No More Learning

* For the main points contained in the discussion of Layamon's sources see
Imelmann, Layamon, Versuch über seine Quellen.


## p. 236 (#256) ############################################

236
Early Transition English
appear to be Breton or Norman. The names Argante and Delgan,
for instance, are derived through Norman media; the fight between
Arthur and Frollo is found in the Roman des Franceis (1204) of
André de Coutances. But Layamon seems to stand in yet closer
relation to Gaimar's Rhyming Chronicle, so far as that book can
be judged from the related Münchner Brut. An explanation of
the Carric-Cinric confusion, for instance, would be obtained by
this assumption. The representation of Cerdic and Cinric in
Layamon as one and the same person' might conceivably be
due, not to the account in the Old English Chronicle, but to
some such foreign version as is found in Gaimar (11. 819 ff. ). To
Gaimar, moreover, may probably be attributed several details of
Layamon's style-his tendency to employ forms of direct speech,
his discursiveness, his appeals to the gods and his protestations
as to the truth of his narrative. It is possible that one of the
later versions of Wace may have embodied details taken from
Gaimar. Waurin's Chroniques et istoires (fifteenth century) seems
a compilation of this kind, and it is not impossible that Layamon's
original may have been a similarly compiled work, with, it should
be added, elements taken from contemporary Tristram and Lancelot
poems. In any case, the English Brut is not based on the printed
Brut of Wace, but on one of the later versions of which certain
MSS remain and of which other traces can be found. This par-
ticular version had probably been supplemented by Breton material
introduced through some Norman medium, and, since this supple-
mentary portion is reminiscent of Gaimar, there is reason for
supposing that the particular version may have been mainly a
compilation of the earlier works of Wace and Gaimar.
This view as to sources must modify, in some degree, the estimate
to be formed of Layamon's artistic merits, and must discount the
value of some of the additions formerly ascribed to his imagination
or research. It will also account for certain matters of style already
mentioned. But, when these items have been removed, there still
remains much that is Layamon's own, sufficient to raise his work
far above the rank of a mere translation. The poet's English
individuality may be said to pervade the whole. It appears in the
reminiscences of English popular legend perceived in Wygar, the
maker of Arthur's corselet, and in the sea of Lumond, the “atteliche
pole,” where “nikeres " bathe. His English temperament appears
in the fondness he betrays for maxims and proverbs, which afford
relief from the mere business of the narrative. The poet is still in
1 Cf. 11. 28,867 fi.


## p. 237 (#257) ############################################

Layamon's Brut
237
possession of the ancient vocabulary, with its hosts of synonyms,
though the earlier parallelisms which retarded the movement are
conspicuously absent. His most resonant lines, like those of his
literary ancestors, deal with the conflict of warriors or with
that of the elements. In such passages as those which describe
the storm that overtook Ursula (11, 74), or the wrestling match
between Corineus and the giant (1, 79), he attains the true epic
note, while his words gather strength from their alliterative setting.
His verse is a compromise between the old and the new. With
the Old English line still ringing in his ears, he attempts to regulate
the rhythm, and occasionally to adorn his verse with rime or
assonance. His device of simile was, no doubt, caught from his
original, for many of the images introduced are coloured by the
Norman love of the chase, as when a fox-hunt is introduced to depict
the hunted condition of Childric (II, 452), or the pursuit of a wild
crane by hawks in the fenland to describe the chase after Colgrim
(II, 422). The poet, in general, handles his borrowings with accuracy,
but he has limitations-perhaps shows impatience—as a scholar.
Apart from a totally uncritical attitude-a venial sin in that age-he
betrays, at times, a certain ignorance on historical and geographical
points. But such anachronisms and irregularities are of little
importance in a work of this kind, and do not detract from its
literary merits. Other verbal errors suggest that the work of o
translation was to Layamon not devoid of difficulty. Where Wace
indulges in technical terminology, as in his nautical description of
Arthur's departure from Southampton, Layamon here and else-
where solves his linguistic difficulties by a process of frank omission.
The interest which the Brut possesses for modern readers
arises in part from the fact that much of its material is closely
bound up with later English literature. Apart from the Arthurian
legend here appear for the first time in English the story of Leir
and Kinbelin, Cloten and Arviragus. But the main interest
centres round the Arthurian section, with its haunting story of
a wondrous birth, heroic deeds and a mysterious end. The grey
king appears in a garment of chivalry. As compared with the
Arthur of Geoffrey's narrative, his figure has grown in knightliness
and splendour. He is endowed with the added traits of noble
generosity and heightened sensibility; he has advanced in courtesy;
he is the defender of Christianity; he is a lover of law and order.
And Layamon's narrative is also interesting historically. It is the
work of the first writer of any magnitude in Middle English, and,
standing at the entrance to that period, he may be said to look


