No More Learning

To succor "If the prince, attacking the fundamenagainst
tyranny. tal laws, gives his subjects a legal right
to resist him, if tyranny, becoming insupportable,
obliges the nation to rise in their defence, every
foreign power has a right to succor an oppressed
people who implore their assistance. The English
Case of justly complained of James the Second.
English
Revolution. The nobility and the most distinguished paLriots resolved to put a check on his enterprises, which manifestly tended to overthrow the Constitution and to destroy the liberties and the religion of
the people, and therefore applied for assistance to the
United Provinces. The authority of the Prince of
* The French acknowledge no power not directly emanating from
the people.
? ? ? ? APPENDIX. 473
Orange had, doubtless, an influence on the deliberations of the States-General; but it did not make them commit injustice: for when a people, from
good reasons, take up arms against an oppressor,
justice and generosity require that brave men should
be assisted in the defence of their liberties. Whenever,
therefore, a civil war is kindled in a state, Caseofcivil
war.
foreign powers may assist that party which
appears to them to have justice on their side. He
who assists an odious tyrant, he who declares Anodious
tyrant.
FOR AN UNJUST AND REBELLIOUS PEOPLE, Rebellious
offends against his duty. When the bands of people.
the political society are broken, or at least suspended
between the sovereign and his people, they Sovereign
and his
may then be considered as two distinct pow- people,
when disers; and since each is independent of all for- tinct
eign authority, nobody has a right to judge Powers.
them. Either may be in the right, and each of those
who grant their assistance may believe that he supports a good cause. It follows, then, in virtue of the voluntary law of nations, (see Prelim. ~ 21,) that
the two parties may act as having an equal right, and
behave accordingly, till the decision of the affair.
" But we ought not to abuse this maxim Nottobe
pursued to
for authorizing odious proceedings against an extreme.
the tranquillity of states. It is a violation of the law
of nations to persuade those subjects to revolt Endeavorto
persuade
who actually obey their sovereign, though they subjects to a
revolt.
complain of his government.
"The practice of nations is conformable to our
maxims. When the German Protestants came to the
assistance of the Reformed in France, the court never
undertook to treat them otherwise than as common
enemies, and according to the laws of war France
? ? ? ? 474 ON THE POLICY OF THE ALLIES.
at the same time assisted the Netherlahds, which
took up arms against Spain, and did not pretend that
her troops should be considered upon any other footing than as auxiliaries in a regular war. But no
Attempt to power avoids complaining of an atrocious inexcite sub
jeqts to re jury, if any one attempts by his emissaries to
excite his subjects to revolt.
Tyrants. "c As to those monsters, who, under the
title of sovereigns, render themselves the
scourges and horror of the human race, -these are
savage beasts, from which every brave mail may
justly purge the earth. All antiquity has praised
Hercules for delivering the world from an Antseus,
a Busiris, and a Diomedes. " - Ibid. ch. iv. ~ 56.
After stating that nations have no right to interfere in domestic concerns, he proceeds, --" But this
rule does not preclude them from espousing the quarrel of a dethroned king, and assisting him, if he appears to have justice on his side. They then declare themselves enemies of the nation which has acknowledged his rival; as, when two different nations are at
war, they are at liberty to assist that whose quarrel
they shall think has the fairest appearance. " - Book
IV. ch. ii. ~ 14.
CASE OF ALLIANCES. ' IT is asked if that alliance subsists with the king
and the royal family when by some revolution they
are deprived of their crown. We have lately remarked, ( ~ 194,) that a personal alliance expires with
the reign of him who contracted it: but that is to
be understood of an alliance with the state, limited, as
to its duration, to the reign of the contracting king.
This of which we are here speaking is of another na
? ? ? ? APPENDIX. 475
ture. For though it binds the state, since When analliance to pre.
it is bound by all the public acts of its soV- serve a king
ereign, it is made directly in favor of the takes place.
king and his family; it would therefore be absurd
for it to terminate at the moment when they have
need of it, and at an event against which it was made.
