be- coming more expensive to acquire education for, and proficiency in, the learned professions, with the result that the professions are becoming more exclusive and opportunities for jobs more re- stricted. A large and increasing range of skilled crafts and white- collar workers are being proletarized. And so on, ad infinitum. Yet the very multiplicity of variables in the picture, the varied social antecedents of these ranks, and the general confusion wrought by the swiftness of some of the changes, when coupled to the momen- tous social and political issues at stake, makes these people while in the very process of being declassed still peculiarly susceptible to a "middle class" appeal directed by the upper social stratum.
The content of the appeal made to these ranks by such adver- tising is not only geared to "middle class" ideologies, but also, so to speak, to its modes of speech and manners of thought. Historically the "middle classes" took root as rising trading, commercial, and industrial classes, deeply imbued with what Sombart has called the ideologies of "holy economy" as practiced by an Alberti, a Jacob Fugger or such a shrewd and calculating Yankee Bonhomme as Benjamin Franklin. The characteristic gospel of Franklin's "get ahead," altered and transmuted by the evolving techniques of
"high' pressure," has led directly to the ripened techniques of much contemporary advertising.
These can be said to center around such generally accepted, if not almost hallowed ideas as caeterus paribus, "all the traffic will bear," "repetition is reputation," and "truth is believability. " When these techniques and ideas are focused on the "sale of ideas," the net result may be summarized as forceful persuasion, via cal- culating doctrinal exegesis, of those potentially convertible social layers who are most apt to be won over to the rules of status at the lowest per capita cost, by articulate and ideologically ambidextrous spokesmen for those who have a special vested interest in the main-
tenance of the status quo. And the content of this propaganda is the notion of "social harmony. "
It would be extremely interesting to compare the forms, ideas, appeals, and symbolisms employed by this American propaganda with those being evolved abroad--particularly within the totali-
? SOCIAL POLICIES
293
tarian countries. The American techniques are, of course, charac- teristically of native vintage, yet the care of the central "harmony" argument on the one hand, and the cavalier disregard of the usual canons of scientific truth on the other, amount to much the same thing both in this country and abroad. When such a blending is fully centralized and carefully rationalized, the logical result can only be a "ministry of propaganda" directed towards the defense and maintenance of whatever slowly consolidating hierarchy of policy-making power its characteristic ideology was devised to promote.
It is, then, perhaps unnecessary to remark that public relations in America are thus increasingly designed as means for coordinat- ing (1) labor or "industrial" relations activity, (2) advertising or "consumer relations," (3) small business or "trade relations," and (4) farmer or "agricultural relations. " Which is to say that while public relations directs its programs primarily at the conquest of the "soul" of the middle classes, its officers are attempting to make this appeal the center around which to group all other propaganda efforts directed to the coordination of all groups and interests to the evolving ideologies of status.
And from all our historical evidence it is entirely obvious that, in a regime of benevolent status, "social harmony" calls for the "lead- ership" of the "trustee" in all things and with respect to all people. Otherwise it becomes unalloyed despotism.
But under neither circumstance, of course, is the result recon- cilable with democratic institutions--except in the propaganda.
? Chapter IX
POLITICAL POLICIES: BUREAUCRACY, HIERARCHY, TOTALITARIANISM
c4npiHE ANIMOSITY o? German capitalism against the state," wrote JL Professor Bonn on the eve of the Nazi coup d'etat, "does not rest upon fundamental theoretical foundations, but upon purely opportunistic considerations. It is opposed to the state when state control is in the hands of a political majority whose permanent good will it doubts. German capitalism, which would like to be freed of the power of the state, and which seeks to push back state intervention as far as possible, is constructed exclusively upon the most thorough intervention of the state. " ^ A correct generalization this, but one which might have been as readily applied to monopo- listically-oriented business in any other major or minor capitalistic country. For the confessed objectives of German business which filled Bonn with gloomy foreboding--the drive for a well-nigh all- inclusive system of tariff protection, ever more elaborate subsidies and subventions, more and more governmental aid in the control over competition--^were at that same time coming swiftly to domi-
nate the programs of organized business all over the world. German levels of organization were at that time doubtless some- what higher than those obtaining abroad, the clarity of her business leaders less confused by serious factional cross-currents, and the attitude of the government in general was far more lenient. But the patterns of thought, the modes of procedure, the forms of organiza- tion, and the principles at stake were shared by companion inter- ests in England, France, the United States and elsewhere. There was nothing in principle to distinguish the programs of the Reichs- verband der deutschen Industrie from that of the National Asso-
