to my mind a man's chief orna ment is the
adornment
of nobly adorned friends.
Universal Anthology - v04
O.
Dakyns.
)
[Xenophon, the famous Greek general and historian, was born at Athens about b. c. 450. He was a pupil and friend of Socrates, whose biography he wrote in the "Memorabilia. " He joined the expedition of Cyrus the Younger as a volunteer, and on the murder of the generals after the battle of Cunaxa was made commander of the retreat, the celebrated " Retreat of the Ten Thou sand. " Later he served in the Spartan army and was banished by Athens ; he lived some twenty years in Elis, but the time and place of his death are not known. His chief work is the "Anabasis," describing the expedition of Cyrus and the retreat. He also wrote a history of Grecian affairs, the "Hellenica" ; the "Cyropaedia," a pretended biography of Cyrus the Great, really an ideal dream of a boy's education and a social state ; and other things. ]
Darius and Parysatis had two sons : the elder was named Artaxerxes, and the younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of life drew near, he wished both his sons to be with him. The elder, as it chanced, was already there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from the province over which he had made him satrap, having appointed him general, more over, of all the forces that muster in the plain of the Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as his friend, and accompanied also by a body of Hellenes, three hun dred heavy armed men, under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian.
Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the kingdom, Tissaphernes brought slanderous accusation against Cyrus before his brother, the king, of harboring designs against him. And Artaxerxes, listening to the words of Tissa phernes, laid hands upon Cyrus, desiring to put him to death ; but his mother made intercession for him, and sent him back again in safety to his province. He then, having so escaped through peril and dishonor, fell to considering, not only how he might avoid ever again being in his brother's power, but how, if possible, he might become king in his stead. Parysatis, his mother, was his first resource ; for she had more love for Cyrus than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. Moreover, Cyrus's behavior towards all who came to him from the king's
•
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court was such that when he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to the king his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own service ; but trained them, at once to be capable as warriors and devoted adherents of him self. Lastly, he began collecting his Hellenic armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the king as far as might be at unawares.
The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops was as follows : First, he sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the cities (so held by him), bidding them to get together as large a body of picked Peloponnesian troops as they severally were able, on the plea that Tissaphernes was plotting against their cities ; and truly these cities of Ionia had origi nally belonged to Tissaphernes, being given to him by the king ; but at this time, with the exception of Miletus, they had all revolted to Cyrus. In Miletus, Tissaphernes, having become aware of similar designs, had forestalled the conspirators by putting some to death and banishing the remainder. Cyrus, on his side, welcomed these fugitives, and, having collected an army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and land, endeavoring to reinstate the exiles ; and this gave him another pretext for collecting an armament. At the same time he sent to the king, and claimed, as being the king's brother, that these cities should be given to himself rather than that Tissaphernes should con tinue to govern them ; and in furtherance of this end, the queen, his mother, cooperated with him, so that the king not only failed to see the design against himself, but concluded that Cyrus was spending his money on armaments in order to make war on Tissaphernes. Nor did it pain him greatly
to see the two at war together, and the less so because Cyrus was careful to remit the tribute due to the king from the cities which belonged to Tissaphernes.
A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, over against Abydos, the origin of which was as follows : There was a Lacedaemonian exile, named Clearchus, with whom Cyrus had become associated. Cyrus admired the man, and made him a present of ten thousand darics [$50,000]. Clearchus took the gold, and with the money raised an army, and using the Chersonese as his base of operations, set to work to fight the Thracians north of the Hellespont, in the interests of the Hel lenes, and with such happy result that the Hellespontine cities, of their own accord, were eager to contribute funds for the
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support of his troops. In this way, again, an armament was being secretly maintained for Cyrus.
Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus's friend, who, under pressure of the rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus and asked him for pay for two thousand mer cenaries, to be continued for three months, which would enable him, he said, to gain the upper hand of his antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting him with six months' pay for four thou sand mercenaries, only stipulating that Aristippus should not come to terms with his antagonists without final consultation with himself. In this way he secured to himself the secret maintenance of a fourth armament.
Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get together as many men as possible, and join him on an expedition which he meditated against the Pisidians, who were causing annoyance to his territory. Similarly two other friends, Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, and Socrates the Achaean, had orders to get together as many men as possible and come to him, since he was on the point of opening a campaign, along with the Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes. These orders were duly carried out by the two in question.
But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at which he should begin his march into the interior, the pretext which he put forward was his desire to expel the Pisidians utterly out of the country ; and he began collect ing both his Asiatic and his Hellenic armaments, avowedly against that people. From Sardis in each direction his orders sped. . . .
But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment so large pointed to something more than an invasion of Pisidia : so he argued ; and with what speed he might, he set off to the king, attended by about five hundred horse. The king, on his side, had no sooner heard from Tissa phernes of Cyrus's great armament, than he began to make counter preparations. . . .
As Cyrus advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), he came upon the hoof prints and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked like the trail of some two thousand horses. Keeping ahead of the army, these fellows burned up the grass and everything else that was good for use. Now there was a Persian, named Orontas ; he was closely related to the king by birth : and in matters pertaining to war reckoned among the
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best of Persian warriors. Having formerly been at war with Cyrus, and afterwards reconciled to him, he now made a con spiracy to destroy him. He made a proposal to Cyrus : if Cyrus would furnish him with a thousand horsemen, he would deal with these troopers, who were burning down everything in front of them ; he would lay an ambuscade and cut them down, or he would capture a host of them alive : in any case, he would put a stop to their aggressiveness and burnings ; he would see to it that they did not ever get a chance of setting eyes on Cyrus's army and reporting its advent to the king.
The proposal seemed plausible to Cyrus, who accordingly authorized Orontas to take a detachment from each of the generals, and be gone. He, thinking that he had got his horsemen ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the king, an nouncing that he would erelong join him with as many troopers as he could bring ; he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal cavalry to welcome him on arrival as a friend. The letter further contained certain reminders of his former friendship and fidelity. This dispatch he delivered into the hands of one who was a trusty messenger, as he thought ; but the bearer took and gave it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it. Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus summoned to his tent seven of the noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent orders to the Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were to take up a position round his tent. This the generals did, bringing up about three thousand hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to assist at the court martial : a compliment due to the position he held among the other generals, in the opinion not only of Cyrus, but also of the rest of the court. When he came out, he reported the circumstances of the trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery) to his friends.
He said that Cyrus opened the inquiry with these words : " I have invited you hither, my friends, that I may take advice with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God and man, it is right for me to do, as concerning the man before you, Oron tas. The prisoner was, in the first instance, given to me by my father, to be my faithful subject. In the next place, acting, to use his own words, under the orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of Sardis, he went to war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to think it more prudent to desist from war with me : whereupon we shook hands, exchanging
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solemn pledges. After that," and at this point Cyrus turned to Orontas, and addressed him personally, — " After that, did I do you any wrong? " Answer, "Never. " Again, another question, "Then later on, having received, as you admit, no injury from me, did you revolt to the Mysians and injure my territory, as far as in you lay? " — "I did," was the reply. " Then, once more having discovered the limits of your power, did you flee to the altar of Artemis, crying out that you re pented ? and did you thus work upon my feelings, that we a second time shook hands and made interchange of solemn pledges ? Are these things so ? " Orontas again assented. " Then what injury have you received from me," Cyrus asked, "that now, for the third time, you have been detected in a
treasonous plot against me? " — " No injury," Orontas replied. And Cyrus asked once more, "You plead guilty to having
sinned against me ? " — "
"I must needs do so," he answered.
But the day may come, may it not, when you will once again be hostile to my brother, and a faithful friend to myself ? " The other answered, " Even
such is his language now. I now call upon you, and you first, Clearchus, to declare your opinion — what think you ? " And Clearchus answered, "My advice to you is to put this man out of the way as soon as may be, so that we may be saved the necessity of watching him, and have more leisure, as far as he is concerned, to requite the services of those whose friendship is sinoere. " — "To this opinion," he told us, "the rest of the court adhered. " After that, at the bidding of Cyrus, each of those present, in turn, including the kinsmen of Orontas, took him by the girdle ; which is as much as to say, " Let him die the death," and then those appointed led him out ; and they who in old days were wont to do obeisance to him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to death.