## p. 238 (#258) ############################################

238 Early Transition English
before and after. He retains much of Old English tradition; in
addition, he is the first to make extensive use of French material.
And, lastly, in the place of a fast vanishing native mythology, he
endows his countrymen with a new legendary store in which lay
concealed the seeds of later chivalry.
The Owl and the Nightingale, which represents another line
of literary revolt, has come down in two MSS, one dating from the
first, the other from the second, half of the thirteenth century.
Of the two MSS the earlier (Cotton MS) is the more trustworthy;
the scribe of the other has frequently omitted unimportant mono-
syllabic words, regardless of scansion, besides having altered
inflexional endings and made sundry substitutions in the matter
of diction, such alterations are clearly revealed in riming
positions. The authorship is a matter of conjecture; Nicholas
of Guildford, a cleric of Portisham (Dorset), who is mentioned
thrice in the poem, is supposed by some to have been the writer,
but the objections to this view are that the allusions are all in the
third person, and that lavish praise is showered on his name. On
the other hand, since the poem aims incidentally at urging the
claims of Nicholas to clerical preferment, the end may have
justified the means and may account for the unstinted praise
as well as the anonymous character of the work. But the name
of John of Guildford must also be mentioned. He is known to
have written some verse about this period, and, since the common
appellation implies a connection between the two, it may have
been that he was the advocate of Nicholas's cause. On internal
and external evidence, the poem may, approximately, be dated
1220. The benediction pronounced upon “King Henri" (11. 1091–2)
clearly refers to Henry II; but the borrowings from Neckam
make an earlier date than 1200 impossible. The mention of a
papal mission to Scotland (1. 1095) may refer to the visit of Vivian
in 1174, or to that of cardinal Guala in 1218. The poem was
probably written before the year 1227, for at that date the
regency ceased, and, with Henry III reigning, the benediction
would be ambiguous, not to say ominous. As regards sources, no
direct original has been found; the poem embodies the spirit as
well as the structure of certain Old French models without being
a copy of any one. There are certain details, however, which
appear to have been definitely borrowed, and of these the most
interesting is the nightingale episode (Ul. 1049-62). It is narrated
at length in Marie de France's lai, Laustic (c. 1170), as une
aventure dunt le Bretun firent un lai, and before the close of the


## p. 239 (#259) ############################################

239
The Owl and the Nightingale
century it appeared in a balder form in Neckam’s De Naturis
Rerum. Its subsequent popularity is attested by its frequent
reappearances in both French and English. The episode, as it
appears in The Orol and the Nightingale, is due partly to Marie de
France, partly to Neckam. There are further details in the poem
which are reminiscent of Neckam’s De Naturis Rerum, while the
description of the barbarous north (11. 999 ff. ) is possibly based on a
similar description in Alfred's translation of Orosius. The structure
of the poem is of a composite kind. The main elements are drawn
from the Old French débat, but there is also a proverbial element
as well as Bestiary details, which, though slight in amount, give a
colouring to the whole. Of the various kinds of the Old French
débat, it is the tençon in particular upon which the poem is modelled,
for that poem, unlike the jeu-parti, has no deliberate choice of sides ;
each opponent undertakes the defence of his nature and kind. And,
in addition to the general structure, the poet has borrowed further
ideas from this same genre, namely, the appointment of judge,
suggested by the challenger and commented upon by his opponent;
the absence of the promised verdict; the use of certain conventional
figures of the Old French débat, such as le jaloux (cf. IL. 1075 ff. ), la
mal mariée (cf. 11. 1520 ff. ), and the adoption of love as the theme of
the whole. The proverbial element is derived from the lips of the
people, and, of the sixteen maxims, eleven are connected with the
name of Alfred. In representing his disputants as members of the
bird world, and in interpreting their habits to shadow forth his
truths, the poet has adopted the methods of the Bestiary. His use
of the motive is, however, so far untraditional in that the night-
ingale, unlike the owl, did not appear in the ancient Physiologus.
The main significance of the poem has been subjected to much
misconception. Its ultimate intention, as already stated, seems to
have been to suggest to English readers a new type of poetry.
To the medieval mind the poetic associations of the nightingale
were invariably those of love; according to her own descrip-
tion, her song was one of "skentinge" (amusement), and its aim
was to teach the nobility of faithful love. She is, however, induced
to emphasise (1l. 1347--1450) the didactic side of her singing, in
order to meet more successfully her dour opponent; but the
emphasis is merely a passado in a bout of dialectics, and, further,
no inconsistency is involved with her own statement, “And soth hit
is of luve ich singe,” when mention is made of the ignorance of the
barbarous north concerning those love-songs, or of the wantonness
at times induced by her passionate music. Her dignified defence
i


## p. 240 (#260) ############################################

240
Early Transition English
of love (II. 1378 ff. ), moreover, finds a counterpart in many products
of the contemporary school of love-poetry. The owl, on the other
band, unmistakably represents a poet of the religious type. Her
doleful notes and the essentially didactic character of her songs,
her special chants at Christmas, and her duties of bestowing com-
fort, are all in keeping with her own description of herself when
she says:
Ich wisse men mid mine songe
That hi ne sunezi nowiht longel,
As to the writer's personal attitude, he inclines rather to the
side of the nightingale. The virtues of the religious school clearly
emerge in the course of the debate ; yet it cannot but be felt
that the poem embodies “a new spirit of opposition to monastic
training ? ”—only, the contending spirit was the erotic theme and
not the secular priest.
From the literary point of view the poem forms an interesting
contrast with works of the earlier period. The Old English em-
broidered diction is replaced by a mode of expression less
redundant, more unpretending, more natural. Words are no
longer artificially arranged, but follow the order of thought. The
similes employed in the place of earlier metaphor are of a col-
loquial character, effective in their unexpectedness; and the dawn
of humour is surely at hand, when the owl in her bitterness ex-
claims to the nightingale
bu chaterest so dob on Irish preost 3;
or when the nightingale hurls back the happy retort
þu singest so dop hen a-snowe,
Moreover the illustrations made use of are no mere reprints of
orthodox scenes; they reflect country life and the life of the people
which, in modern times, Hardy and Barnes were to illuminate.
Freshness and originality is, however, carried at times to excess in
the vituperations in which the disputants indulge, when crudity
and naked strength seem virtues overdone. Most interesting, on
the other hand, are the signs of an appreciation of the softer side
of nature. It was the wilder aspects of nature which had appealed
to the earlier school. The present poet saw beauty in the gentle
arrival of spring, with its blossoming meadows and flower-decked
woodlands, as well as in mellow autumn with its golden hues and
1 Ll. 927—8. wisse, direct. sunezi, sin.
· Courthope, History of English Poetry, Vol. 1, oh. iv.
3 L. 322.
* L. 412. a-snowe, in the snow.