1 M. J. Bonn, Das Schicksal des deutschen Kapitalismus, (1931), pp. 95-96, 98.
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295
elation of Manufacturers in the United States or the Confederation Generale de la Production Fran^aise, nor of the immense and rap- idly proliferating meshwork of trade-associations, cartels, syndi- cates, chambers, and business institutes brought together in these general purpose peak associations, or Spitzenverbdnde. Nor, least of all, was there anything to distinguish the trend of economic thinking, social outlook, and political interests of the huge com- binations which had come increasingly to dominate the inner coun- cils of their respective central associations in the capitalistic coun- tries.
Since the time Bonn wrote his study, this dual process of expand- ing business organization and business-government interpenetra- tion has been greatly speeded up. Within three major capitalistic countries the fusion between private enterprise and political au- thority has been extended far enough for the habit of regarding politics and economics as but two facets of a single thing to become the rule and not the exception. Fascist Italy has greatly expanded the power and influence of the "Corporate System. " Germany has become National Socialist, and the whole of her elaborate economic machinery has been given some degree of official political status.
Japan has followed suit, and from latest reports France under the occupation is treading the same path. NRA within the United States pointed in the same general direction, and the more recent developments of the National Defense program appear to be pick- ing up where that ill-fated experiment left off. British war controls, as the London Economist has pointed out in a series of caustic articles, have vested in private hands political authorities which sanctify de jure what was rapidly becoming de facto a ''feudalistic system of cartel control. "
Now, in appraising the significance of this morganatic alliance of private economic power and government it is important to re- member, that the former derives from a system of monopoly, or of interlocking monopoly-minded groups, and that the institutional umbilicus of this monopoly-orientation feeds upon the sanctions of private property. It is, of course, a truism that even in its ger- minal form private property is far more than a mere economic cate- gory; that it is equally a "political" institution. Through owner- ship of productive means, the individual is, under capitalism.
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vested with a bundle of definitive rights and prerogatives. Under these sanctions he is granted narrowly defined but inherently ex- clusive power to manipulate people in an environment of rigor- ously interdependent human relations. Whether, as Spencer once wrote in a scorching passage, "the original deeds were written with the sword," it is nevertheless true that with and through such pos- sessions one can coerce, bend others to one's will, withhold, re- strain, settle the fate and alter the fortunes of growing numbers of non-owners without, and increasingly against, their consent. The natural frame of reference of ownership is, and has been from the beginning, as clearly political as economic, as obviously "Machia- vellian" as "Ricardian. "
Fee simple is related to private monopoly as youth is to age, as acorn to oak. It is the minuscular shape, the germinal form, the archetypal pattern for the proliferating giants which have sprung from its institutional loins. If private ownership of the means of production prevails throughout an economic system and is largely unimpaired by hostile countervailing forces, then, sooner or later monopoly in all its manifold expressions must appear on the scene. For property is power, and collusion is as "natural" as competi- tion--a fact which the great Adam Smith was quick to recognize. ^ Because this is true, growth of such possessions expresses power cumulatively; left to itself this power is additive, unidirectional, without internal restraints and external limits. Its higher economic form of expression is monopoly, and monopoly prerogatives are to power as fulcrum is to lever.
2 The passages are well known: "Masters are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform combination, not to raise the wages of labour above their actual rate. To violate this combination is everywhere a most unpopular ac- tion [today it would be known as an "unfair trade practice"! ], and a sort of reproach to a master among his neighbors and equals. We seldom, indeed, hear of this com- bination because it is the usual, and one may say, the natural state of things which nobody ever hears of. " Again, "People of the same trade seldom meet together, even for merriment and diversion, but the conversation ends in a conspiracy against the public, or in some contrivance to raise prices. It is impossible indeed to prevent such meetings, by any law which either could be executed, or would be consistent with liberty and justice. But though the law cannot hinder people of the same trade from sometimes assembling together, it ought to do nothing to facilitate such as- semblies; much less to render them necessary. " Adam Smith, The Wealth of Na- tions, Cannan ed. , pp. 66-67, 128. Italics mine. This latter, of course, is exactly what is done by NRA, price maintenance, "unfair trade practice," marketing control and other recent types of legislation, which are to be found in similar form in prac- tically all other countries, totalitarian and non-totalitarian alike; except for the word "necessary" one must now substitute the word "compulsory" in about half the casesl
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297
Power is compulsive, and when distributed unequally between bargaining groups is irreconcilable with "free contract. " Fee sim- ple distributes power unevenly between the "haves" and the "have-nots"; monopoly heightens and complicates the dispropor- tionalities in the graduated ranks of both. Law and the courts as frequently underline as correct the resultant distortion. It is this configuration of coercive forces, disproportionately matched, which accounts for the usual and inherently lop-sided "contract," and not the nature of the "rights" of bargaining groups. Power, in private hands, comes up against such claims as water comes to a wall, taking advantage of every crevice, depression, resource, or structural weakness. The proper expression is not "expansion of power" from these property nuclei, but cumulative permeation of power, as the history of the unfolding controls of all the great com- bines, cartels, trade associations, and Spitzenverbdnde abundantly shows.
