'Will any jury convict on this
evidence?
Ezra-Pound-Speaking
You can't print stuff like this in your papers, cause the newspapers are NOT there to inform the people.
You have got to talk to each other, you have got to write letters one to another.
The texts and the guides you have got, that is, in a way you have got 'em, sprawled out, in big sets of unhandy volumes. Our publishers don't print handy compendiums. Your professors don't analyze, that is, not very much. I don't know what has become of Claude Bowers. He did a bit of digging about. You have a half-dozen historians but not all of 'em, by any means, able to take out the facts and show how they hitch together.
I dunno how you think you are going to assist in a war by a money system which, as Jefferson already saw, "charges the public TWO dollars for every dollar spent by the government," just automatically and independent of any particular grafting and swindling.
Thirty years war, 30 years paradise for Army contractors, may not be what you voted for. In fact, Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt on that score is
? manifestly what they called him here the other day: the boy that fell down on his assignment. And when you think, if you do think, of the BILLIONS that have been lifted by the Morgenthau treasury policy during the past nine years of peace time. God knows.
God knows what it will be during warfare, or by the end, shall we say, thirty years ? Well, you are now IN, and nobody in Europe can now get you out. Inspired (shall we say) by the principle of self-determination of peoples, oppressed peoples ? Illustratin' it by the determination to keep Mr. Aguinaldo out of his native Manila you have chucked away our national cultural heritage.
Relatively speakin' that heritage was the determination of our forebears to set up and maintain in the North American continent a government better than any other.
The determination to govern ourselves INternally, better than any other nation on earth. The idea of Washington, Jefferson, Monroe, to keep out of foreign shindies.
Well, you have chucked that idea, or ideal onto the dung heap. And you have insulted the most highly tempered people on earth. With unspeakable vulgarity you have insulted the most finely tempered people on earth, threatenin' 'em with starvation, threatenin' 'em with encirclement and tellin' 'em they were too low down to fight.
You are at war for the duration of the Tenno's pleasure. Nothin' in the Western World; nothin' in the whole of our Occident can help you to dodge that. Nothin' can help you dodge it.
I could go along on this line for some time, but mebbe I said enough for one evenin'.
? #8 (February 10, 1942) U. S. (A69) THE STAGE IN AMERICA
Well perhaps I won't stick to my title very closely, but to start off with, when I was in New York a while back I saw Katharine Cornell in a play, that was a bit soft, and the little sermon she gave from the stage, not quite part of the piece sounded THEN a bit sentimental. I have no doubt that vague language is used on both sides of the present discussion. We can't all be stylists.
I am chasm' the METHOD of war scares, the method used for gettin' people worked into hysteria. And part of it, is attackin' one wrong, appealin' to the soft heart and then by false dilemma offering the hearer a bit of sheer buncombe, i. e. , offering him an alternative and doing a hat trick to make him think it is the ONLY alternative; false dilemma, you call that in a logic class.
Thus with the stink of Russia NO ONE with any thought in Europe or North or South America believes in the abolition of ownership of every thing.
East Europe and North America believe in the homestead, from A to Z, and from bedrock to roof tree the American people believe in the homestead.
The members of the floating population, to which the top crust has been REDUCED, are beliefless, they got no belief, they want this, that or tother, tinsel and limelight. The young, I ain't the first to notice it, the young WANT this, that, or tother, often they want something different over two weeks. The stronger ones CIT it. After they git to be fifty, a few of 'em try to see what all the fuss was about.
Lord knows j'ai roulA? (C)e ma bosse. I wanted metropolitan life, etc. But you can't run a whole state or nation on the predilections of a few
? writers and artists. WHEN they ripen, as take the case of William Shakespeare, they git to hear of the homestead.
The WHOLE and total best of civilization, Chinese or Western, is based on the homestead. It is not based on nomadic tribes, and destructions.
Being DISGUSTED as 98% of all decent men were with the results of usuriocracy, money lenders' decivilization, money lenders' RUIN of the good life in the Occident and everywhere else they could get their dirty hooks onto, a lot of us fell for ANY alternative, jumpin' the part we didn't look at very closely, never stoppin' to ask: DO we believe Marx and Lenin ? Hence PART of the red and pink beano. When their hair begins to lose its adolescent hue, a few men begin to think of a SYSTEM, a working system, a base and BASIS for human living together. And the answer comes out the same, a house GOOD enough for the ordinary folk to go on livin' in from one generation to the fourth and fifth generation. And you get relief classically in the Wanderjahre. Run around and look at the world [ the kikes and Frank Roosevelt and Hill Billy Hull and Welles are doin' their worst to clamp down on. DON'T want any witnesses, any free and independent witnesses, to tell what IS goin' on elsewhere. In the ole days it was the fatheads with privilege; or mediocre writers and architects and artists that did not WANT criticism. [FCC transcript: Every decent idea was to go around, see the best, and then come home and do better. That is the way the good life is built. The so-called stifling air of the provinces et cetera was due to fear, due to shunning comparisons. While, if every American would get up tomorrow morning and ask himself what he really wants, there would be an end to the Roosevelt hysteria. That is to say, it would not spread like a pest throughout the American nation. ] If the citizen, after having asked himself that, would then go on to the ole Rights of Man, and say how much of it can I git without doing dirt to my neighbor, the good life would approach very rapidly, more rapidly than it usually does; if we can trust to the human record.
? Yes, I know what the decent English are resistin' and what they were even ready to fight to resist. And if they had any clear headedness, that would be dandy. They want their cultural heritage, they think the English once had nice manners.
Well I was talkin' to a friend of mine, and she was born with a name sacr'd to every man who cares for poetry written in English, Rossetti. And she said, "The worst manners come from people trying to be nasty to people whom they consider inferior. Matter of class. And the Nazis have wiped out that feeling, and wiped out bad manners in Germany. "
The New Europe goes ON NOW doing what American democracy, in the clean sense of that word, started doin' when it made a DECLARATION of Independence, but failed to define all the words used, or compromised on the wording, struck out Jefferson's original sentences about abolition of slavery, and for the sake of a vote, omitted to specify that "equal" means equal in the courts of law, no man having privilege over any other, to be let off certain penalties cause he was the son of his papa, or had been to a university.
I told my rare and precious readers ten years ago that there was an ANTI snob movement in Italy. Of course no one paid any attention to that sentence, so I repeat it.
Some things you are learning 30 years late, some things 20 and ten years. And in others you swallow goof like Mr. Donovan, Colonel Donovan, or you merely get hooked with press lies contradicted two days or ten days later. I have a weakness for newspaper writers, ever since a fellow named Monsier turned up in London in 1915 or some such, and later when there weren't any new book writers, I took to my newspaper colleague, who of course allus looked down on the outsider, but a few of 'em were kindly and tolerant, regardin' me as an amateur, who didn't menace their pay cheque. And I finally took to noticin' the waves of credulity that pass over 'em. They know that most of what
? they can print is all horse. But they believe certain unprinted rumors. Sure, we were set to invade Dakar. Well, I don't deny it. Sometimes their tips are straight. But we do almightily need a better system of communication. We need a greater honesty ? Naturally, and I don't mean merely about stealing and graft. I mean inside the individual head. A greater resistance to these waves of hoakum.