## p. 241 (#261) ############################################

The Owl and the Nightingale
241
fallow tints. The nightingale paints a couple of dainty word-
pictures when she describes her coming and going. Upon her
arrival, she sings,
þe blostmė ginnep springe and sprede
Bope in treo and ek on mede,
pe lilie mid hire fairė wlito
Wolcumeb me, þat þu wito,
Bit me, mid hire fairė bleo
þat ich shulle to hirė fleo.
be rose also mid hire rude,
þat cumep ut of be bornéwude,
Bit me bat ich shulle singe,
Vor hire luve, onė skentingel.
Her departure takes place amid other scenes :
Hwan is ido vor hwan ich com,
Ich fare azen and do wisdom:
Hwane mon hozep of his sheve,
And falewi cumep on grenė leve,
Ich faré hom and nimė leve
Ne recche ich nozt of winteres rere.
Nor is the poem devoid of appreciation of dramatic situation and
dramatic methods. The debate is brought to a dramatic climax
by the appearance of the wren and his companions, while con-
siderable skill is shown in the characterisation of the two dis-
putants. Brief interludes are introduced for the sake of relief and
variety : they also add slight touches by the way to the character
sketches. Between the lines may be caught, here and there,
glimpses of contemporary life. The festival of Christmas with its
carol-services, the laus perennis of cathedrals and monasteries,
and the daily service of the parish priest, the rampant injustice
in the bestowal of livings, the picture of the gambler and the
tricks of the ape, all help to give a historical setting. The verse
is modelled on French octosyllabics, and the earlier staccato move-
ment gives place to a more composed rhythm. As a rule, the
rimes are wonderfully correct, and it is instructive to note that
the proportion of masculine to feminine rimes is that of 10 : 37.
This fact is interesting in connection with Chaucerian work, where
the fondness for the feminine form, which is less pronounced than
in the present poem, has been ascribed to Italian influences. It
is obvious that no such influence is at work here; nor can Old
French models have suggested the form, the masculine rime
1 Ll. 437–46. wlite, beauty. bit, bids. rude, ruddy colour. skentinge, piece for
amusement.
· Ll. 453–8. hozeb, takes thought. nime leve, take my leave. reve, plunder.
E. LI CH. XI.


## p. 242 (#262) ############################################

242
Early Transition English
being there preferred. It must have arisen from native riming
exigencies. Tambic lines had, necessarily, to end with accented
riming syllables ; but, since the English accent fell on the root
syllable in all cases where the riming word was of two syllables,
the second would become a sort of light ending and go to form a
feminine rime. The poem is, therefore, one of many-sided interest.
Its permanent value lies in its oft-sounded note of freedom, in its
metrical innovations, its discarding of the artificial for the natural,
its grasp of new methods, its new ideals and in the daring sugges-
tion it makes in connection with love. And, finally, it must be con-
fessed, the poet had travelled well. Though full of appreciation
for a foreign literature, he has not changed "his Country Manners
for those of Forraigne Parts”; he has “onely pricked in some of
the Flowers of that he had Learned abroad into the Customes of
his owne Country. " And in this way more than one of our poets
have since that day written.


## p. 243 (#263) ############################################

CHAPTER XII
THE ARTHURIAN LEGEND
"A GRAVE there is for March” (or “Mark”)—80 runs a stanza
in one of the oldest extant Welsh poems__"a grave for Gwythur,
a grave for Gwgawn of the Ruddy Sword ; a mystery is the grave
of Arthur. ” “Some men say yet," wrote Sir Thomas Malory,
many centuries later, " that king Arthur is not dead, but had by
the will of our Lord Jesu into another place. ” The mystery of
Arthur's grave still remains unsolved, for
Where is he who knows?
From the great deep to the great deep he goes.
Towards the end of the twelfth century, in the very heyday of the
British king's renown as a romantic hero, the monks of St Dunstan's
at Glastonbury-at the original instance, it is said, of Henry II-
professed to have discovered the mortal remains of Arthur in the
cemetery of their abbey church? Some sixty years before, William
of Malmesbury had given an account of the discovery in Wales
of the grave of Arthur's nephew, Gawain, but the grave of Arthur
himself was not, he said, anywhere to be found ; hence, ancient
songs: prophesy his return. It was thought that the illusory
expectations thus cherished by the British Celts could be dispelled
by the Glastonbury exhumation. But so sorry an attempt as this
to poison the wells of romance met with the failure it deserved.
Arthur lived on, inviolate in fabled Avalon. Graven on no known
sepulchre, his name,
a ghost,
Streams like a cloud, man-shaped, from mountain-peak,
And cleaves to cairn and cromlech still.
The memory of no other British hero is so extensively preserved
as his in the place-names of these islands; "only the devil is more
often mentioned in local association than Arthur. "
" A poem, in triplet form, entitled The Stanzas of the Graves, preserved in The
Black Book of Carmarthen, a MS of the twelfth century.
2 Giraldus Cambrensis gives the longest account of the affair (De Principis In.
structione, vm, 126–9).
3 Antiquitas naeniarum. Gesta Regum Anglorum, Bk. III.
• Dickinson, King Arthur in Cornwall (Longmans, 1900), preface, p. vi.
1642