Now it is a common characteristic of all monopoly-oriented groupings, major and minor, that each newly acquired leverage is typically employed for further collusive, rather than for com- petitive, efforts. Not "monopolistic competition" but "monopo- listic collusion" paces the gathering up and centralization of power to determine business policies over ever widening areas. ^ In plans lying behind the strategies of price fixation such things as produc- tion control, market allocations, and similar economic programs become increasingly the vehicles for strengthening tactical position in the pressure politics of collusive Realpolitik; they are not ends in themselves as so many recent economic theorists have mistakenly assumed. * But more than that, as struggle for strategic position
s See Callman, Das deutsche Kartellrecht and Unlautere Wettbewerb; Lucas, In- dustrial Reconstruction, for the British story; and the various reports of the LaFollette Committee, the Temporary National Economic Committee, and the indictments of the Anti-Trust Division of the Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Com- mission.
4 E. g. , and most notoriously, Edward Chamberlain, The Theory of Monopolistic Competition, and Joan Robinson, The Economics of Imperfect Competition. (Not,
M. Keynes, though many of his proposals in this connection appear as
however,
the product of "split-personality. ") Chamberlain by implication (Appendix E, "Some Arguments in Favor of Trade-Mark Infringement and 'Unfair Trading' ") and Mrs. Robinson explicitly recognize as much when they admit that their examination of monopolistic practices assume the absence of collusive intent or strategies reaching beyond the end of maximum gains. But it will no longer do to insist that an economist qua economist can only remain true to himself when he acts naively towards half to two-thirds of his problem, or, becoming sophisticated, insists on
J.
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POLITICAL POLICIES
broadens out over wider and wider areas, both ends and means be- come increasingly enmeshed in more or less distinctly and canoni- cally social and political issues--issues which, to employ the lan- guage of Karl Mannheim, reach to the ''roots of domination" and thus become "vested with a public interest" in a new and revolu- tionary sense of the term.
Why this is so may be read directly from the record by the more astute who have steeped themselves in the raw materials of the combination and business organization movements. But there is a certain "internal logic" to these transmutations of monopoly- minded policy which may be thrown into fluoroscopic relief by a less direct and time-consuming method. Consider first the nature of the new business self-bureaucratization.
THE NATURE OF BUSINESS BUREAUCRATIZATION
To say that business enterprise in all major capitalistic countries is becoming bureaucratic is to add nothing new. It is so well ac- cepted in the technical literature as to no longer require proof. ^ Obviously the vast control apparatus and the elaborate organiza- tional machinery of large-scale enterprises, of cartels and trade associations, and of their various peak associations call for func- tional division of duties, for circumscription of tasks and fixation of special responsibilities, for hierarchies of command and subor- dination, for special systems of recruitment and training of per- sonnel at different levels of competence. Obviously the growth in size and complexity of the individual business enterprise, the spread of ever more inclusive cartel and trade association net- works, the gathering up and centralizing of policies in series of
throwing the baby out with the bathwater simply because in his family tree such a baby must surely be illegitimate. The earlier economists, as well as the earlier political theorists (e. g. , Machiavelli, Bodin, Hobbes, Filmer, Locke, Bentham, Burke) made no such mistake. For the orthodox tradition, after the lame synthesis of John Stuart Mill, the separation of economics and politics became an issue as important as the separation of church and state, but at a time when, in contrast with the latter, the real historical interdependence between the two was growing ever closer and more rigorous with the passage of time.