Do you want the destruction of the people of Iceland ? Is Finland a menace to anyone save a few kike owners of nickel mines ? Do the Beits and Sassoons and their delegates represent the best English tradition ?
If the United States is to steal and embezzle, wouldn't it be wiser to stick to French, English, and Dutch dependencies in the American
hemisphere ? And wouldn't it be honester to get same by purchase, even if it meant fewer IMMEDIATE profits to the tinned meat and armament rackets ?
#9 (February 12, 1942) U. S. (A71) CANTO 46
I am readin' you now another Canto for diverse reasons. It contains things or at least hints at things that you will have to know sooner or later. Berle or no Berle, war or no war.
And as I stated last time, I am feedin' you the footnotes first in case there is any possible word that might not be easily comprehended. The Decennio, and decennio exposition was the exhibition in Rome at the end of the first ten years of the Fascist regime. Mussolini's fascist regime. They set up the office of the old Popolo d'Italia, very like what had been the New Age Office in London. Except that Orage's office contained a couple of drawings by Max Beerbohm which have never been published.
? John Marmaduke is a pseudonym, the rest of the names in the Canto are real. The MacMillan Commission sat after the other war to look into the sins of the British Financial system.
Antoninus Pius, a Roman emperor; lex Rhodi the law of Rhodes, well I say that in the Canto. The Latin phrase: Aurum est commune sepulchrum, gold the common sepulchre. Parallels: Troy the common grave, I think it is a part of a line by Propertius. But it don't matter who it is quoted from. And the Greek: helandros, kai heleptolis kai helarxe [usary destroyer of] men and cities and governments. HELARXE more or less twisted from a line of Aeschylus; about Helen of Troy destroyer of men, and cities. Geryon, Geryone; allegorical beast in Dante's hell, symbol of fraud and all dirtiness. Hic Geryon est, is a Latin tag meaning, with the other phrase, Hic hyperu sura: this is extra strong usury. Super usury. All right, now I am going on with Canto 46.
XLVI
And if you will say that this tale teaches . . .
a lesson, or that the Reverend Eliot
has found a more natural language . . . you who think you will
get through hell in a hurry . . .
That day there was cloud over Zoagli
And for three days snow cloud over the sea
Banked like a line of mountains.
Snow fell. Or rain fell stolid, a wall of lines
So that you could see where the air stopped open
and where the rain fell beside it
Or the snow fell beside it. Seventeen
Years on this case, nineteen years, ninety years
on this case
An' the fuzzy bloke sez (legs no pants ever wd. fit) 'IF that is so, any government worth a damn can
pay dividends? '
The major chewed it a bit and sez: 'Y--es, eh . . .
You mean instead of collectin' taxes? ' '
Instead of collecting taxes. ' That office?
? Didja see the Decennio?
?
Decennio exposition, reconstructed office of II Popolo,
Waal, ours waz like that, minus the Mills bomb an' the teapot, heavy lipped chap at the desk,
One half green eye and one brown one, nineteen
Years on this case, CRIME
Ov two CENturies, 5 millions bein' killed off
to 1919, and before that
Debts of the South to New York, that is to the
banks of the city, two hundred million,
war, I don't think (or have it your own way . . . )
about slavery?
Five million being killed off. . . couple of Max's drawings,
one of Balfour and a camel, an'
one w'ich fer oBviOus reasons haz
never been published, ole Johnny Bull with a 'ankerchief.
It has never been published. .
'He ain't got an opinion. '
Sez Orage about G. B. S. sez Orage about Mr. Xtertn.
Sez Orage about Mr. Wells, 'he wont HAVE an opinion
trouble iz that you mean it, you never will be a journalist.
19 years on this case, suburban garden,
'Greeks! ' sez John Marmaduke 'a couple of art tricks!
What else? never could set up a NATION! '
Wouldn't convert me, dwn't HAVE me converted,
'Said "I know I didn't ask you, your father sent you here
"to be trained. I know what I'd feel.
"send my son to England and have him come back a christian! "what wd. I feel? " 'Suburban garden
Said Abdul Baha: "I said 'let us speak of religion. '
"Camel driver said: I must milk my camel.
"So when he had milked his camel I said 'let us speak of religion. ' And the camel driver said: It is time to drink milk.
Will you have some? ' For politeness I tried to join him.
Have you ever tasted milk from a camel?
I was unable to drink camel's milk. I have never been able.
So he drank all of the milk, and I said: let us speak of religion.
'I have drunk my milk. I must dance. ' said the driver.
We did not speak of religion. " Thus Abdul Baha
? Third vice-gerent of the First Abdul or Whatever Baha, the Sage, the Uniter, the founder of a religion,
in a garden at Uberton, Gubberton, or mebbe it was some other damned suburb, but at any rate a suburban suburb amid a flutter of teacups, said Mr Marmaduke:
"Never will understand us. They lie. I mean personally
"They are mendacious, but if the tribe gets together
"the tribal word will be kept, hence perpetual misunderstanding. "Englishman goes there, lives honest, word is reliable,
"ten years, they believe him, then he signs terms for his government.
"and naturally, the treaty is broken, Mohammedans,
"Nomads, will never understand how we do this. "
17 years on this case, and we not the first lot!
Said Paterson:
Hath benefit of interest on all
the moneys which it, the bank, creates out of nothing Semi-private inducement Said
Mr Roth-schild, hell knows which Roth-schild
1861, '64 or there sometime, "very few people
"will understand this. Those who do will be occupied
"getting profits. The general public will probably not
"see it's against their interest. "
Seventeen years on the case; here
Gents, is/are the confession.
"Can we take this into court?
'Will any jury convict on this evidence?
1694 anno domini, on through the ages of usury
On, right on, into hair-cloth, right on into rotten building,
Right on into London houses, ground rents, foetid brick work, Will any jury convict 'um? The Foundation of Regius Professors Was made to spread lies and teach Whiggery, will any
JURY convict 'um?
The Macmillan Commission about two hundred and forty years LATE
with great difficulty got back to Paterson's
The bank makes it ex nihil
Denied by five thousand professors, will any
Jury convict 'um? This case, and with it
the first part, draws to a conclusion,
? of the first phase of this opus, Mr Marx, Karl, did not foresee this conclusion, you have seen a good deal of the evidence, not knowing it evidence, is monumentum look about you, look, if you can, at St Peter's
Look at the Manchester slums, look at Brazilian coffee or Chilean nitrates. This case is the first case
Si requieres monumentum?