## p. 244 (#264) ############################################

244
The Arthurian Legend
The nomenclature of Arthurian fable, which has a voluminous
critical literature of its own, does not concern us here. No student
of Arthurian origins, however, can fail to be impressed by the
strange disproportion between the abundance of Arthurian place-
names in the British islands and the amount of early British
literature, whether in English or in the insular Celtic tongues,
dealing with the Arthurian legend. The early English Arthurian
literature, in particular, is singularly meagre and undistinguished.
The romantic exploitation of “the matter of Britain” was the
achievement, mainly, of French writers 80 much so that some
modern critics would have us attach little importance to genuine
British influence on the development of the legend of Arthur.
For, when all is told, Arthurian romance owed its immense
popularity in the thirteenth century to its ideal and representative
character, and to its superiority over the other stock romantic
matters as a point de repère for every kind of literary excursion
and adventure. Thus, the “matter of Britain” very quickly
became international property-a vast composite body of romantic
tradition, which European poets and story-tellers of every nationality
drew upon and used for their own purposes. The British king
himself faded more and more into the back-ground, and became,
in time, but the phantom monarch of a featureless “land of faëry,"
which
None that breatheth living aire doth know.
His knights quite overshadow him in the later romances; but they,
in their turn, undergo the same process of denationalisation, and
appear as natives of no known clime or country, moving about
in an iridescent atmosphere of fantasy and illusion. The Arthurian
fairy-land thus became a neutral territory-an enchanted land
where the seemingly incompatible ideals of knight-errantry and
the church were reconciled, and where even east and west brought
their spoils together as to some common sanctuary. “Pilgrimage
and the holy wars” writes Gibbon, “introduced into Europe the
specious miracles of Arabian magic. Fairies and giants, flying
dragons and enchanted palaces, were blended with the more
simple fictions of the west; and the fate of Britain depended
on the art, or the predictions, of Merlin. Every nation embraced
and adorned the popular romance of Arthur and the knights of
the Round Table; their names were celebrated in Greece and
Italy; and the voluminous tales of Sir Lancelot and Sir Tristram
were devoutly studied by the princes and nobles, who disregarded
the genuine heroes and heroines of antiquity. ”


## p. 245 (#265) ############################################

Early Welsh Tradition 245
Britain, however, claimed the titular hero of the legend; and
it was on British soil that the full flower of Arthurian romance
in due course made its appearance. Sir Thomas Malory's
marvellous compilation superseded, for all time, each and every
"French book” which went to its making. And, as Caxton takes
occasion to emphasise in his preface to Malory's book, Arthur,
as the "first and chief of the three best Christian kings” of the
world, deserved “most to be remembered amongst us Englishmen. ”
It so happens, however, that, in our own, no less than in
Caxton's, time, “divers men hold opinion that there was no such
Arthur, and that all such books as been made of him be but
feigned and fables. " There is, indeed, much in the history of the
legend to justify the attitude of these sceptics. The first great
outburst of the popularity of the story was due to a writer who, in
the words of one of his earliest critics? , “cloaked fables about Arthur
under the honest name of history”—Geoffrey of Monmouth. The
historical Arthur-assuming that Geoffrey meant all that he wrote
about him to be taken as authentic fact-thus made his first
considerable appearance in literature under very dubious auspices.
The “British book” which Geoffrey professes to have used has
never been discovered, and is not unreasonably supposed by
many to have been a myth. Thus, they who would substantiate
Caxton's assertion that “there was a king of this land called
Arthur” have to produce earlier, and more authentic, evidence
than anything furnished by Geoffrey.
Old English literature, even the Chronicle, knows absolutely
nothing of Arthur. Wales, alone, has preserved any record of his
name and fame from a date earlier than the twelfth century. But
even Welsh writers of an indisputably early date tell us very little
about him, and tell that little in a tantalisingly casual and
perfunctory way. Yet it is in a few obscure Welsh poems, in
one very remarkable but difficult Welsh prose tale and in two
meagre Latin chronicles compiled in Wales, that we discover the
oldest literary records of both the historical and the legendary
Arthur. A few stubborn critics still maintain, against the opinion
of the best Welsh scholars, that the Welsh works in question are
not, in substance, earlier than the twelfth century—that, in other
words, they contain no fragments of Arthurian lore which can be
proved to be older than the date of the MSS in which they are
preserved.
None, however, will now dispute the approximate
dates assigned by the best authorities to Nennius and the Annales
1 William of Newburgh.