Besides, the king does not lose his quality King does
not lose his
merely by the loss of his kingdom. If he is quality by
the loss of
stripped of it unjustly by an usurper, or by his kingdom.
rebels, he preserves his rights, in the number of which
are his alliances. *
"But who shall judge if the king be dethroned
lawfully or by violence? An independent nation
acknowledges no judge. If the body of the nation
* By the seventh article of the Treaty of TRIPLE ALLIANCE, between France, England, and Holland, signed at the Hague, in the
year 1717, it is stipulated, " that, if the kingdoms, countries, or provinces of any of the allies are disturbed by intestine quarrels, or by rebellions, on account of the said successions," (the Protestant succession
to the throne of Great Britain, and the succession to the throne of
France, as settled by the Treaty of Utrecht,) "or under any other pretext
whatever, the ally thus in trouble shall have full right to demand of
his allies the succors above mentioned": that is to say, the same succors as in the case of an invasion from any foreign power, - 8,000 foot and 2,000 horse to be furnished by France or England, and 4,000 foot
and 1,000 -horse by the States-General.
By the fourth article of the Treaty of QUADRUPLE ALLIANCE,
between England, France, Holland, and the Emperor of Germany,
signed in the year 1718, the contracting powers,' promise and oblige
themselves that they will and ought to maintain, guaranty, and defend
the right of succession in the kingdom of France, according to the
tenor of the treaties made. at Utrecht the 11th day of April, 1713;. . . and this they shall perform against all persons whatsoever who may presume to disturb the order of the said succession, in contradiction to the
previous acts and treaties subsequent thereon. "
The above treaties have been revived and confirmed by every subsequent treaty of peace between Great Britain and France. - EDIT.
? ? ? ? 476 ON THE POLICY OF THE ALLIES.
declares the king deprived of his rights by the abuse
he has made of them, and deposes him, it may justly
do it when its grievances are well founded, and no other. power has a right to censure it. The personal ally
of this king ought not then to assist him against the
nation that has made use of its right in deposing
him: if he attempts it, he injures that nation. England declared war against Louis the Fourteenth, in
the year 1688, for supporting the interest of James
the Second, who was deposed in form by the nation.
The same country declared war against him a second
time, at the beginning of the present century, because
that prince acknowledged the son of the deposed
James, under the name of James the Third. In
Case where- doubtful cases, and when the body of the
in aid may
be given to nation has not pronounced, or HAS NOT PROa deposed
king. NOUNCED FREELY, a sovereign may naturally support and defend an ally; and it is then that
the voluntary law of nations subsists between different
states. The party that has driven out the king pretends to have right on its side; this unhappy king
and his ally flatter themselves with having the same
advantage; and as they have no common judge upon
earth, they have no other method to take but to apply to arms to terminate the dispute; they therefore
engage in a formal war.
Not obliged " In short, when the foreign prince has
to pursue
his right be- faithfully fulfilled his engagements towards
yond a certain point. an unfortunate'monarch, when he has done
in his defence, or to procure his restoration, all he
was obliged to perform in virtue of the alliance, if
his efforts are ineffectual, the dethroned prince cannot require him to support an endless war in his favor, or expect that he will eternally remain the enemy
? ? ? ? APPENDIX. 477
of the nation or of the sovereign who has deprived
him of the throne. He must think of peace, abandon the ally, and consider him as having himself
abandoned his right through necessity. Thus Louis
the Fourteenth was obliged to abandon James the
Second, and to acknowledge King William, though
he had at first treated him as an usurper.
" The same question presents itself in real alliances,
and, in general, in all alliances made with the state,
and not in particular with a king for the defence
of his person. An ally ought, doubtless, to be defended against every invasion, against every foreign
violence, and even against his rebellious sub- Case of
defence
jects: in the same manner a republic ought against
subjects.
to be defended against the enterprises of one
who. attempts to destroy the public liberty. But it
ought to be remembered that an ally of the state or
the nation is not its judge. If the nation has deposed its king in form,- if the people of a republic
have driven out their magistrates and set themselves
at liberty, or acknowledged the authority of an usurper, either expressly or tacitly, - to oppose these domestic regulations, by disputing their justice or validity, would be to interfere in the government of the nation, and to do it an injury. (See ~ 54, and following, of this Book. ) The ally remains the ally of the
state, notwithstanding the change that has happened
in it. However, when this change renders the Case where
real alliances
alliance useless, dangerous, or disagreeable, it may be
renounced.
may renounce it; for it may say, upon a
good foundation, that it would not have entered into
an alliance with that nation, had it been under the
present form of government.