This case is not the last case or the whole case, we ask a REVISION, we ask for enlightenment in a case
moving concurrent, but this case is the first case: Bank creates it ex nihil. Creates it to meet a need, Hic est hyper-usura. Mr. Jefferson met it:
No man hath natural right to exercise profession of lender, save him who hath it to lend.
Replevin, estopple, what wangle which wangle, VanBuren met it. Before that was tea dumped into harbour, before that was a
great deal still in the school books, placed there
NOT as evidence. Placed there to distract idle minds,
Murder, starvation and bloodshed, seventy four red revolutions Ten empires fell on this grease spot.
'I rule the Earth' said Antoninus 'but LAW rules the sea' meaning, we take it, lex Rhodi, the Law Maritime
of sea lawyers.
usura and sea insurance
wherefrom no State was erected greater than Athens.
Wanting TAXES to build St Peter's, thought Luther beneath civil notice,
1527. Thereafter art thickened. Thereafter design went to hell, Thereafter barocco, thereafter stone-cutting desisted.
'Hic nefas' (narrator) 'commune sepulchrum. '
19 years on this case/first case. I have set down part of
The Evidence. Part/commune sepulchrum
Aurum est commune sepulchrum. Usura, commune sepulchrum. helandros kai heleptolis kai helarxe.
Hic Geryon est. Hic hyperusura.
FIVE million youths without jobs
FOUR million adult illiterates
15 million 'vocational misfits', that is with small chance for jobs NINE million persons annual, injured in preventable industrial accidents
? One hundred thousand violent crimes. The Eunited States ov America
3rd year of the reign of F. Roosevelt, signed F. Delano, his uncle. CASE for the prosecution. That is one case, minor case
in the series/Eunited States of America, a. d. 1935
England a worse case, France under a foetor of regents.
'Mr Cummings wants Farley's job' headline in current paper. E. P. speaking. That's the end of Canto 46.
#10, FCC Transcript (February 17, 1942) U. S. (A72) SALE AND MANUFACTURE OF WAR
This challenge is a chance to-- --about the sale and manufacture of war. This war is part of a profit. The present phase of that profit began at the end of the 17th Century. By 1750 a corrupt and avaricious government in England, working for British monopolies, was shutting down on the Pennsylvania colony's issue of money, paper money, money issued against land, work and the industrious and sane nature of the Pennsylvania colonists.
I have given between 70 and 100 talks on the radio and if I come back to the microphone 100 or 200 times more, I could start every talk with that statement. Until you see this war as an incident in a series, you cannot understand it or judge it or qualify yourselves as judges of the rights and wrongs of the present act in the story.
Will men of my generation in America stop to consider what is not printed ? Will Americans between the age of 50 and 60 look back honestly over their own reading over what they have read during the past 50 years ? Note the vague dissatisfaction, the sense of bafflement, especially for the man who reads after working hours.
Now take the current issues of supposedly serious magazines, magazines that are certainly authoritative in a twisted sense, authoritative and influential. I believe one of them nominated Willkie and by now perhaps
? that fact needs no comment whatever. I've been accused in these talks but, if anyone has seriously answered any of my statements, they have been unable to do so in any form that reaches me. Well, I ask my compatriots of my own age to note that the very high percentage of articles printed in
American magazines contains a joker, that is a silent point, a basically false assumption. I don't mean they all contain the same false assumption. I point k out that there is no public medium in the United States for serious discussion.
Every [one? ] of these publications has subjects which its policy forbids it to mention or to mention without falsification. And I ask the men in my generation to consider the effects, the cumulative effect of this state of things which does not date from September, 1941, but has been going on ever since we can remember.
The progressive falsification of America has been going on for 80 years at least and we have lived through half of it. I mean as conscious leaders, we have had 40 years of ill-intentional and of semi-conscious befuddlement to contend with and it is time to come to the cumulative effect of that profit.
Baruch, Berle, Best? --to take three names starred in American publicity, one pronouncement and two headlined articles are before me. All of these men writing and speaking with authority of a sort official positions, dominant in national affairs and with such views that no man under 40 can possibly untangle their cobwebs.
In normal times, qualified readers wouldn't try. They would let it go at that. They would be busy on constructive work. The old are indifferent, the experienced are indifferent and a cautious son of a New York editor, now in his 70th year, I mean the son in his 70th year, remembered his father's-- --. He shrugged his shoulders, or did when I saw him last
? autumn, who is he to impede human carnage ? The folly of all mankind ain't nothing, but human imbecility gives us an idea of the infinite. And in a way, as he said, do nothing about it.
Well, there is still time to learn something about it, still time to fight against a peace that can be no peace, still time to fight against widespread efforts to prevent the end of the slaughter, which efforts are being made. I mean people are now trying to prevent the war from ending. People have already planned for a peace like the last, a mere parenthesis, a mere slow-up of munition sales, a mere disequilibrium that will keep the world on tenterhooks between the end of this war and the start of the next one.
You cannot sit in Ohio and judge the Balkans. You cannot judge China from Omaha. You could read, and perhaps some American will some day make a vow to read one old paper or magazine once a month, by all means say three or six months old, and once a year read a still older one. That might give you a perspective.
Unless you know at least as much about the past 20 years of Italian history as is contained in old-- --volume on "Italian Socio-Economic Policy," you will not be able to observe how much of old programs has been recently endorsed by Barney Baruch. Nor will you be able to see the price of confidence was-- --article in October Fortune, A. A. Berle, Assistant Secretary of State.
Well, when I was in Washington, a member of the Cabinet told me that so far as he knew Barney was a patriotic gentleman.
Baruch now came out for a constituted price, a price in accord with -- --, a price that would guarantee just recompense to everyone who collaborates in a final product.
? I will be ready to consider Baruch's a patriot when he comes out seriously for abolition of the national debt. He is far in-- --that lives in the new economics.
Now Berle's article is very nice in the second half. It-- --.
#11 (February 19, 1942) U. S. (A77) POWER The President hath power.
The President has NO LEGAL power to enter into devious and secret agreements with foreign powers. He has no legal power to cook up policies with the late Johnnie Buchan and sign the nation's name on the document.
United States Treaties are valid when ratified by the Senate and not before. The President has no legal power to enter into condominiums with foreign governments, for the misconduct of scandalous islands off the China coast or in proximity to distant oriental, or any other damn harbors.
The President has no more legal right to do these infamies than you have to sign my name on a cheque, or I yours.
There is no darkness save ignorance.
The labile, that is to say slidy and weak memory of past events is no asset to a nation or statesman. Looking back to an unsavory part of our American past we find it more savory than the present. Whether Roosevelt has mental stamina enough left to learn anything from his nasty forerunner and foreslider, Woodrow the codface: I know not. But men of mental capacity above that of a wart hog ought to be able to look back as far as 1914 and 1919. Woodrow resisted clamor to get us into that war. When he came in, he was in accord with the will of the people, a will which he had not faked or concocted. The Allies won that war,
? and then cheated Italy. It was an error. The cheating of Italy was an error, and Lloyd George ought to know it by now. The cheating of Italy was an error.