After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest of Cyrus's wand bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or dead. No one, of his own knowledge, could declare the manner of his death ; though some conjectured one thing and some another. No tomb to mark his resting place, either then or since, was ever seen. . . .
Then Cyrus put one more question,
if I were, you could never be brought to believe it, Cyrus. "
At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said : " Such has been the conduct of the prisoner in the past :
THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER. 73
From this place Cyrus advanced one stage — three par- asangs — with his troops in order of battle. He expected the king to give battle the same day; for in the middle of this day's march a deep sunk trench was reached, thirty feet broad and eighteen feet deep. The trench was carried inland through the plain, twelve parasangs' distance, to the wall of Media. Here are canals, flowing from the river Tigris ; they are four in number, each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with corn ships plying upon them ; they empty themselves into the Euphrates, are at intervals of one parasang apart, and spanned by bridges.
Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow pas sage, twenty feet only in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great king upon hearing of Cyrus'B approaoh, to serve as a line of defense. Through this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found themselves safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought with the king that day ; only there were numerous unmistakable traces of horse and infantry in retreat.
As the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at the trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have abandoned the idea of offering battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced with less than his former caution. On the third day he was conducting the march, seated in his carriage, with only a small body of troops drawn up in front of him. The mass of the army was moving on in no kind of order, the sol diers having consigned their heavy arms to be carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.
It was already about full market time and the halting place at which the army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty member of Cyrus's personal staff, came galloping up at full speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat, and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he could ejaculate the words, " The king is advancing with a large army ready for battle. " Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes and all alike were ex pecting to be attacked on the instant, and before they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned his corselet ; then leaping on to his charger's back, with the javelins firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves and fall into their several ranks.
The orders were carried out with alacrity ; the ranks shaped
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themselves. Clearchus held the right of the wing resting on the Euphrates, Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, while Menon with his troops held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus on the right, and with them stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the rest of the barbarian host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuisses and helmets ; but not so Cyrus : he went into battle with head unhelmeted. So, too, all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead pieces and breast pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.
It was now midday, and the enemy was not yet in sight ; but with the approach of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a considerable interval a black pall as it were spread far and high over the plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen here and there a glint of bronze and spear points, and the ranks could plainly be distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses. That is Tissaphernes in com mand, they said, and next to these a body of men bearing wicker shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry, with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bowmen ; all were in national divisions, each nation marching in densely crowded squares. And all along their front was a line of chariots at considerable intervals from one another, — the famous scythe chariots, as they were named, — having their scythes fitted to the axletrees and stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the chariot seats, facing the ground, so as to cut through all they encountered. The design was to let them dash full speed into the ranks of the Hellenes and cut them through.
Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics, was not justified. Instead of shout ing, they came on in deep silence, softly and slowly, with even tread. At this instant, Cyrus, riding past in person, accom panied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three or four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's center, for there the king was to be found. " And if we strike home at this point," he added, "our work is finished. " Clearchus, though he could see the compact body at the center, and had been told by Cyrus that the king lay outside the Hellenic left
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(for, owing to numerical superiority, the king, while holding his own center, could well overlap Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks ; and he simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.
At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic division was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as the various contingents came up. Cyrus, rid ing past at some distance from the lines, glanced his eye first in one direction and then in the other, so as to take a complete survey of friends and foes : when Xenophon the Athenian, see ing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter to meet him, asking whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus, pulling up his horse, begged him to make the announcement generally known that the omens from the victims, internal and external alike, were good. While he was still speaking, he heard a confused murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant. The other replied that it was the watchword being passed down for the second time. Cyrus wondered who had given the or der, and asked what the watchword was. On being told it was " Zeus our Savior and Victory," he replied, " I accept it ; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the same time advanced against the enemy.
But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved onwards in advance, with wavelike sinuosity, and the portion left behind quickened to a run ; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst from all lips, like that in honor of the war god — eleleu ! eleleu ! and the running became general. Some say they clashed their shields and spears, thereby causing ter ror to the horses ; and before they had got within arrow shot the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And now the Hel lenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by shouts to one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. They, as they saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One fellow, like some dumfoundered mortal on a race course, was caught by the heels, but even he, they said, received no hurt; nor indeed, with the single exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been wounded
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by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single hurt.