"We may say here, what we have said on a per
? ? ? ? 478 ON THE POLICY OF THE ALLIES.
sonal alliance: however just the cause of that king may
be who is driven from the throne either by his subjects or by a foreign usurper, his allies are not obliged Not an eter- to support an eternal war in his favor. After having made ineffectual efforts to restore
him, they must at length give peace to their people,
and come to an accommodation with the usurper, and
for that purpose treat with him as with a lawful sovereign. Louis the Fourteenth, exhausted by a bloody and unsuccessful war, offered at Gertruydenberg to
abandon his grandson, whom he had placed on the
throne of Spain; and when affairs had changed their
appearance, Charles of Austria, the rival of Philip,
saw himself, in his turn, abandoned by his allies.
They grew weary of exhausting their states in order
to give him the possession of a crown which they believed to be his due, but which, to all appearance, they should never be able to procure for him. " -
Book II. ch. xii. ~~ 196, 197.
DANGEROUS POWER.
All nations "IT is still easier to prove, that, should
may join. this formidable power betray any unjust and
ambitious dispositions by doing the least injustice to
another, every nation may avail themselves of the
occasion, and join their forces to those of the party
injured, in order to reduce that ambitious power, and
disable it from so easily oppressing its neighbors, or
keeping them in continual awe and fear. For an injury gives a nation a right to provide for its future safety by taking away from the violator the means of
oppression. It is lawful, and even praiseworthy, to
assist those who are oppressed, or unjustly attacked. "
- Book III. ch. iii. ~ 45.
? ? ? ? APPENDIX. 479
SYSTEM OF EUROPE.
" EUROPE forms a political system, a body where
the whole is connected by the relations and different interests of nations inhabiting this part of the
world. It is not, as anciently, a confused heap of
detached pieces, each of which thought itself very little concerned in the fate of others, and seldom regarded things which did not immediately relate to it. The continual attention of sovereigns to what is on
the carpet, the constant residence of ministers, and
the perpetual negotiations, make Europe a kind of a
republic, the members of which, though inde- Europe a
republic
pendent, unite, through the ties of common in- to preserve
order and
terest,for the maintenance of order and liberty. liberty.
Hence arose that famous scheme of the political equilibrium, or balance of power, by which is understood
such a disposition of things as no power is able absolutely to predominate or to prescribe laws to others. "
- Book III. ch. iii. ~ 47.
" Confederacies would be a sure way of preserving
the equilibrium, and supporting the liberty of nations, did all princes thoroughly understand their
true interests, and regulate all their steps for the
good of the state. " - Ibid. ~ 49.
CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE ENEMY'S COUNTRY.
"INSTEAD of the pillage of the country and defenceless places, a custom has been substituted more humane and more advantageous to the sovereign making war: I mean that of contributions. Whoever carries on a just war* has a right of making the enemy's
* Contributions raised by the Duke of Brunswick in France.
Compare these with the contributions raised by the French in the
Netherlands. - EDIT.
? ? ? ? 480 ON THE POLICY OF THE ALLIES.
country contribute to the support of the army, and towards defraying all the charges of the war. Thus he obtains a part of what is due to him, and the subjects
of the enemy, on submitting to this imposition, are
secured from pillage, and the country is preserved.
But a general who would not sully his reputation is
To be to moderate his contributions, and propormoderate.
tion them to those on whom they are imposed. An excess in this point is not without the
reproach of cruelty and inhumanity: if it shows less
ferocity than ravage and destruction, it glares with
avarice. " - Book III. ch. ix. ~ 165.
ASYLUM.
" IF an exile or banished man is driven from his
country for any crime, it does not belong to the nation in which he has taken refuge to punish him for
a fault committed in a foreign country. For Nature
gives to mankind and to nations the right of punishing only for their defence and safety (~ 169): whence it follows that he can only be punished by those he
has offended.