When Wilson further signed or tried to sign the United States name to a rascally agreement, he was NOT expressing the will of the nation. He had already wormed and wriggled out of the proper functions of his office. He had already wormed and wriggled, KNOWING that he opposed the will of the people.
There is a limit or orbit to power. There is a limit or orbit to the practical effects of illegality. The error of old codface, sorefoot, was his own. But he was abetted. In fact he was buttered, caressed, inoculated, and led down the garden path, by his accomplices. They were warned and even had they not been warned it was their duty to ascertain what Woodrow's real powers were. The position of the Warburgs and Lloyd George at Versailles was that of crooks who accept a forged cheque in the hope of passing it on to some one else.
The dirt and grease of the Versailles scoundrels, Jews, sub-Jews and Gen tiles alike, was that having concocted Wilson, having passed him off on their brutalized and stupefied peoples as the United States of America, they proceeded to offer his forged cheque to their people.
The League stank from the beginning. It stank of the Bank of Basel, the Warburgs, the Regents of the Banque de France and the ulcer of England. Not all Roosevelt's actions are infamous. As there is no criticism of music till you can judge the relative merits of different works by the same com poser, so there is no political or ethical criticism till you can measure and judge the different political acts of the same political criminal, gangster, or statesman.
When the President acts within his powers, he has NO NEED to do violence to the laws. His powers are executive, that is, he is legally
? there to PUT INTO effect the will of the nation and the laws made by the representatives of the People. When he violates and passes beyond his legal powers, he acts TOWARD the destruction of ALL legal government of the United States of America, all government by law and by the laws.
I mean by ANY law, he moves toward a total illegality. This is evil, this is extremely dangerous in the long run, it is myopic, it is short-sighted. In fact, the man is an ass. No good American objects to the U. S. A. assuring the tranquility of the Caribbean.
There is no need to violate the mandate of the people in making QUITE sure that there be no submarine bases, poison factories, etc. immediately off the coast of Florida or in easy reach of Georgia, Alabama, and the mouth of the Mississippi. There are even ways [for] America [to] occupy foreign territory after at least attempting to do it legally.
One can offer to buy, even if one thinks one will have to take over, and make reparations later. I do not think Congress would have objected to the taking over of ALL Guiana, not merely the gotterdamn Dutch part. When a politician's WHOLE policy has been indirect, when his whole political strategy has consisted in indirectness, in the carom shot (not the straight shot), it is unwise to accept any act of his at its face value.
If Roosevelt's aim had been Dutch Guiana, he would probably have turned public attention elsewhere. It is reasonable to assume, on the basis of Roosevelt's public career since the end of his second year in the White House, that his aim in this case was NOT Dutch Guiana.
It is legitimate at least to suspect that his MAIN purpose was to grab yet more ILLEGAL power, to put a hot one over such fools as Senator Pepper and the other fools in the Senate and Congress. Like balloon- faced bumbustuous Churchill, Roosevelt follows every error by a demand for more personal power.
? We should be very careful in arriving at [a] judgment of his Caribbean policy. It may be another mere grab. His interest in international politics is considerable. His hate and loathing of legitimate action, of reasoned action, is extreme. His intolerance of all real collaboration either is, or ought to be known to men who share the responsibility for the governing of the United States of America. I should desire an open mind in considering the Caribbean policy, which is O. K. insofar as it aims at peace and security. The question of how far Brazil should agree [with] our IDEAS of peace and security is a hemisphere question. All this is a matter of the American hemisphere. And as I said in opening, we will have no criticism of our own politics, no criticism of it worth the name, till we can judge between one act of our blowy rhinoceros and another. The policy for the western hemisphere is one thing, Asian affairs are another.
England's conduct in China has been for the most part an infamy. Let some bloody-minded betrayer of the British people get up in their grimy assembly and tell the world of their kind acts in the Orient. From the sacking of the Imperial Palace in Peking to the Jewsoons', Sassoons' century of infamy and of opium with Robert Cecil their advocate. That is their dirt, why make it ours ? In any case secret agreements between an usurious nature faker whether in or out of the White House are ILLEGAL. And a foreign government which presents these secret pledges to ITS people as acts of the United States of America participates (and naturally HAS participated) in the swindle. We should leave this trash to its own people, human-- --. If this people hasn't the manhood and sense to spew out their Churchills, Baidwins, Buchans, and lesser vermin, that is their own affair, and they will presumably pay the penalty for their own flaccidity and mistaken toler ance. They will slang us for THEIR errors all right. But that any sub-Jew in the White House should send American lads to die for their Jewsoons and Sassoons and the private interest of the skum of the English earth, and the still lower dregs of the Parsee and Levantine importations is an outrage: and
? that ends it. To send boys from Omaha to Singapore to die for British monopoly and brutality is not the act of an American patriot.
#12 (February 26, 1942) U. S. (B17) AMERICA WAS INTENTIONS
The Honor of the United States of America is NOT concerned with becoming an arsenal.
The men who wintered at Valley Forge did not suffer those months of intense cold and hunger with the design, or in the hope that Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Virginia, the union of the colonies would one day be able to stir up wars between other countries in order to sell them munitions.
I don't want, the last thing I want, is that any harm should come to Uncle Sam's Army and Navy. The Navy is, some, of it, gone where I can't much help it. The Army can get on all right if it stays where it ought to be, namely on the North American continent.
I certainly do NOT want American's young blood shed in an assinine attempt to wreck all European civilization. I don't want it Dunkirked, and I would like for Mr. C. Gessler to go on getting his bath at Waikiki, if it ain't too late to mention the subject. I have heard said that Aguinaldo had and has as good a right to the Island of Luzon as George Washington had to Virginia. I am not a Philippine specialist. I have read on fair authority, namely on that of at least one participant, that the British troops after the last war were about fed up with some features of English government.
Dunkirk is one way to keep troops from showing their feelings.
Whether American air destroys the memory, I am not prepared to state. John Devey kept his till ripe old age; and I am reminded of his quotation from Burke on the penal laws, "an elaborate contrivance as well fitted
? for the expression, impoverishment and degradation of a people, and the debasement in them of human nature itself as ever preceded from the perverted ingenuity of man. "
Well, as Prattling Nelson is telling you, you haven't seen anything YET. And it has been forgotten that the 18 years of Irish Parliament, 1782- 1800, followed close on our American revolution, preceding the French [of] 89. That is, if it isn't rank pretense that any non-Irish American knows it, save by odd chance.
For indeed is there much analogy in it for North America ? There is for South American countries. Our South American policy hasn't yet got as far as the Times. A Celt will soon be as rare in Ireland as a Red Indian on the shores of Manhattan.