Cyrus , seeing the Hellenes conquering, as far as they at any rate were concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content ; but in spite of his joy and the salutations offered him at that moment by those about him, as though he were already king, he was not led away to join in the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred horsemen in close order, waited and watched to see what the king himself would do. The king, he knew, held the center of the Persian army. Indeed, it is the fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy that position during action, for this twofold reason : he holds the safest place, with his troops on either side of him, while, if he has occasion to dispatch any necessary order along the lines, his troops will receive the message in half the time. The king accordingly on thi3 occasion held the center of his army, but for all that he was outside Cyrus's left wing ; and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the troops in front of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was then that Cyrus, in apprehension lest the king might get round to the rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body, charged to meet him. Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops in front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down, as is said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses.
But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves, in the ardor of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a handful who were left with Cyrus him self — chiefly his table companions, so called. Left alone with these, he caught sight of the king and the close throng about him. Unable longer to contain himself, with a cry, " I see the man," he rushed at him and dealt a blow at his chest, wound ing him through the corselet. This according to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon, who further states that he himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck him with a javelin under the eye severely ; and in the struggle which then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those about them to protect one or other, we have the state ment of Ctesias as to the number slain on the king's side, for he was by his side. On the other, Cyrus himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of him. The story says that Artapates, the trustiest esquire among his wand
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bearers, when he saw that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leaped from his horse and threw his arms about him. Then, as one account says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim to his brother : others say that Artapates drew his scimeter and slew himself by his own hand. A golden scimeter it is true, he had ; he wore also a collar and bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest Persians wear ; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honors at the hands of Cyrus.
So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest and most worthy to rule of all the Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus : according to the concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivaled excellence was recognized. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals. Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely be laid to heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some receiving honor from the king, and again of others receiving dishonor ; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.
In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation ; first he was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own inferiors ; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at once the aptest of learners and the most eager practicer. As soon as his age per mitted, the same preeminence showed itself in his fondness for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous ad venture in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush at him, and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible through life ; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of many.
After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been ap pointed general of the forces, whose business it is to muster in the plain of the Castolus, nothing was more noticeable in his
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conduct than the importance which he attached to the faithful fulfillment of every treaty or compact or undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence alike of individuals and of the communities intrusted to his care ; for in case of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its terms. Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he refused to abandon their exiled citi zens ; and his deeds and words bore emphatic witness to his principle : even if they were weakened in number or in for tune, he would never abandon those who had once become his friends.
He made no secret of his endeavor to outdo his friends and his foes alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to him : " God grant I may live long enough to recompense my friends and requite my foes with a strong arm. " However this may be, no one, at least in our days, ever drew together so ardent a following of friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities, their own lives and persons ; nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn ; on the contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight to see on the well-trodden highways men who had forfeited hand or foot or eye ; the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent, might fearlessly travel wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he reserved especial honor. To take the first instance to hand, he had a war with the Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an expedition into those territories, he could observe those who voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of the territory which he subjected, and afterwards honored them with other gifts. So that, if the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards were recognized as their natural slaves ; and so it befell that Cyrus never had lack of volunteers in any service of danger, whenever it was expected that his eye would be upon them.
So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to dis
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tinguish himself in the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this man richer than those who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same principle, his own administration was in all respects uprightly conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services of an army worthy of the name. Generals and subalterns alike, came to him from across the seas, not merely to make money, but because they saw that loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing service, such en thusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so Cyrus could always command the service of the best assistants, it was said, whatever the work might be.
Or if he saw any skillful and just steward who furnished well the country over which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing him at any time, to him who had, he delighted to give more. So that toil was a pleasure, and gains were amassed with confidence, and least of all from Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions, seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his endeavor was rather to turn to account the riches of those who kept them secret. Towards the friends he had made, whose kindliness he knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught which he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn an adept in the arts of courtesy. Just in pro portion as he felt the need of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each of them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's desire.
Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons ; no one man, perhaps, ever received more ; no one, cer tainly, was ever more ready to bestow them on others, with an eye ever to the taste of each, so as to gratify what he saw to be the individual requirement. Many of these presents were sent to him to serve as personal adornments of the body or for battle ; and as touching these he would say, " How am I to deck myself out in all these ?
to my mind a man's chief orna ment is the adornment of nobly adorned friends. " Indeed, that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters of welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more powerful than they ; but that he should go beyond them in minute attentions, and in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess, more admirable.
Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent
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wine, he would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a message to say, "Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a long time, that is his excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will drink it up to-day with a choice party of friends. " Or, perhaps, he would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half loaves of bread, and so forth, the bearer being instructed to say : " This is Cyrus's favorite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself. " Or, perhaps, there was a great dearth of provender, when, through the number of his servants and his own careful forethought, he was enabled to get supplies for himself ; at such times he would send to his friends in different parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it would not do for the horses that carried his friends to go starving. Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on would be large, he would call his friends to him and entertain them with serious talk, as much as to say, "These I delight to honor. "
So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be disposed to say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever bo beloved. In proof of this, I may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the king's vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him to join his master, if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which was abortive. That man, indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on whose fidelity he re lied than he himself was. On the other hand, many a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with one another : nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the king's affection ; yet for all that, they believed that their virtues would obtain a reward more adequate from Cyrus than from the king. Another great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity rightly to discern all loyal, loving, and firm friendship is afforded by an incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He was slain, but fighting for his life beside him fell also every one of his faithful bodyguard of friends and table companions, with the sole exception of AriaBUS, who was in command of the cavalry on the left ; and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus than he betook himself to flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.
ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OF SOCRATES. 81
ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OF SOCRATES. (From Plato's "Symposium" : translated by Percy Bysshe Shelley. )
[Alcibiades was a celebrated Athenian politician and general ; born about b. c. 450. He was brought up in the house of Pericles, and lived on terms of intimacy with Socrates. A man of great personal charm and extraordinary abil ity, he soon became a popular leader ; but being involved in a suspicion of sacri lege, fled to Sparta and then to Persia. Recalled by the Athenian populace, and intrusted with the command of their fleet, he won several important battles for them, but was superseded for a defeat of his general at Notium b. c. 407. After the fall of Athens he took refuge with the Persian satrap Pharnabazus, in Phrygia, where he was treacherously murdered b. c. 404. ]
I will begin the praise of Socrates by comparing him to a certain statue. Perhaps he will think that this statue is intro duced for the sake of ridicule, but I assure you it is necessary for the illustration of truth. I assert, then, that Socrates is exactly like those Silenuses that sit in the sculptors' shops, and which are holding carved flutes or pipes, but which when divided in two are found to contain the images of the gods. I assert that Socrates is like the satyr Marsyas. That your form and appearance are like these satyrs, I think that even you will not venture to deny ; and how like you are to them in all other things, now hear. Are you not scornful and petu lant ? If you deny this, I will bring witnesses. Are you not a piper, and far more wonderful a one than he ? For Marsyas, and whoever now pipes the music that he taught (for it was Marsyas who taught Olympus his music), enchants men through the power of the mouth. For if any musician, be he skillful or not, awakens this music, it alone enables him to retain the minds of men, and from the divinity of its nature makes evident those who are in want of the gods and initiation : you differ only from Marsyas in this circumstance, that you effect with out instruments, by mere words, all that he can do. For when we hear Pericles, or any other accomplished orator, deliver a discourse, no one, as it were, cares anything about it. But when any one hears you, or even your words related by another, though ever so rude and unskillful a speaker, be that person a woman, man, or child, we are struck and retained, as it were, by the discourse clinging to our mind.