5 See, in particular, Mooney and Reiley, Onward Industry! on "The Principles of Organization and Their Significance to Modern Industry"; Marshall Dimock and Howard K. Hyde, in TNEC Monograph No. 11, Bureaucracy and Trusteeship, and the various summary volumes of the huge German Enqueteausschuss, in particular the Gesamtbericht. See also, Louis D. Brandeis' provocative volume, The Curse of Bigness (New York, 1936).
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interlocking Spitzenverbdndej the formalization of relationships not only amongst these various business groupings but vis-a-vis the ever widening system of governmental regulation (whether friendly or hostile to business) and the ever greater attention paid to expert staff counsel, not to mention the science of management and ad- ministration itself--obviously these mean steady and cumulative bureaucratization of business. On present showing it is possible to predict that in the normal course of events the time will shortly arrive when all business activity, big and little, and from center to circumference, will be enmeshed in bureaucratic machinery, will conduct its activities in terms of bureaucratic dicta, following bureaucratic procedures, and complying with bureaucratic cri- teria.
Business, that is to say, is becoming organized; that organization is becoming large scale, highly centralized, and complex; and such centralization and complexity define the area of bureaucratic con- trol. But there are many types of bureaucracies, good and bad. The question is not, "Is business being bureaucratized? " but rather, "What type of bureaucracy is coming to dominate in business circles? "
There are three clues which merit especially close and careful inspection. First is the system of recruitment and training. The more one pages through the literature and publicity of the giant corporations and the networks of business and employer organiza- tion brought together under the central policy direction of the Spitzenverbdnde the more one is struck by the increasing attention devoted to this subject. A variety of motives dominate. A common incentive is specialized training for specialized jobs. Uppermost in many cases is the desire to take control over jobs away from the trade unions. ^ In many cases this objective appears to be more nar- rowly conceived as the recruitment of an absolutely loyal corps of workers from which the future managerial forces will be selected. ''
6 See Sidney and Beatrice Webb, The History of Trade Unionism (New York, 1920). In the early days employers fought apprenticeship programs, since these were employed by unions for the purpose of restricting labor supply. Now the roles are in many cases reversed, unions opposing apprenticeship plans designed to break down their own monopoly controls over labor supply on the one hand, and their partial control over the attitude of the lower managerial corps recruited directly from union ranks. This was particularly clear in the case of Dinta. See p. 283.
7 This seems to have been the original purpose of Dinta when it was organized in
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Quite generally the purpose is to attach managerial--and some- times even nonmanagerial--ranks directly to the individual com- pany or trade so as to cut down the high expense associated with turnover of an executive and staff personnel which it is becoming increasingly costly to "break in. " ^ Again, and perhaps more com- monly in recent years, the device provides an extremely effective method for the spread of antitrade union propaganda.
Trends here move on three closely related levels. Most common and perhaps best known are apprenticeship programs. One line of emphasis in these programs calls for systematic and far-reaching attempts to overhaul public-school educational programs on more purely vocational lines. This feature has been particularly marked in England and Germany. Under the Nazis, and to a lesser extent in Italy and Japan, the program of Dinta and other closely allied groups has been extended to cover all educational training in the country. The second line of emphasis calls for greatly extend- ing formal company-controlled apprenticeship training systems throughout industry in general. More recently in the United States, governmentally sponsored, but privately directed, local, state and national apprenticeship training programs have been worked out on a basis sufficiently comprehensive to forecast the time when they will include all jobs requiring some degree of skill. The various Spitzenverbdnde have without exception shown a lively and sustained interest in these systems for sifting, shaping, guiding, and controlling the lower levels of future labor ranks.
A parallel interest has led in the United States to ''foremanship training. " Both the National Association of Manufacturers and the United States Chamber of Commerce and their various sub- sidiary and member bodies have paid much attention to this feature of recruitment, since it is recognized that the foreman is the "front line representative of management. " Ideally, "foremanship train- ing" performs somewhat the same functions for the nonexecutive
1926, and of the National Association of Manufacturers when it first began to show an active interest--c. 1910-12--in apprenticeship programs.
8 A particularly important problem where automatic machinery has been de- veloped to the point where staff is largely of an engineering or semi-engineering supervisory character, and in cases where processes have become so highly specialized machine tool production, airplane manufacture and repair--that the costs of spoil- age, quite aside from the direct costs of training, from faulty workmanship are high and may ramify, bottle-neckwise, far beyond the individual operation or process.
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managerial ranks that apprenticeship and vocational education do for those who habitually handle the machines.