Perhaps it would be unwise to see too deep for analogies. Palmerston, Lord John Russell and the Times, intending their utterance to apply only to the Pope and the King of Naples, had been advocating the right of every people to choose their own rulers.
The texts and the guides you have got, that is, in a way you have got 'em, sprawled out, in big sets of unhandy volumes. Our publishers don't print handy compendiums. Your professors don't analyze, that is, not very much. I don't know what has become of Claude Bowers. He did a bit of digging about. You have a half-dozen historians but not all of 'em, by any means, able to take out the facts and show how they hitch together.
I dunno how you think you are going to assist in a war by a money system which, as Jefferson already saw, "charges the public TWO dollars for every dollar spent by the government," just automatically and independent of any particular grafting and swindling.
Thirty years war, 30 years paradise for Army contractors, may not be what you voted for. In fact, Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt on that score is
? manifestly what they called him here the other day: the boy that fell down on his assignment. And when you think, if you do think, of the BILLIONS that have been lifted by the Morgenthau treasury policy during the past nine years of peace time. God knows.
God knows what it will be during warfare, or by the end, shall we say, thirty years ? Well, you are now IN, and nobody in Europe can now get you out. Inspired (shall we say) by the principle of self-determination of peoples, oppressed peoples ? Illustratin' it by the determination to keep Mr. Aguinaldo out of his native Manila you have chucked away our national cultural heritage.
Relatively speakin' that heritage was the determination of our forebears to set up and maintain in the North American continent a government better than any other.
The determination to govern ourselves INternally, better than any other nation on earth. The idea of Washington, Jefferson, Monroe, to keep out of foreign shindies.
Well, you have chucked that idea, or ideal onto the dung heap. And you have insulted the most highly tempered people on earth. With unspeakable vulgarity you have insulted the most finely tempered people on earth, threatenin' 'em with starvation, threatenin' 'em with encirclement and tellin' 'em they were too low down to fight.
You are at war for the duration of the Tenno's pleasure. Nothin' in the Western World; nothin' in the whole of our Occident can help you to dodge that. Nothin' can help you dodge it.
I could go along on this line for some time, but mebbe I said enough for one evenin'.
? #8 (February 10, 1942) U. S. (A69) THE STAGE IN AMERICA
Well perhaps I won't stick to my title very closely, but to start off with, when I was in New York a while back I saw Katharine Cornell in a play, that was a bit soft, and the little sermon she gave from the stage, not quite part of the piece sounded THEN a bit sentimental. I have no doubt that vague language is used on both sides of the present discussion. We can't all be stylists.
I am chasm' the METHOD of war scares, the method used for gettin' people worked into hysteria. And part of it, is attackin' one wrong, appealin' to the soft heart and then by false dilemma offering the hearer a bit of sheer buncombe, i. e. , offering him an alternative and doing a hat trick to make him think it is the ONLY alternative; false dilemma, you call that in a logic class.
Thus with the stink of Russia NO ONE with any thought in Europe or North or South America believes in the abolition of ownership of every thing.
East Europe and North America believe in the homestead, from A to Z, and from bedrock to roof tree the American people believe in the homestead.
The members of the floating population, to which the top crust has been REDUCED, are beliefless, they got no belief, they want this, that or tother, tinsel and limelight. The young, I ain't the first to notice it, the young WANT this, that, or tother, often they want something different over two weeks. The stronger ones CIT it. After they git to be fifty, a few of 'em try to see what all the fuss was about.
Lord knows j'ai roulA? (C)e ma bosse. I wanted metropolitan life, etc. But you can't run a whole state or nation on the predilections of a few
? writers and artists. WHEN they ripen, as take the case of William Shakespeare, they git to hear of the homestead.
The WHOLE and total best of civilization, Chinese or Western, is based on the homestead. It is not based on nomadic tribes, and destructions.
Being DISGUSTED as 98% of all decent men were with the results of usuriocracy, money lenders' decivilization, money lenders' RUIN of the good life in the Occident and everywhere else they could get their dirty hooks onto, a lot of us fell for ANY alternative, jumpin' the part we didn't look at very closely, never stoppin' to ask: DO we believe Marx and Lenin ? Hence PART of the red and pink beano. When their hair begins to lose its adolescent hue, a few men begin to think of a SYSTEM, a working system, a base and BASIS for human living together. And the answer comes out the same, a house GOOD enough for the ordinary folk to go on livin' in from one generation to the fourth and fifth generation. And you get relief classically in the Wanderjahre. Run around and look at the world [ the kikes and Frank Roosevelt and Hill Billy Hull and Welles are doin' their worst to clamp down on. DON'T want any witnesses, any free and independent witnesses, to tell what IS goin' on elsewhere. In the ole days it was the fatheads with privilege; or mediocre writers and architects and artists that did not WANT criticism. [FCC transcript: Every decent idea was to go around, see the best, and then come home and do better. That is the way the good life is built. The so-called stifling air of the provinces et cetera was due to fear, due to shunning comparisons. While, if every American would get up tomorrow morning and ask himself what he really wants, there would be an end to the Roosevelt hysteria. That is to say, it would not spread like a pest throughout the American nation. ] If the citizen, after having asked himself that, would then go on to the ole Rights of Man, and say how much of it can I git without doing dirt to my neighbor, the good life would approach very rapidly, more rapidly than it usually does; if we can trust to the human record.
? Yes, I know what the decent English are resistin' and what they were even ready to fight to resist. And if they had any clear headedness, that would be dandy. They want their cultural heritage, they think the English once had nice manners.
Well I was talkin' to a friend of mine, and she was born with a name sacr'd to every man who cares for poetry written in English, Rossetti. And she said, "The worst manners come from people trying to be nasty to people whom they consider inferior. Matter of class. And the Nazis have wiped out that feeling, and wiped out bad manners in Germany. "
The New Europe goes ON NOW doing what American democracy, in the clean sense of that word, started doin' when it made a DECLARATION of Independence, but failed to define all the words used, or compromised on the wording, struck out Jefferson's original sentences about abolition of slavery, and for the sake of a vote, omitted to specify that "equal" means equal in the courts of law, no man having privilege over any other, to be let off certain penalties cause he was the son of his papa, or had been to a university.
I told my rare and precious readers ten years ago that there was an ANTI snob movement in Italy. Of course no one paid any attention to that sentence, so I repeat it.
Some things you are learning 30 years late, some things 20 and ten years. And in others you swallow goof like Mr. Donovan, Colonel Donovan, or you merely get hooked with press lies contradicted two days or ten days later. I have a weakness for newspaper writers, ever since a fellow named Monsier turned up in London in 1915 or some such, and later when there weren't any new book writers, I took to my newspaper colleague, who of course allus looked down on the outsider, but a few of 'em were kindly and tolerant, regardin' me as an amateur, who didn't menace their pay cheque. And I finally took to noticin' the waves of credulity that pass over 'em. They know that most of what
? they can print is all horse. But they believe certain unprinted rumors. Sure, we were set to invade Dakar. Well, I don't deny it. Sometimes their tips are straight. But we do almightily need a better system of communication. We need a greater honesty ? Naturally, and I don't mean merely about stealing and graft. I mean inside the individual head. A greater resistance to these waves of hoakum.