" But this reason shows, that, if the justice of
each nation ought in general to be confined to the
punishment of crimes committed in its own territories, we ought to except from this rule the villains
who, by the quality and habitual frequency of their
crimes, violate all public security, and declare themselves the enemies of the human race. Poisoners. assassins, and incendiaries by profession may be exterminated wherever they are seized; for they attack and injure all nations by trampling under foot the
foundations of their common safety. Thus pirates are
brought to the gibbet by the first into whose hands
? ? ? ? APPENDIX. 481
they fall. If the sovereign of the country where
crimes of that nature have been committed reclaims
the authors of them in order to bring them to punishment, they ought to be restored to him, as to one who
is principally interested in punishing them in an exemplary manner: and it being proper to convict the
guilty, and to try them according to some form of
law, this is a second [not sole] reason why malefactors are usually delivered up at the desire of the
state where their crimes have been committed. " -
Book I. ch. xix. ~~ 232, 233.
" Every nation has a right of refusing to admit a
stranger into the country, when he cannot enter it
without putting it in evident danger, or without doing it a remarkable prejudice. " * -Ibid. ~ 230.
FOREIGN MINISTERS.
"TIE obligation does not go so far as to suffer at
all times perpetual ministers, who are desirous of residing with a sovereign, though they have nothing to
negotiate. It is natural, indeed, and very agreeable
to the sentiments which nations owe to each other,
that these resident ministers, when there is nothing to
be fearedfrom their stay, should be friendly received;
but if there be any solid reason against this, what is
for the good of the state ought unquestionably to be
preferred: and the foreign sovereign cannot take it
amiss, if his minister, who has concluded the affairs of
his commission, and has no other affairs to negotiate,
be desired to depart. t The custom of keeping every* The third article of the Treaty of Triple Alliance and the latter part of the fourth article of the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance stipulate, that no kind of refuge or protection shall be given to rebellious subjects of the contracting powers. - EDIT.
t Dismission of M. Chauvelin. -EDIT.
VOL. IV. 31
? ? ? ? 482 ON THE POLICY OF THE ALLIES.
where ministers continually resident is now so strongly established, that the refusal of a conformity to it
would, without very good reasons, give offence. These
reasons may arise from particular conjunctures; but
there are also common reasons always subsisting, and
such as relate to the constitution of a government and
the state of a nation.
The republics have often very
good reasons of the latter kind to excuse themselves
from continually suffering foreign ministers who corrupt the citizens in order to gain them over to their masters, to the great prejudice of the republic andfomenting of the parties, &c. And should they only diffuse among a nation, formerly plain, frugal, and virtuous,
a taste for luxury, avidity for money, and the manners of courts, these would be more than sufficient for
wise and provident rulers to dismiss them. " -Book
IV. ch. v. ~ 66.
END OF VOL. IV.
? ? ? The works of the Right Honorable Edmund Burke.
Burke, Edmund, 1729-1797.
Boston : Little, Brown, and company, 1869.
http://hdl. handle. net/2027/miun. aba1206. 0005. 001
Public Domain
http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd
We have determined this work to be in the public domain, meaning that it is not subject to copyright. Users are free to copy, use, and redistribute the work in part or in whole. It is possible that current copyright holders, heirs or the estate of the authors of individual portions of the work, such as illustrations or photographs, assert copyrights over these portions. Depending on the nature of subsequent use that is made, additional rights may need to be obtained independently of anything we can address.
? ? ? THE
WO RKS
OF
THE RIGHT HONORABLE
EDM UND BUR KE,
THIRD EDITION.
VOL. V.
BOSTON:
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY. I869.
? ? ? ? CONTENTS OF VOL. V.