Within these two levels, training is in many instances almost entirely technical. But increasingly--notoriously in such cases as Ford, General Motors, Standard Oil of New Jersey, Mitsui, I. G. Farbenindustrie, Siemens and Halske, and particularly Dinta-- there has been added schooling in economics, sociology, history, and other subjects which may be manipulated to support the gen- eral social and philosophical point of view of management. It is probably safe to say that no large company, trade association, Spitzenverband, or governmental employee-training program is now entirely free of this ideological coloring. In many cases, com- pany propaganda plays a role as important or even more important than the formal technical training itself. This is particularly apt to be the case in company "colleges," such as that of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. (R)
Through these methods business is attempting to create its own "officialdom" ^? and its own "civil service," ^^ dedicated to business ends and loyal to business philosophies. However much the content of specific programs may vary in detail, the general tendency here is to evolve specialized training for specialized jobs, to delimit, de- fine, and circumscribe each and every specialized task, to define responsibilities and duties within each bracket of competence, to arrange these competencies in a rationally articulated hierarchy of command and subordination in which vertical movement is lim-
9 See also literature of the Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co. on the "Goodyear In- dustrial Union," which offers, amongst other courses, one on "Business Science" deal- ing with "The individual in self-analysis, his relation to others, his attitude towards his job and his understanding of the proper approach to the job. " (Circular of the Goodyear Tire and Rubber Co. ) How many of these "schools" and "colleges" there may be, what ground they cover, what differences they show from one country to another, and to what uses they are being put nobody knows. A careful and critical study is much needed.
10 A particularly penetrating book was written by Kurt Wiedenfeld (one of the more acute German economists subsequently to enlist in the Nazi services), called Kapitalismus und Beamtentum: Produzententum und Konsumententum in der Welt- markt-Wirtschaft (1932). See also, TNEC Monograph No. 11.
11 One of the common shortcomings of the more recent books on wage theory, as, e. g. , J. R. Hicks, The Theory of Wages, (London, 1932), is that employers are assumed to take a purely passive role vis-^-vis labor in that he is treated as a bar- gainer who does not really bargain since he is interested only in the wage-cost: labor-efficiency calculus, and whose only choices are (a) the sea in which he fishes, and (b) the bait he will use (bait is all of one sort; it varies only by more-or-less).
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ited and defined by "seniority," formal rules, and other formally graduated systems of employer-controlled rewards and punish- ments, and to direct the whole of these efforts along a more or less common ideological front.
Above foreman ranks, the story is somewhat different. A line somewhat similar to that found in governmental circles between "civil service" and "political appointees" seems to run between the two lower levels of business staff on the one hand and the direc- torial and upper managerial ranks on the other. Here, as has been pointed out, the evidence seems to show that "position," "pull," "family," "contacts," "family wealth," "nepotism," "sinecure," "in- dulgences," and the like are becoming increasingly important. These upper layers seem to be "inbreeding" in business, just as the leading families of the upper wealth brackets from which they are mostly drawn intermarry within the charmed circles of the Social Register. There can be no question but that cooptation is
the rule and not the exception throughout all business large and small, and that the practice holds as generally for the trade associa- tions and their various Spitzenverbdnde as it does in principle for the more compact corporate set up. ^^ But more, that within the upper executive and directorial layers, cooptation is increasingly from socially acceptable ranks, and that the rules that guide selec- tion come more and more to be woven of the same cloth as those which define the limits, the attitudes, the codes, and the social and political philosophies of self-conscious ruling-class status.
Before pursuing the implications of these developments a bit further, it will be useful to consider briefly the two other "clues" to the nature of business bureaucracy hinted at above. The first of these relates to the fact that all attempts to rationalize business organization lead, under liberal-capitalistic political conditions, to dual, overlapping, and, in part, "competing," managements which become increasingly costly, inefficient, cumbersome, and confusing with the passage of time, and which sooner or later require, by more or less common agreement, surgical treatment. It is a well-
known fact that few efforts to coordinate, for example, private natural monopolies over territories coextensive with their natural potentialities have been successfully carried through without ac-
12 See pp. 259-65, above.
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tive governmental aid. The American Telephone and Telegraph Company is a partial exception, as are a few local tram and electric power systems. Railway unification, however, has nowhere been carried through except by government fiat. The Interstate Com- merce Commission has striven for railway unification for years. The railway unification which led to the British "Big 4" in the early twenties and the development of the unified rail networks of Germany and Japan were forced through on the initiative of their respective governments. The same holds for most electric power "grid" schemes, unification of postal and telegraph systems, and most local and metropolitan transit networks.