Do you want the destruction of the people of Iceland ? Is Finland a menace to anyone save a few kike owners of nickel mines ? Do the Beits and Sassoons and their delegates represent the best English tradition ?
If the United States is to steal and embezzle, wouldn't it be wiser to stick to French, English, and Dutch dependencies in the American
hemisphere ? And wouldn't it be honester to get same by purchase, even if it meant fewer IMMEDIATE profits to the tinned meat and armament rackets ?
#9 (February 12, 1942) U. S. (A71) CANTO 46
I am readin' you now another Canto for diverse reasons. It contains things or at least hints at things that you will have to know sooner or later. Berle or no Berle, war or no war.
And as I stated last time, I am feedin' you the footnotes first in case there is any possible word that might not be easily comprehended. The Decennio, and decennio exposition was the exhibition in Rome at the end of the first ten years of the Fascist regime. Mussolini's fascist regime. They set up the office of the old Popolo d'Italia, very like what had been the New Age Office in London. Except that Orage's office contained a couple of drawings by Max Beerbohm which have never been published.
? John Marmaduke is a pseudonym, the rest of the names in the Canto are real. The MacMillan Commission sat after the other war to look into the sins of the British Financial system.
Antoninus Pius, a Roman emperor; lex Rhodi the law of Rhodes, well I say that in the Canto. The Latin phrase: Aurum est commune sepulchrum, gold the common sepulchre. Parallels: Troy the common grave, I think it is a part of a line by Propertius. But it don't matter who it is quoted from. And the Greek: helandros, kai heleptolis kai helarxe [usary destroyer of] men and cities and governments. HELARXE more or less twisted from a line of Aeschylus; about Helen of Troy destroyer of men, and cities. Geryon, Geryone; allegorical beast in Dante's hell, symbol of fraud and all dirtiness. Hic Geryon est, is a Latin tag meaning, with the other phrase, Hic hyperu sura: this is extra strong usury. Super usury. All right, now I am going on with Canto 46.
XLVI
And if you will say that this tale teaches . . .
a lesson, or that the Reverend Eliot
has found a more natural language . . . you who think you will
get through hell in a hurry . . .
That day there was cloud over Zoagli
And for three days snow cloud over the sea
Banked like a line of mountains.
Snow fell. Or rain fell stolid, a wall of lines
So that you could see where the air stopped open
and where the rain fell beside it
Or the snow fell beside it. Seventeen
Years on this case, nineteen years, ninety years
on this case
An' the fuzzy bloke sez (legs no pants ever wd. fit) 'IF that is so, any government worth a damn can
pay dividends? '
The major chewed it a bit and sez: 'Y--es, eh . . .
You mean instead of collectin' taxes? ' '
Instead of collecting taxes. ' That office?
? Didja see the Decennio?
?
Decennio exposition, reconstructed office of II Popolo,
Waal, ours waz like that, minus the Mills bomb an' the teapot, heavy lipped chap at the desk,
One half green eye and one brown one, nineteen
Years on this case, CRIME
Ov two CENturies, 5 millions bein' killed off
to 1919, and before that
Debts of the South to New York, that is to the
banks of the city, two hundred million,
war, I don't think (or have it your own way . . . )
about slavery?
Five million being killed off. . . couple of Max's drawings,
one of Balfour and a camel, an'
one w'ich fer oBviOus reasons haz
never been published, ole Johnny Bull with a 'ankerchief.
It has never been published. .
'He ain't got an opinion. '
Sez Orage about G. B. S. sez Orage about Mr. Xtertn.
Sez Orage about Mr. Wells, 'he wont HAVE an opinion
trouble iz that you mean it, you never will be a journalist.
19 years on this case, suburban garden,
'Greeks! ' sez John Marmaduke 'a couple of art tricks!
What else? never could set up a NATION! '
Wouldn't convert me, dwn't HAVE me converted,
'Said "I know I didn't ask you, your father sent you here
"to be trained. I know what I'd feel.
"send my son to England and have him come back a christian! "what wd. I feel? " 'Suburban garden
Said Abdul Baha: "I said 'let us speak of religion. '
"Camel driver said: I must milk my camel.
"So when he had milked his camel I said 'let us speak of religion. ' And the camel driver said: It is time to drink milk.
Will you have some? ' For politeness I tried to join him.
Have you ever tasted milk from a camel?
I was unable to drink camel's milk. I have never been able.
So he drank all of the milk, and I said: let us speak of religion.
'I have drunk my milk. I must dance. ' said the driver.
We did not speak of religion. " Thus Abdul Baha
? Third vice-gerent of the First Abdul or Whatever Baha, the Sage, the Uniter, the founder of a religion,
in a garden at Uberton, Gubberton, or mebbe it was some other damned suburb, but at any rate a suburban suburb amid a flutter of teacups, said Mr Marmaduke:
"Never will understand us. They lie. I mean personally
"They are mendacious, but if the tribe gets together
"the tribal word will be kept, hence perpetual misunderstanding. "Englishman goes there, lives honest, word is reliable,
"ten years, they believe him, then he signs terms for his government.
"and naturally, the treaty is broken, Mohammedans,
"Nomads, will never understand how we do this. "
17 years on this case, and we not the first lot!
Said Paterson:
Hath benefit of interest on all
the moneys which it, the bank, creates out of nothing Semi-private inducement Said
Mr Roth-schild, hell knows which Roth-schild
1861, '64 or there sometime, "very few people
"will understand this. Those who do will be occupied
"getting profits. The general public will probably not
"see it's against their interest. "
Seventeen years on the case; here
Gents, is/are the confession.
"Can we take this into court?
'Will any jury convict on this evidence?
1694 anno domini, on through the ages of usury
On, right on, into hair-cloth, right on into rotten building,
Right on into London houses, ground rents, foetid brick work, Will any jury convict 'um? The Foundation of Regius Professors Was made to spread lies and teach Whiggery, will any
JURY convict 'um?
The Macmillan Commission about two hundred and forty years LATE
with great difficulty got back to Paterson's
The bank makes it ex nihil
Denied by five thousand professors, will any
Jury convict 'um? This case, and with it
the first part, draws to a conclusion,
? of the first phase of this opus, Mr Marx, Karl, did not foresee this conclusion, you have seen a good deal of the evidence, not knowing it evidence, is monumentum look about you, look, if you can, at St Peter's
Look at the Manchester slums, look at Brazilian coffee or Chilean nitrates. This case is the first case
Si requieres monumentum?
This case is not the last case or the whole case, we ask a REVISION, we ask for enlightenment in a case
moving concurrent, but this case is the first case: Bank creates it ex nihil. Creates it to meet a need, Hic est hyper-usura. Mr. Jefferson met it:
No man hath natural right to exercise profession of lender, save him who hath it to lend.