## p. 246 (#266) ############################################

246 The Arthurian Legend
Cambriae ; and it is in the two Latin documents bearing these
names that we have the earliest extant records of a seemingly
historical Arthur.
The Historia Brittonum, commonly ascribed to Nennius, is
a curious compilation, which was put into its present form not
later than the first half of the ninth century? About the year
800 a Welshman named Nennius–or, to use the native form,
Nynniaw—who calls himself a disciple of Elfođ, bishop of Bangor
in North Wales”, copied and freely edited a collection of brief
notes, gathered from various sources, on early British history and
geography. Nennius claims, in his preface, after the manner of
his kind, to be an original compiler. “I have,” he says, "gathered
together all I could find not only in the Roman annals, but also in
the chronicles of holy fathers,. . . and in the annals of the Irish and
English, and in our native traditions. ” Elsewhere he avows
himself a mere copyist, and tells us that he wrote “the 'Cities'
and the ‘Marvels' of Britain, as other scribes had done before
him. " Arthur appears in both the quasi-historical and the purely
legendary parts of Nennius's compilation. In what purports to be
the strictly historical part of his narrative Nennius relates how,
some time after the death of Hengist, Arthur fought against the
English along with the kings of the Britons and “was himself
their war-leader”-ipse dux erat bellorum-in twelve battles
In the eighth of these encounters, at the castle of Guinnion,
“Arthur bore the image of the holy Virgin Mary on his shoulders“,
and the pagans were put to flight with great slaughter. ” The
ninth battle was fought at the City of Legions"; the twelfth, and
the last, on Mount Badon, where “nine hundred and sixty men
fell before Arthur's single onsetde uno impetu Arthur. ” The
prominence given, even in these brief notices, to Arthur's individual
prowess shows that legend was already busy with his name. The
“Marvels of Britain " gives us nothing but legend ; here Arthur
* Zimmer contends (Nennius Vindicatus) that the History was completed in 796.
Thurneysen would fix the year 826 as the date of its completion (Zeitschrift für
Deutsche Philologie, Halle, 1897). Cf. the present volume, ante, Chapter v, pp. 70 ff.
? As a disciple of Elfod (Elbodugus), Nennius must have lived about 800. His
History, it may be further noted, was known under bis name to the Irish scholar,
Cormac (831—903).
| 3 Hist. Brit. ch. Lu.
* Of. Wordsworth, Ecclesiastical Sonnets, 1, 10:
“ Amazement runs before the towering casque
Of Arthur, bearing through the stormy field
The Virgin sculptured on his Christian shield. ”
o Caerleon, or Caerlleon, upon Usk-a city to which Geoffrey of Monmouth,
probably from interested motives, gives great prominence.


## p. 247 (#267) ############################################

Nennius and Gildas
247
is translated altogether into the realm of myth. In the Welsh
district of Buelt', we are told, there is a mound of stones, on the
top of which rests a stone bearing the print of a dog's foot. “It
was when he was hunting the boar Troit that Cabal, the dog of
Arthur the warrior, left this mark upon the stone; and Arthur
afterwards gathered together the heap of stones under that which
bore his dog's footprint, and called it Carn Cabal. ” Here we
discover an early association of Arthurian fable with the topo-
graphy of Britain. Another “Marvel" tells of a certain stream
called “the source of the Amir," which was so named after “Amir,
the son of Arthur the warrior," who was buried near it. The
allusion to the hunting of the boar links Nennius's narrative with
what is probably the most primitive of all the Welsh Arthurian
tales, the story of Kulhwch and Olwen? In that fantastic fairy-
tale the hunting of the Twrch Trwyth, which is Nennius's porcus
Troit, forms one of the chief incidents, and the hound Cabal there
appears under his Welsh name of Cavall.
The Welsh monk and historian, Gildas, mentions the battle of
Mount Badon in his De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae. That
battle, according to Gildas, was signalised by “the last, almost,
though not the least, slaughter of our cruel foes, and that was
(I am sure) forty-four years and one month after the landing of
the Saxons, and also the time of my own nativity. ” But Gildas
makes no allusion at all to Arthur's feats in the battle. Neither
does he once mention his name in connection with the general
struggle which he describes as being carried on, with varying
fortune, against the English. The only leader of the British in
that warfare, whom Gildas deems worthy of notice, is Ambrosius
Aurelianus, the last of the Romans, “a modest man, who alone of
all his race chanced to survive the shock of so great a storm”
as then broke over Britain. The silence of Gildas, who was,
presumably, a contemporary of the historical Arthur, would be
significant, were it not that he is equally reticent about the
achievements of every other native British chieftain. Gildas
belonged to the Roman party in the Britain of his time, and
1 Builth (modern Welsh, Buallt).
9 Included in Lady Charlotte Guest's Mabinogion.
3 Ambrosius, transformed by Geoffrey into Aurelius Ambrosius (cf. Tennyson,
Coming of Arthur, "For first Aurelius lived, and fought and died "), is known in Welsh
literature as Emrys Wledig. He appears in Nennius as Embreis Guletic. Guletic, or
Guledig, means "over-lord,” or “king,” and Arthur himself would seem to bear this
title in a Welsh poem in The Book of Taliesin (No. xv). See Skene, Four Ancient
Books of Wales, Vol. 1, p. 227.