The monopoly urge, in other words, seems to be typically stopped before monopoly has been really achieved. The results the reasons why need not detain us at this point, for they require independent analysis, case by case and industry by industry ^^ however, belie at least in part the superficial impression. They seem to be about as follows: (1) monopoly efforts are funneled in- creasingly through the machinery of trade association, Chamber of Commerce, and Spitzenverband; (2) within these councils a broad line separates the inner governing cliques made up of the corporate giants and their medium and smaller satellite concerns; (3) the former divide markets, manipulate prices and production, and in general so direct affairs that, the total possible "take" being
treated as given, each of the former receives his due allotment where the gains are relatively speaking assured, and the latter are granted the more or less unprofitable fringes; (4) there is a cumu- lative pressure to "settle into the allotted groove," and not to encroach upon "most-favored company" territory, nor to push entirely out those whose existence on sufferance is deemed a con- tinuous advantage for propaganda and other reasons; (5) disputes concerning position are increasingly handled by the equivalent of negotiation, arbitration, "treaty-making," special grant and privi- lege, etc. ; (6) enterprise management is kept in a largely fraction- alized state within each industry or trade, more or less irrespective
of geographic, technological, and other features; ^*
13 Further combination may be stopped by fear of Anti-Trust prosecution, as in the United States.
14 Patent pooling, standard grades and labels, simplification of types and varieties, cartel and syndicate practices, and the like, do not militate against this generaliza-
(7)
increasingly,
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the leading functions ot the trade association or Spitzenverband becomes the guidance and leadership on all social and political issues. Finally, so long as either the internal coordinative functions or the external representative tasks of the central associations are pursued in the face of partially or largely antagonistic political authorities, the two facets will be dovetailed into a single program known as "self-government in business. " ^^
Consequently, the more "self-government in business" there is, the more governmental regulation there must be. And the more governmental regulatory machinery expands, the more complete and thorough betomes the duplication of managerial and admin- istrative hierarchies between government and private enterprise. Governmental regulatory agencies have shown a more or less com- mon pattern of development: (i) they tend to become permanent bodies well staffed with expert panels; (2) they find that regulation which has been instituted at any point--price, market allocation, or the like
business policies of regulated concerns; (3) regulation gradually comes to embrace the entire trade or industry; (4) it gathers into its hands increasingly legislative and judicial as well as administra- tive authority. Under pressure to expand functions along these
lines, regulatory authorities gradually begin to compile informa- tion which runs the gamut of business and industry interests; to organize information, prosecution, negotiation, and its own inter- nal administration along functional lines characteristic of the industry as a whole; to build up staffs until they come to approxi- mate the business administration which they face constantly across the conference table or the courtroom; and to acquire powers sometimes negative and more frequently positive--which involve de facto participation in the management of the enterprises falling into the authority's bailiwick. ^^
tion, for these represent cost cutting, orgnization simplifying, and strategic manipu- lation factors. There is little or no evidence that they tend to "rationalize" the industry either to the public good, or to cut down the plethora of separate manage- ments. So far as the public good is concerned, these devices usually appear in com- binations which retard the pace of change; they tend to slow down the weeding out which would occur under either "normal" competitive or monopoly conditions.
15 See pp. 227-39, above.
16 It would be possible to show this in great detail by dissecting any of a large number of governmental regulatory authorities in the United States or abroad. The
--leads them step by step to cover the whole range of
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There are some reasons for regarding the typical governmental regulatory body as organizationally superior to those evolved by the businesses they regulate/^ but that is quite another matter. Of key importance in the present connection are two by-products of the developments traced above. First, as pointed out above, there tends to be duplication all the way up and down the line between government and business administrative machines. And second, a large and increasing percentage of staff, and of the necessary facili- ties in terms of office space, office personnel, files, and the para- phernalia for grinding out countless memoranda is taken up with the tactics of manoeuvre, concealment and uncovering of key in- formation, legalistic haggling, enforcement and evasion, and so on, ad infinitum, brought about and dependent upon the conflicting interests expressed in such dual administrative control.