Replevin, estopple, what wangle which wangle, VanBuren met it. Before that was tea dumped into harbour, before that was a
great deal still in the school books, placed there
NOT as evidence. Placed there to distract idle minds,
Murder, starvation and bloodshed, seventy four red revolutions Ten empires fell on this grease spot.
'I rule the Earth' said Antoninus 'but LAW rules the sea' meaning, we take it, lex Rhodi, the Law Maritime
of sea lawyers.
usura and sea insurance
wherefrom no State was erected greater than Athens.
Wanting TAXES to build St Peter's, thought Luther beneath civil notice,
1527. Thereafter art thickened. Thereafter design went to hell, Thereafter barocco, thereafter stone-cutting desisted.
'Hic nefas' (narrator) 'commune sepulchrum. '
19 years on this case/first case. I have set down part of
The Evidence. Part/commune sepulchrum
Aurum est commune sepulchrum. Usura, commune sepulchrum. helandros kai heleptolis kai helarxe.
Hic Geryon est. Hic hyperusura.
FIVE million youths without jobs
FOUR million adult illiterates
15 million 'vocational misfits', that is with small chance for jobs NINE million persons annual, injured in preventable industrial accidents
? One hundred thousand violent crimes. The Eunited States ov America
3rd year of the reign of F. Roosevelt, signed F. Delano, his uncle. CASE for the prosecution. That is one case, minor case
in the series/Eunited States of America, a. d. 1935
England a worse case, France under a foetor of regents.
'Mr Cummings wants Farley's job' headline in current paper. E. P. speaking. That's the end of Canto 46.
#10, FCC Transcript (February 17, 1942) U. S. (A72) SALE AND MANUFACTURE OF WAR
This challenge is a chance to-- --about the sale and manufacture of war. This war is part of a profit. The present phase of that profit began at the end of the 17th Century. By 1750 a corrupt and avaricious government in England, working for British monopolies, was shutting down on the Pennsylvania colony's issue of money, paper money, money issued against land, work and the industrious and sane nature of the Pennsylvania colonists.
I have given between 70 and 100 talks on the radio and if I come back to the microphone 100 or 200 times more, I could start every talk with that statement. Until you see this war as an incident in a series, you cannot understand it or judge it or qualify yourselves as judges of the rights and wrongs of the present act in the story.
Will men of my generation in America stop to consider what is not printed ? Will Americans between the age of 50 and 60 look back honestly over their own reading over what they have read during the past 50 years ? Note the vague dissatisfaction, the sense of bafflement, especially for the man who reads after working hours.
Now take the current issues of supposedly serious magazines, magazines that are certainly authoritative in a twisted sense, authoritative and influential. I believe one of them nominated Willkie and by now perhaps
? that fact needs no comment whatever. I've been accused in these talks but, if anyone has seriously answered any of my statements, they have been unable to do so in any form that reaches me. Well, I ask my compatriots of my own age to note that the very high percentage of articles printed in
American magazines contains a joker, that is a silent point, a basically false assumption. I don't mean they all contain the same false assumption. I point k out that there is no public medium in the United States for serious discussion.
Every [one? ] of these publications has subjects which its policy forbids it to mention or to mention without falsification. And I ask the men in my generation to consider the effects, the cumulative effect of this state of things which does not date from September, 1941, but has been going on ever since we can remember.
The progressive falsification of America has been going on for 80 years at least and we have lived through half of it. I mean as conscious leaders, we have had 40 years of ill-intentional and of semi-conscious befuddlement to contend with and it is time to come to the cumulative effect of that profit.
Baruch, Berle, Best? --to take three names starred in American publicity, one pronouncement and two headlined articles are before me. All of these men writing and speaking with authority of a sort official positions, dominant in national affairs and with such views that no man under 40 can possibly untangle their cobwebs.
In normal times, qualified readers wouldn't try. They would let it go at that. They would be busy on constructive work. The old are indifferent, the experienced are indifferent and a cautious son of a New York editor, now in his 70th year, I mean the son in his 70th year, remembered his father's-- --. He shrugged his shoulders, or did when I saw him last
? autumn, who is he to impede human carnage ? The folly of all mankind ain't nothing, but human imbecility gives us an idea of the infinite. And in a way, as he said, do nothing about it.
Well, there is still time to learn something about it, still time to fight against a peace that can be no peace, still time to fight against widespread efforts to prevent the end of the slaughter, which efforts are being made. I mean people are now trying to prevent the war from ending. People have already planned for a peace like the last, a mere parenthesis, a mere slow-up of munition sales, a mere disequilibrium that will keep the world on tenterhooks between the end of this war and the start of the next one.
You cannot sit in Ohio and judge the Balkans. You cannot judge China from Omaha. You could read, and perhaps some American will some day make a vow to read one old paper or magazine once a month, by all means say three or six months old, and once a year read a still older one. That might give you a perspective.
Unless you know at least as much about the past 20 years of Italian history as is contained in old-- --volume on "Italian Socio-Economic Policy," you will not be able to observe how much of old programs has been recently endorsed by Barney Baruch. Nor will you be able to see the price of confidence was-- --article in October Fortune, A. A. Berle, Assistant Secretary of State.
Well, when I was in Washington, a member of the Cabinet told me that so far as he knew Barney was a patriotic gentleman.
Baruch now came out for a constituted price, a price in accord with -- --, a price that would guarantee just recompense to everyone who collaborates in a final product.
? I will be ready to consider Baruch's a patriot when he comes out seriously for abolition of the national debt. He is far in-- --that lives in the new economics.
Now Berle's article is very nice in the second half. It-- --.
#11 (February 19, 1942) U. S. (A77) POWER The President hath power.
The President has NO LEGAL power to enter into devious and secret agreements with foreign powers. He has no legal power to cook up policies with the late Johnnie Buchan and sign the nation's name on the document.
United States Treaties are valid when ratified by the Senate and not before. The President has no legal power to enter into condominiums with foreign governments, for the misconduct of scandalous islands off the China coast or in proximity to distant oriental, or any other damn harbors.
The President has no more legal right to do these infamies than you have to sign my name on a cheque, or I yours.
There is no darkness save ignorance.
The labile, that is to say slidy and weak memory of past events is no asset to a nation or statesman. Looking back to an unsavory part of our American past we find it more savory than the present. Whether Roosevelt has mental stamina enough left to learn anything from his nasty forerunner and foreslider, Woodrow the codface: I know not. But men of mental capacity above that of a wart hog ought to be able to look back as far as 1914 and 1919. Woodrow resisted clamor to get us into that war. When he came in, he was in accord with the will of the people, a will which he had not faked or concocted. The Allies won that war,
? and then cheated Italy. It was an error. The cheating of Italy was an error, and Lloyd George ought to know it by now. The cheating of Italy was an error.