## p. 248 (#268) ############################################

248
The Arthurian Legend
to exalt the prowess of any British prince would ill assort with
his pious lamentations over the absolute degeneracy of his race.
The battle of Mount Badon, together with another which was
destined to overshadow it completely in the later developments
of Arthurian story, is recorded, and dated, in Annales Cambriae
-the oldest extant MS of which was compiled, probably, in
the second half of the tenth century? There, under the year
516, we read: “Battle of Badon, in which Arthur carried the cross
of our Lord Jesus Christ on his shoulders, and the Britons were
victors. " The reference to the carrying of the cross is, of course,
an obvious echo of the tradition recorded by Nennius about the
image of the Virgin Mary-either, or both, being doubtless the
device borne by Arthur on his shield? Of greater interest is
the second entry in the Annals. In the year 537 was fought "the
battle of Camlan, in which Arthur and Medraut fell. ” Medraut is
the Modred, or Mordred, of romance. The Annals tell nothing
more about him; but in this bare record lies the germ of the first
of the tragic motives of subsequent Arthurian story. Camlan is
"the dim, weird battle of the west,” where Arthur met "the traitor
of his house," and
at one blow,
Striking the last stroke with Excalibur,
Slew him, and, all but slain himself, he fell.
From these meagre notices of the early Latin annalists of
Wales we pass to such Arthurian traditions as are found embodied
in the songs of the oldest Welsh bards. This, indeed, is a perilous
quest, for it is beset with difficult problems of historical and
textual criticism upon which scholarship is still far from saying
its last word. It may, however, be premised with some confidence
that there lived in Wales, in the sixth and seventh centuries,
several bards of note, of whom the best known by name are
Llywarch Hên, Taliesin and Aneirin. The compositions attributed
to these, and other bards of this early period, are found in MSS
the dates of which range from the twelfth to the end of the
fourteenth centuries. The oldest of all the MSS is that known
1 The most likely date is 954 or 955. See Phillimore's edition in Y Cymmrodor,
Vol. ix, p. 144.
? It is worth noting, as bearing upon the Welsh origin of this tradition, that the
old Welsh word for “shield,” iscuit, would be spelt in exactly the same way as
the word for “shoulder. " Both Nennius, and the writer of the Annals, appear to
have misread it. Geoffrey of Monmouth attempts to put the matter right (Hist. 11,
ch. IV) in describing Arthur as having "on his shoulders a shield" bearing the Virgin's
image; but he, also, confuses Welsh tradition in giving to the shield the name of
Arthur's ship, Priwen or Pridwen.


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Early Welsh Poetry
249
as The Black Book of Carmarthen, compiled during the latter
part of the twelfth century, the period to which also belongs the
oldest known MS of Welsh prose, that of the Venedotian code
of the laws of Wales. The Book of Aneirin, which contains
the famous Gododin, is the next oldest MS, and is probably to
be assigned to the thirteenth century. To the thirteenth century,
also, belongs The Book of Taliesin, while another famous MS, The
Red Book of Hergest, dates from the end of the fourteenth century.
These “four ancient books”i constitute, together, our chief
available repertory of the early poetry of the Kymry.
Amid much that is undeniably late and spurious, these collections
of Welsh poetry contain a good deal that is, in substance, of obviously
archaic origin. In many of these poems there is, in words applied
by Matthew Arnold to the prose Mabinogion, "a detritus, as the
geologists would say, of something far older"; and their secret
is not to be “truly reached until this detritus, instead of being
called recent because it is found in contact with what is recent,
is disengaged, and is made to tell its own story? " Nowhere,
however, is this detritus more difficult to disengage than in the
few poems in which Arthur's name appears. The most celebrated
of these early Welsh bards know nothing of Arthur. Llywarch Hên
and Taliesin never mention him; to them Urien, lord of Rheged,
is by far the most imposing figure among all the native warriors
who fought against the English. It is Urien with whom “all the
bards of the world find favour,” and to whom they ever sing after
his desire 8. ” Neither is Arthur known to Aneirin, who sang in his
Gododin the elegy of the Kymric chieftains who met their doom
at Cattraeth. “There are only five poems” writes Skene", "which
mention Arthur at all, and then it is the historical Arthur, the
Gwledig, to whom the defence of the wall is entrusted, and who
fights the twelve battles in the north and finally perishes at
Camlan. ” This is not a quite accurate summary of the facts; for
these poems, while pointing to the existence of a historical Arthur,
embody also a detritus of pure myth.
The most significant, perhaps, of all the references to Arthur
in early Welsh poetry is that already quoted from the Stanzas of
the Graves in The Black Book of Carmarthen. The mystery
1 The Four Ancient Books of Wales is the title under which the poems in these
MSS were published, with translations and copious dissertations, by W. F. Skene
(Edinburgh, 1868).
? On the Study of Celtic Literature.
* Book of Taliesin, XL (Skene, Vol. 11, p. 186).
* Four Ancient Books of Wales, Vol. 1, p. 226.