Facing this situation, what do the Spitzenverbdnde propose to do? First, they tend to duplicate in their own central headquarters
chairman of one of the largest Federal regulatory agencies--perhaps the best known
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that his Commission Avould ultimately be compelled to duplicate every scrap of in- formation, every leading staff officer and specialist, concerning companies and trade associations they were charged to regulate in the public interest. Perhaps not in absolute numbers, he thought, since they might never be under compulsion to be- come as inefficiently organized as the industry, taken as a whole, patently was. But certainly on a scale capable ultimately of taking over the entire industry without serious hitch should business management and staffs be suddenly stricken, let us say, by a highly selective desire for permanent vacations. A similar judgment was given by equally highly placed German and British regulatory authorities with respect to their own administrative machineries.
17 Partly because they have come into the picture later than the companies and administrative bodies which they seek to regulate; partly because they tend to be manned by experts and not by business "politicos"--civil service requirements for staff, bad as they may be in many instances, are obviously superior to the staffs they face in training, in singleness of purpose, and in the quality of their loyalty; partly because they bear responsibilities which are matters of public record wherein their actions and decisions are constantly subject to either legislative or judicial review; and partly because they have arisen in most countries after the trend towards cen- tralization of governmental regulatory authority in the hands of the federal--as against local, state, and provincial--has asserted itself. To an increasing extent, there is less duplication here than division of authority so that local bodies take over primarily the residue functions which relate to purely local matters. There is, how- ever, a contrary tendency to set up governmental regulatory bodies which have to do not with a single industry or set of narrowly related industries, but with business functions (e. g. , securities and trading, surplus commodities, pure food and drug). This means that each business must face not one but a series of regulatory bodies. And at many points the functions and prerogatives of these latter are bound to duplicate and overlap each other.
hazarded the guess in private conversation with the author some four years ago
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the regulatory set-up ^^--thereby tending in many respects to fur- ther duplicate functions, staff, and facilities--of their own mem- bership. Not uncommonly, as an interesting by-play, they, or their member associations, or the strategically placed corporations which shape their leading policies attempt to entice governmental staff to join their own payrolls at higher salaries. ^^ But most signifi- cantly, they seek direct representation on committees, commis- sions, advisory bodies, and other governmental agencies which were either established at the outset for the specific purpose (or subsequently acquired the power) of determining in whole or in part the very policies which guide the administrative bodies them- selves.
Thus the Federation of British Industries claimed before the outbreak of war to be directly represented on the Board of Trade Advisory Council and Council for Art and Industry, the War Of- fice Technical Coordinating Committee on General Stores and Motor Transport Coordinating Committee, the Ministry of Health Joint Advisory Committee on River Pollution and the Town and Country Planning Advisory Committee, and the Ministry of Agri- culture's Standing Committee on River Pollution. But this is only the beginning. It claimed that its representations before govern- mental bodies have resulted in adoption of its own plans for fiscal policy, tariff policy, imperial trade, commercial treaties. ^^ There is scarcely a governmental committee or commission which affects its
18 This is most readily shown in the departmentalization of the various Spitzen- verbdnde, the range of the expanding committee and staff functions, the nature of the regional and functional groupings of membership, the content of regular reports to members in their official publications and annual congresses, etc. The same holds for many of their own member associations and certain of their larger member cor- porations. See the annual reports of the National Association of Manufacturers; the
Yearbook and Register of British Manufacturers, put out by the Federation of British Industries; the speeches, and especially the organizational data given in the ap- pendices, collected in the book of M. Rene P. Duchemin (President d'honneur de la Confederation Gen^rale du Patronat Frangais), Organisation syndicate Patronale en France; and see also Fascist Era, the yearbook of the Fascist Confederation of In- dustrialists; and sketches by Dr. Horst Wagenfiihr of the Reichsverband der deutschen Industrie and the Verein Deutscher Maschinenbau Anstalten in his Kartelle in Deutschland.
19 Probably one-half of the leading figures amongst the directorial, executive, and staff ranks of the leading Spitzenverbdnde have gone directly from governmental regulatory bodies to the firms and associations which they formerly regulated. Higher salaries are the common reason given. A careful study might reveal many others.
20 See, in particular, the NAM pamphlet "Industry and Action. "
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Members' interests at any given point upon which it did not claim membership or influence of decisive importance. Since the out- break of hostilities, under the system of war control bodies, this fusion has been rendered almost complete.
The British picture is not unusual but is typical for the liberal- capitalistic countries as a group. ^^ But it becomes quickly altered in some respects drastically--the instant monopoly and business coordinative drives move from a "liberal" to an "authoritarian" environment.