I'AGH
OBSERVATIONS ON THE CONDUCT OF THE MINORITY, PARTICULARLY IN THE LAST SESSION OF PARLIAMENT, 1793 1 PREFACE TO THE ADDRESS OF M. BRISSOT TO HIS CONSTITUENTS: WITH AN APPENDIX. 65
LETTER TO WILLIAM ELLIOT, ESQ. , OCCASIONED BY A
SPEECH MADE IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS BY THE ****//
OF * * * * * * ~* IN THE DEBATE CONCERNING LORD
FITZWILLIAM, 1795. 107
THOUGHTS AND DETAILS ON SCARCITY. . . . 131
LETTER TO A NOBLE LORD ON THE ATTACKS MADE UPON
MR. BURKE AND HIS PENSION, IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS,
BY THE DUKE OF BEDFORD AND THE EARL OF LAUDERDALE, 1796. 171
THREE LETTERS TO A MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT ON THE
PROPOSALS FOR PEACE WITH THE REGICIDE DIRECTORY
OF FRANCE.
LETTER I. ON THE OVERTURES OF PEACE. . 23a
LETTER II. ON THE GENIUS AND CHARACTER OF THE
FRENCH REVOLUTION AS IT REGARDS OTHER
NATIONS. 342
LETTER III. ON THE RUPTURE OF THE NEGOTIATION;
THE TERMS OF PEACE PROPOSED; AND THE RESOURCES OF THE COUNTRY FOR THE CONTINUANCE OF THE WAR. 384
? ? ? ? OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
CONDUCT OF THE MINORITY, PARTICULARLY IN THE
LAST SESSION OF PARLIAMENT. ADDRESSED TO
THE DUKE OF PORTLAND AND LORD FITZWILLIAM.
I793.
VOL. V. 1
? ? ? ? LET T E R
TO
HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF PORTLAND.
MY DEAR LORD,- The paper which I take the
liberty of sending to your Grace was, for the
greater part, written during the last session. A few
days after the prorogation some few observations were
added. I was, however, resolved to let it lie by me
for a considerable time, that, on viewing the matter
at a proper distance, and when the sharpness of recent impressions had been worn off, I might be better able to form a just estimate of the value of my first opinions.
I have just now read it over very coolly and deliberately. MIy latest judgment owns my first sentiments and reasonings, in their full force, with regard both to persons and things.
During a period of four years, the state of the
world, except for some few and short intervals, has
filled me with a good deal of serious inquietude. I
considered a general war against Jacobins and Jacobinism as the only possible chance of saving Europe
(and England as included in Europe) from a truly
frightful revolution. For this I have been censured,
as receiving through weakness, or spreading through
fraud and artifice, a false alarm. Whatever others
may think of the matter, that alarm, in my mind,
is by no means quieted. The state of affairs aroad
? ? ? ? 4 LETTER TO THE DUKE OF PORTLAND.
is not so much mended as to make me, for one, full
of confidence. At home, I see no. abatement whatsoever in the zeal of the partisans of Jacobinism
towards their cause, nor any cessation in their efforts to do mischief. What is doing by Lord Lauderdale on the first scene of Lord George Gordon's actions, and in his spirit, is not calculated to remove
my apprehensions. They pursue their first object
with as much eagerness as ever, but with more dexterity. Under the plausible name of peace, by which
they delude or are deluded, they would deliver us
unarmed and defenceless to the confederation of
Jacobins, whose centre is indeed in France, but whose
rays proceed in every direction throughout the world.
I understand that Mr. Coke, of Norfolk, has been
lately very busy in spreading a disaffection to this
war (which we carry on for our being) in the country in which his property gives him so great an influence. It is truly alarming to see so large a part of the aristocratic interest engaged in the cause of the
new species of democracy, which is openly attacking
or secretly undermining the system of property by
which mankind has hitherto been governed. But we
are not to delude ourselves. No man can be connected with a party which professes publicly to admire or may be justly suspected of secretly abetting this French Revolution, who must not be drawn into
its vortex, and become the instrument of its designs.
What I have written is in the manner of apology.
I have given it that form, as being the most respectfill; but I do not stand in need of any apology for
my principles, my sentiments, or my conduct. I wish
the paper I lay before your Grace to be considered
? ? ? ? LETTER TO THE DUKE OF PORTLAND. 5
as my most deliberate, solemn, and even testamentary protest against the proceedings and doctrines
which have hitherto produced so much mischief in
the world, and which will infallibly produce more,
and possibly greater. It is my protest against the
delusion by which some have been taught to look
upon this Jacobin contest at home as an ordinary
party squabble about place or patronage, and to regard this Jacobin war abroad as a common war about
trade or territorial boundaries, or about a political balance of power among rival or jealous states. Above
all, it is my protest against that mistake or perversion of sentiment by which they who agree with us
in our principles may on collateral considerations be
regarded as enemies, and those who, ill this perilous
crisis of all human affairs, differ from us fundamentally and practically, as our best friends. Thus persons of great importance may be made to turn the whole of their influence to the destruction of their
principles.