## p. 250 (#270) ############################################

250 The Arthurian Legend
surrounding his grave at once suggests the existence of a belief
in his return, and William of Malmesbury, as we have seen, knew,
early in the twelfth century, of "ancient songs" which kept this
belief alive. The currency of such a tradition, not only in Wales,
but in Cornwall and Britanny, at the very beginning of the twelfth
century is proved by an account given by certain monks of Laon
of a tumult caused at Bodmin in the year 1113 by the refusal
of one of their number to admit that Arthur still lived". Another
of the Stanzas of the Graves is significant, as containing an allu-
sion both to the battle of Camlan, and to "the latest-left of all”
Arthur's knights, Bedwyr, or Bedivere, who shares with Kai, or
Kay, the pre-eminence among Arthur's followers in the primitive
Welsh fragments of Arthurian fable:
The grave of the son of Osvran is at Camlan,
After many a slaughter;
The grave of Bedwyr is on the hill of Tryvan.
Bedwyr and Kai appear together in Kulhwch and Olwen; they
are there once met with, for example, on the top of Plynlimmon
"in the greatest wind that ever was in the world. ” “Bedwyr,"
the same story tells us, “never shrank from any enterprise upon
which Kai was bound. " The pair were united even in their death,
for, in Geoffrey's History, they perish together in the first great
battle with the Romans. Another of Arthur's knights figures as
the hero of an entire poem in The Black Book-Gereint, the son
of Erbin? In this poem Arthur is represented as the leader of a
number of warriors, of whom Gereint is the most valiant, fighting
at a place called Llongborth3:
At Llongborth saw I of Arthur's
Brave men hewing with steel,
(Men of the) emperor, director of toil.
At Llongborth there fell of Gereint's
Brave men from the borders of Devon,
And, ere they were slain, they slew.
Here we find Arthur in much the same rôle as that of the dux
bellorum of Nennius, or the comes Britanniae, who held "the
place of the imperator himself, when Britain ceased to be part
of the dominions of Romet. "
1 See Migne, Patrologia, 156, col. 983.
Gereint, the Son of Erbin is also the title of the Welsh prose romance which
corresponds, in its main features, to Chrétien de Troyes's Erec.
* Supposed by some to be Portsmouth. The Welsh name simply means “ship's
port. "
• Rhys, preface to Dent's edition of Malory, p. XXV.


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Early Welsh Poetry
251
Arthur, however, appears in a distinctly different character
in yet another poem included in The Black Book. In Kulhwch
and Clien, one of Arthur's chief porters answers to the fearsome
name of Glewlwyd Gavaelvawr, or Glewlwyd of the Mighty Grasp.
The Black Book poem is cast in the form of a dialogue between
him and Arthur. Glewlwyd would seem, in the poem, to have a
castle of his own, from the gates of which he questions Arthur
about himself and his followers. The description given of them
by Arthur is noteworthy as pointing to the existence of an early
tradition which made him the head of a sort of military court,
and foreshadows, in a rude way, the fellowship of the Round Table.
Several of the names found in it connect this curious poem with
Kulhwch and Olwen. The first, and the doughtiest, of Arthur's
champions is "the worthy Kei (Kai). ” “Vain were it to boast
against Kei in battle,” sings the bard ; "when from a horn he
drank, he drank as much as four men; when he came into battle,
he slew as would an hundred; unless it were God's doing, Kei's
death would be unachieved. "
Arthur recedes still further into the twilight of myth in the
only other old Welsh poem where any extended allusion is made
to him. The poem in question is found in The Book of Taliesin,
and is called Preiđeu Annwon, or the Harrowings of Hell. This
is just one of those weird mythological poems which are very
difficult to interpret, and where, again to quote Matthew Arnold,
the author “is pillaging an antiquity of which he does not fully
possess the secret. ” Here Arthur sets out upon various expe-
ditions over perilous seas in his ship Pridwen; one of them had
as its object the rape of a mysterious cauldron belonging to the
king of Hades. “Three freights of Pridwen,” says the bard, “were
they who went out with Arthur; seven alone were they who
returned" from Caer Sidi, Caer Rigor and the other wholly
unidentified places whither they fared. It is in this poem that
the closest parallels of all are found with incidents described in
the story of Kulhwch and Olwen, and, as a whole, it “evidently
deals with expeditions conducted by Arthur by sea to the realms
of twilight and darkness? . " But, here, the British king is much
further removed than in Kulhwch from any known country, and
appears as a purely mythical hero with supernatural attributes.
The most remarkable fragment for the tale, as we have it, is
an obvious torso-of all the early Welsh literature about Arthur
Rhys, preface to Dent's Malory, p. xxxiv, where the poom's correspondences with
Kulhwch are pointed out.
her fared. un incidents veridently


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252
The Arthurian Legend
that has come down to us is the prose romance of Kulhwch and
Olwen. The oldest extant text of it is that of the early fourteenth
century MS known as The White Book of Rhyderch', where we
find many remarkable archaisms which have been modernised in
the version of The Red Book of Hergest; but the original form
of the story is assigned, by the most competent authorities, to the
tenth century. It is included in Lady Charlotte Guest's translation
of the Mabinogion; and, as that translation largely contributed
to the fashioning of the most popular presentment of Arthurian
romance in modern English poetry, a brief account of the entire
series of these Welsh tales may here be appropriately given. All
the tales translated by Lady Guest are taken from The Red Book
of Hergest, with the exception of The History of Taliesin.
Taliesin, in the form we have it, is a compilation of obviously
late medieval origin, and is not found in any MS of an earlier
date than the end of the sixteenth century. The name Mabi-
nogion belongs, strictly speaking, to only four of the twelve stories
included in Lady Guest's book. Each of these four tales is called
in Welsh “ceinc y Mabinogi,” which means “a branch of the
Mabinogi”; and the correct title for the group should be “the
four branches of the Mabinogi. ” The term mabinogi signifies "a
tale of youth," or "a tale for the young. ” The “four branches” are
the tales known as Pwyll, prince of Dyved; Branwen, daughter
of Llŷr; Manawydan, son of Llŷr; and Math, son of Mathonwy.
They contain what is probably the most archaic body of Welsh
tradition in existence, are largely, if not entirely, mythological in
character and suggest many points of analogy with the mythic
tales of Ireland4. They deal, mainly, with the fortunes of three
great families, the children of Dôn, the children of Llŷr and the
family of Pwyll. In these stories, the Mabinogion proper, Arthur
does not appear at all.
Of the other tales, two—The Dream of Maxen Wledig and
Llud and Llevelys—are brief romantic excursions into the do-
main of ancient British history, later in date, probably, than
Geoffrey's Historia. Arthur does not figure in either. The
remaining five tales, however, are all Arthurian, but form two
1 In the Peniarth Library. Gwenogvryn Evans has an edition of this MS in
preparation.
* Rhys, Dent's Malory, p. xxxiv.
8 Thomas Love Peacock drew most of his matter for The Misfortunes of Elphin from
this tale.
* For a suggestive analysis of the probable origins and mythological significanca
of the “ four branches,” see Rhys, Celtic Folk-lore, vol. II.
A18 tale.