When Wilson further signed or tried to sign the United States name to a rascally agreement, he was NOT expressing the will of the nation. He had already wormed and wriggled out of the proper functions of his office. He had already wormed and wriggled, KNOWING that he opposed the will of the people.
There is a limit or orbit to power. There is a limit or orbit to the practical effects of illegality. The error of old codface, sorefoot, was his own. But he was abetted. In fact he was buttered, caressed, inoculated, and led down the garden path, by his accomplices. They were warned and even had they not been warned it was their duty to ascertain what Woodrow's real powers were. The position of the Warburgs and Lloyd George at Versailles was that of crooks who accept a forged cheque in the hope of passing it on to some one else.
The dirt and grease of the Versailles scoundrels, Jews, sub-Jews and Gen tiles alike, was that having concocted Wilson, having passed him off on their brutalized and stupefied peoples as the United States of America, they proceeded to offer his forged cheque to their people.
The League stank from the beginning. It stank of the Bank of Basel, the Warburgs, the Regents of the Banque de France and the ulcer of England. Not all Roosevelt's actions are infamous. As there is no criticism of music till you can judge the relative merits of different works by the same com poser, so there is no political or ethical criticism till you can measure and judge the different political acts of the same political criminal, gangster, or statesman.
When the President acts within his powers, he has NO NEED to do violence to the laws. His powers are executive, that is, he is legally
? there to PUT INTO effect the will of the nation and the laws made by the representatives of the People. When he violates and passes beyond his legal powers, he acts TOWARD the destruction of ALL legal government of the United States of America, all government by law and by the laws.
I mean by ANY law, he moves toward a total illegality. This is evil, this is extremely dangerous in the long run, it is myopic, it is short-sighted. In fact, the man is an ass. No good American objects to the U. S. A. assuring the tranquility of the Caribbean.
There is no need to violate the mandate of the people in making QUITE sure that there be no submarine bases, poison factories, etc. immediately off the coast of Florida or in easy reach of Georgia, Alabama, and the mouth of the Mississippi. There are even ways [for] America [to] occupy foreign territory after at least attempting to do it legally.
One can offer to buy, even if one thinks one will have to take over, and make reparations later. I do not think Congress would have objected to the taking over of ALL Guiana, not merely the gotterdamn Dutch part. When a politician's WHOLE policy has been indirect, when his whole political strategy has consisted in indirectness, in the carom shot (not the straight shot), it is unwise to accept any act of his at its face value.
If Roosevelt's aim had been Dutch Guiana, he would probably have turned public attention elsewhere. It is reasonable to assume, on the basis of Roosevelt's public career since the end of his second year in the White House, that his aim in this case was NOT Dutch Guiana.
It is legitimate at least to suspect that his MAIN purpose was to grab yet more ILLEGAL power, to put a hot one over such fools as Senator Pepper and the other fools in the Senate and Congress. Like balloon- faced bumbustuous Churchill, Roosevelt follows every error by a demand for more personal power.
? We should be very careful in arriving at [a] judgment of his Caribbean policy. It may be another mere grab. His interest in international politics is considerable. His hate and loathing of legitimate action, of reasoned action, is extreme. His intolerance of all real collaboration either is, or ought to be known to men who share the responsibility for the governing of the United States of America. I should desire an open mind in considering the Caribbean policy, which is O. K. insofar as it aims at peace and security. The question of how far Brazil should agree [with] our IDEAS of peace and security is a hemisphere question. All this is a matter of the American hemisphere. And as I said in opening, we will have no criticism of our own politics, no criticism of it worth the name, till we can judge between one act of our blowy rhinoceros and another. The policy for the western hemisphere is one thing, Asian affairs are another.
England's conduct in China has been for the most part an infamy. Let some bloody-minded betrayer of the British people get up in their grimy assembly and tell the world of their kind acts in the Orient. From the sacking of the Imperial Palace in Peking to the Jewsoons', Sassoons' century of infamy and of opium with Robert Cecil their advocate. That is their dirt, why make it ours ? In any case secret agreements between an usurious nature faker whether in or out of the White House are ILLEGAL. And a foreign government which presents these secret pledges to ITS people as acts of the United States of America participates (and naturally HAS participated) in the swindle. We should leave this trash to its own people, human-- --. If this people hasn't the manhood and sense to spew out their Churchills, Baidwins, Buchans, and lesser vermin, that is their own affair, and they will presumably pay the penalty for their own flaccidity and mistaken toler ance. They will slang us for THEIR errors all right. But that any sub-Jew in the White House should send American lads to die for their Jewsoons and Sassoons and the private interest of the skum of the English earth, and the still lower dregs of the Parsee and Levantine importations is an outrage: and
? that ends it. To send boys from Omaha to Singapore to die for British monopoly and brutality is not the act of an American patriot.
#12 (February 26, 1942) U. S. (B17) AMERICA WAS INTENTIONS
The Honor of the United States of America is NOT concerned with becoming an arsenal.
The men who wintered at Valley Forge did not suffer those months of intense cold and hunger with the design, or in the hope that Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Virginia, the union of the colonies would one day be able to stir up wars between other countries in order to sell them munitions.
I don't want, the last thing I want, is that any harm should come to Uncle Sam's Army and Navy. The Navy is, some, of it, gone where I can't much help it. The Army can get on all right if it stays where it ought to be, namely on the North American continent.
I certainly do NOT want American's young blood shed in an assinine attempt to wreck all European civilization. I don't want it Dunkirked, and I would like for Mr. C. Gessler to go on getting his bath at Waikiki, if it ain't too late to mention the subject. I have heard said that Aguinaldo had and has as good a right to the Island of Luzon as George Washington had to Virginia. I am not a Philippine specialist. I have read on fair authority, namely on that of at least one participant, that the British troops after the last war were about fed up with some features of English government.
Dunkirk is one way to keep troops from showing their feelings.
Whether American air destroys the memory, I am not prepared to state. John Devey kept his till ripe old age; and I am reminded of his quotation from Burke on the penal laws, "an elaborate contrivance as well fitted
? for the expression, impoverishment and degradation of a people, and the debasement in them of human nature itself as ever preceded from the perverted ingenuity of man. "
Well, as Prattling Nelson is telling you, you haven't seen anything YET. And it has been forgotten that the 18 years of Irish Parliament, 1782- 1800, followed close on our American revolution, preceding the French [of] 89. That is, if it isn't rank pretense that any non-Irish American knows it, save by odd chance.
For indeed is there much analogy in it for North America ? There is for South American countries. Our South American policy hasn't yet got as far as the Times. A Celt will soon be as rare in Ireland as a Red Indian on the shores of Manhattan.
Perhaps it would be unwise to see too deep for analogies. Palmerston, Lord John Russell and the Times, intending their utterance to apply only to the Pope and the King of Naples, had been advocating the right of every people to choose their own rulers.