I now make it my humble request to your Grace,
that you will not give any sort of answer to the paper I send, or to this letter, except barely to let me
know that you have received them. I even wish that
at present you may not read the paper which I transmit: lock it up in the drawer of your library-table;
and when a day of compulsory reflection comes, then
be pleased to turn to it. Then remember that your
Grace had a true friend, who had, comparatively with
men of your description, a very small interest in opposing the modern system of morality and policy,
but who, under every discouragement, was faithful
to public duty and to private friendship. I shall
then probably be dead. I am sure I do not wish
? ? ? ? 6 LETTER TO THE DUKE OF PORTLAND.
to live to see such things. But whilst I do live, I
shall pursue the same course, although my merits
should be taken for unpardonable faults, and as such
avenged, not only on myself, but on my posterity.
Adieu, my dear Lord; and do me the justice to
believe me ever, with most sincere respect, veneration, and affectionate attachment, Your Grace's most faithful friend,
And most obedient humble servant,
EDMUND BURKE.
BEACONSFIELD, Sept. 29, 1793.
? ? ? ? OBSERVATIONS.
APPROACHING towards the close of a long period of public service, it is natural I should be
desirous to stand well (I hope I do stand tolerably
well) with that public which, with whatever fortune,
I have endeavored faithfully and zealously to serve.
I am also not a little anxious for some place in the
estimation of the two persons to whom I address this
paper. I have always acted with them, and with
those whom they represent. To my knowledge, I
have not deviated, no, not in the minutest point,
from their opinions and principles. Of late, without any alteration in their sentiments or in mine,
a difference of a very unusual nature, and which,
under the circumstances, it is not easy to describe,
has arisen between us.
In my journey with them through life, I met Mr.
Fox in my road; and I travelled with him very cheerfully, as long as he appeared to me to pursue the same direction with those in whose company I set out. In
the latter stage of our progress a new scheme of liberty and equality was produced in the world, which either dazzled his imagination, or was suited to some
new walks of ambition which were then opened to
his view. The whole frame and fashion of his politics appear to have suffered about that time a very material alteration. It is about three years since, in
consequence of that extraordinary change, that, after
? ? ? ? 8 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
a pretty long preceding period of distance, coolness,
and want of confidence, if not total alienation on his
part, a complete public separation has been made
between that gentleman and me. Until lately the
breach between us appeared reparable. I trusted
that time and reflection, and a decisive experience of
the mischiefs which have flowed from the proceedings
and the system of France, on which our difference
had arisen, as well as the known sentiments of the
best and wisest of our common fiiends upon that
subject, would have brought him to a safer way of
thinking. Several of his friends saw no security for
keeping things in a proper train after this excursion
of his, but in the reunion of the party on its old
grounds, under the Duke of Portland. Mr. Fox, if
he pleased, might have been comprehended in that
system, with the rank and consideration to which his
great talents entitle him, and indeed must secure to
him in any party arrangement that could be made.
The Duke of Portland knows how much I wished for,
and how earnestly I labored that reunion, and upon
terms that might every way be honorable and advantageous to Mr. Fox. His conduct in the last session has extinguished these hopes forever.
Mr. Fox has lately published in print a defence of
his conduct. On taking into consideration that defence, a society of gentlemen, called the Whig Club, thought proper to come to the following resolution:
-- "That their confidence in Mr. Fox is confirmed,
strengthened, and increased by the calumnies against
him. "
To that resolution my two noble friends, the Duke
of Portland and Lord Fitzwilliam, have given their
concurrence.
? ? ? ? CONDUCT OF THE MINORITY.