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The Mabinogion
253
distinct groups. In Kulhwch and Olwen and The Dream of
Rhonabwy we have two Arthurian stories of apparently pure
British origin, in which Arthur is presented in a milieu altogether
unaffected by the French romances. The second and better known
group, consisting of the three tales entitled The Lady of the
Fountain, Geraint, son of Erbin and Peredur, son of Evrawc,
are romances palpably based upon French originals. They corre-
spond, respectively, in their main features, to Chrétien de Troyes's
Le chevalier au lion, Erec and Le conte del Graal? .
The Mabinogion, as a whole, are the most artistic and de-
lightful expression of the early Celtic genius which we possess.
Nowhere else do we come into such close touch with the real
“Celtic magic," with the true enchanted land, where “the eternal
illusion clothes itself in the most seductive hues? " Composed
though they were, in all probability, by a professional literary
class, these stories are distinguished by a naive charm which
suggests anything but an artificial literary craftsmanship. The
supernatural is treated in them as the most natural thing in the
world, and the personages who possess magic gifts are made to
move about and speak and behave as perfectly normal human
creatures. The simple grace of their narrative, their delicacy and
tenderness of sentiment and, above all, their feeling for nature,
distinguish these tales altogether from the elaborate productions
of the French romantic schools; while in its lucid precision of form,
and in its admirable adaptation to the matter with which it deals,
no medieval prose surpasses that of the Welsh of the Mabinogion.
These traits are what make it impossible to regard even the later
Welsh Arthurian stories as mere imitations of Chrétien's poems.
Their characters and incidents may be, substantially, the same;
but the tone, the atmosphere, the entire artistic setting of the
Welsh tales are altogether different; and “neither Chrétien nor
Marie de France, nor any other French writer of the time, whether
in France or England, can for one moment compare with the
Welshmen as story-tellers pure and simple. "
i Le Conte del Graal is only in part the work of Chrétien.
» Repan, The Poetry of the Celtic Races. (Trans. Hutchison. )
* A. Nutt, in his edition of Lady C. Guest's Mabinogion, p. 352. Cf. Renan :
“ The charm of the Mabinogion principally resides in the amiable serenity of the
Celtic mind, neither sad nor gay, ever in suspense between a smile and a tear. We
have in them the simple recital of a child, unwitting of any distinction between the
noble and the common; there is something of that softly animated world, of that calm
and tranquil ideal to which Ariosto’s stanzas transport us. The chatter of the later
medieval French and German imitators can give no idea of this charming manner of
narration. The skilful Chrétien de Troyes himself remains in this respect far below
the Welsh story-tellers. " The Poetry of the Celtic Races.


## p. 254 (#274) ############################################

254
The Arthurian Legend
Kulhwch and Olwen, however, is the only one of these tales
that need detain us here, embodying as it does, in common with
the Welsh poems already quoted, Arthurian traditions far transcend-
ing in age the appearance of the Arthur of chivalry. Here, as
Matthew Arnold has said in an oft-quoted passage, the story-teller
"is like a peasant building his hut on the site of Halicarnassus or
Ephesus; he builds, but what he builds is full of materials of which
he knows not the history, or knows by a glimmering tradition
merely-stones ‘not of this building,' but of an older architecture,
greater, cunninger, more majestical. ” The main theme of the
story is the wooing of Olwen, the daughter of Yspađaden Pen
Kawr, by Kulhwch, the son of Kilyd, and the long series of
labours imposed upon the suitor in order to gain her hand
Olwen appears to have been well worth the arduous quest, for
“ her skin was whiter than the foam of the wave, and fairer were
her hands and her fingers than the blossoms of the wood anemone
amidst the spray of the meadow fountain," and "four white trefoils
sprung up wherever she trod. ” Arthur appears, here, not as the
ideal British warrior, nor as the hope and future restorer of his
race, but as a fairy king, overcoming uncouth and monstrous
enemies by his own and his followers' magic. All the same, he
is the lord of what is to the story-teller, in many places, a very
determinate realm; for, one of the most remarkable features of
Kulhwch and Olwen, as compared with the later Arthurian tales,
is the precision of its topography. The route of the boar-hunt,
for example-or the hunting of the Twrch Trwyth—may be traced,
without much difficulty, on our maps? .
Even more remarkable, however, than the topographical detail
of the story is the congeries of fabulous and fantastic Dames
grouped in it around the central figure of Arthur.