The calumnies supposed in that resolution can be
nothing else than the objections taken to Mr. Fox's
conduct in this session of Parliament; for to them,
and to them alone, the resolution refers. I am one
of those who have publicly and strongly urged those
objections. I hope I shall be thought only to do what
is necessary to my justification, thus publicly, solemnly, and heavily censured by those whom I most value and esteem, when I firmly contend that the objections which I, with many others of the friends to the Duke of Portland, have made to Mr. Fox's conduct, are not calumnies, but founded on truth,- that they are not few, but many, - and that they are not
light and trivial, but, in a very high degree, serious
and important.
That I may avoid the imputation of throwing out,
even privately, any loose, random imputations against
the public conduct of a gentleman for whom I once
entertained a very warm affection, and whose abilities I regard with the greatest admiration, I will put down, distinctly and articulately, some of the matters of objection which I feel to his late doctrines and proceedings, trusting that I shall be able to demonstrate to the friends whose good opinion I would still cultivate, that not levity, nor caprice, nor less defensible motives, but that very grave reasons, influence my judgment. I think that the spirit of his late proceedings is wholly alien to our national policy, and to the peace, to the prosperity, and to the legal liberties
of this nation, according to our ancient domestic and
appropriated mode of holding them.
Viewing things in that light, my confidence in him
is not increased, but totally destroyed, by those proceedings. I cannot conceive it a matter of honor or
? ? ? ? 10 OBSERVATIONS ON THE
duty (but the direct contrary) in any member of
Parliament to continue systematic opposition for the
purpose of putting government under difficulties, until Mr. Fox (with all his present ideas) shall have
the principal direction of affairs placed in his hands,
and until the present body of administration (with
their ideas and measures) is of course overturned and
dissolved.
To come to particulars.
1. The laws and Constitution of the kingdom intrust the sole and exclusive right of treating with
foreign potentates to the king. This is an undisputed part of the legal prerogative of the crown.
However, notwithstanding this, Mr. Fox, without the
knowledge or participation of any one person in the
House of Commons, with whom he was bound by every party principle, in matters of delicacy and importance, confidentially to communicate, thought proper to send Mr. Adair, as his representative, and with his
cipher, to St. Petersburg, there to frustrate the objects for which the minister from the crown was authorized to treat. He succeeded in this his design,
and did actually frustrate the king's minister in some
of the objects of his negotiation.
This proceeding of Mr. Fox does not (as I conceive) amount to absolute high treason, -- Russia,
though on bad terms, not having been then declaredly at war with this kingdom. But such a proceeding is in law not very remote from that offence, and
is undoubtedly a most unconstitutional act, and an
high treasonable misdemeanor.
The legitimate and sure mode of communication
between this nation and foreign powers is rendered
uncertain, precarious, and treacherous, by being di
? ? ? ? CONDUCT OF THE MINORITY. 11
vided into two channels, - one with the government,
one with the head of a party in opposition to that
government; by which means the foreign powers can
never be assured of the real authority or validity of
any public transaction whatsoever.
On the other hand, the advantage taken of the discontent which at that time prevailed in Parliament
and in the nation, to give to an individual an influence directly against the government of his country,
in a foreign court, has made a highway into England
for the intrigues of foreign courts in our affairs. This
is a sore evil, - an evil from which, before this time,
England was more free than any other nation. Nothing can preserve us from that evil - which connects
cabinet factions abroad with popular factions here
but the keeping sacred the crown as the only channel of communication with every other nation.
This proceeding of Mr. Fox has given a strong
countenance and an encouraging example to the doctrines and practices of the Revolution and Constitutional Societies, and of other mischievous societies of that description, who, without any legal authority,
and even without any corporate capacity, are in the
habit of proposing, and, to the best of their power, of
forming, leagues and alliances with France.
This proceeding, which ought to be reprobated on
all the general principles of government, is in a more
narrow view of things not less reprehensible. It
tends to the prejudice of the whole of the Duke of
Portland's late party, by discrediting the principles
upon which they supported Mr. Fox in the Russian
business, as if they of that party also had proceeded
in their Parliamentary opposition on the same mischievous principles which actuated Mr. Fox in sending Mr. Adair on his embassy.
?