If I was not afraid that I am a great deal too drunk, I would confirm to you by an oath the strange effects which I
VOL. IV. —6
82 ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OP SOCRATES.
assure you I have suffered from his words, and suffer still ; for when I hear him speak my heart leaps up far more than the hearts of those who celebrate the Corybantic mysteries ; my tears are poured out as he talks, a thing I have often seen happen to many others besides myself. I have heard Pericles and other excellent orators, and have been pleased with their discourses, but I suffered nothing of this kind; nor was my soul ever on those occasions disturbed and filled with self- reproach, as if it were slavishly laid prostrate. But this Marsyas here has often affected me in the way I describe, until the life which I lived seemed hardly worth living. Do not deny it, Socrates ; for I know well that if even now I chose to listen to you, I could not resist, but should again suffer the same effects. For, my friends, he forces me to confess that while I myself am still in need of many things, I neglect my own necessities and attend to those of the Athenians. I stop my ears, therefore, as from the Sirens, and flee away as fast as possible, that I may not sit down beside him, and grow old in listening to his talk. For this man has reduced me to feel the sentiment of shame, which I imagine no one would readily believe was in me. For I feel in his presence my incapacity of refuting what he says or of refusing to do that which he directs : but when I depart from him the glory which the mul titude confers overwhelms me. I escape therefore and hide myself from him, and when I see him I am overwhelmed with humiliation, because I have neglected to do what I have con fessed to him ought to be done : and often and often have I wished that he were no longer to be seen among men. But if that were to happen I well know that I should suffer far greater pain ; so that where I can turn, or what I can do with this man I know not. All this have I and many others suffered from the pipings of this satyr.
And observe how like he is to what I said, and what a wonderful power he possesses. Know that there is not one of you who is aware of the real nature of Socrates ; but since I have begun, I will make him plain to you. . You observe how passionately Socrates affects the intimacy of those who are beautiful, and how ignorant he professes himself to be, appear ances in themselves excessively Silenic. This, my friends, is the external form with which, like one of the sculptured Sileni, he has clothed himself; for if you open him you will find within admirable temperance and wisdom. For he cares not
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for mere beauty, but despises more than any one can imagine all external possessions, whether it be beauty, or wealth, or glory, or any other thing for which the multitude felicitates the possessor. He esteems these things, and us who honor them, as nothing, and lives among men, making all the objects of their admiration the playthings of his irony. But I know not if any one of you have ever seen the divine images which are within, when he has been opened, and is serious. I have seen them, and they are so supremely beautiful, so golden, so divine, and wonderful, that everything that Socrates commands surely ought to be obeyed, even like the voice of a god.
*******
At one time we were fellow-soldiers, and had our mess together in the camp before Potidaea. Socrates there overcame not only me, but every one beside, in endurance of evils : when, as often happens in a campaign, we were reduced to few provi sions, there were none who could sustain hunger like Socrates ; and when we had plenty, he alone seemed to enjoy our military fare. He never drank much willingly, but when he was com pelled, he conquered all even in that to which he was least accustomed : and, what is most astonishing, no person ever saw Socrates drunk either then or at any other time. In the depth of winter (and the winters there are excessively rigid) he sus tained calmly incredible hardships : and amongst other things, whilst the frost was intolerably severe, and no one went out of their tents, or if they went out, wrapped themselves up care fully, and put fleeces under their feet, and bound their legs with hairy skins, Socrates went out only with the same cloak on that he usually wore, and walked barefoot upon the ice : more easily, indeed, than those who had sandaled themselves so delicately : so that the soldiers thought that he did it to mock their want of fortitude. It would indeed be worth while to commemorate all that this brave man did and endured in that expedition. In one instance he was seen early in the morning, standing in one place, wrapt in meditation ; and as he seemed unable to unravel the subject of his thoughts, he still continued to stand as inquiring and discussing within him self, and when noon came, the soldiers observed him, and said to one another — " Socrates has been standing there thinking, ever since the morning. " At last some Ionians came to the spot, and having supped, as it was summer, they lay down to
84 ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OF SOCRATES.
sleep in the cool : they observed that Socrates continued to stand there the whole night until morning, and that, when the sun rose, he saluted it with a prayer and departed.
I ought not to omit what Socrates is in battle. For in that battle after which the generals decreed to me the prize of courage, Socrates alone of all men was the savior of my life, standing by me when I had fallen and was wounded, and pre serving both myself and my arms from the hands of the enemy. On that occasion I entreated the generals to decree the prize, as it was most due, to him. And this, O Socrates, you cannot deny, that when the generals, wishing to conciliate a person of my rank, desired to give me the prize, you were far more ear nestly desirous than the generals that this glory should be attributed not to yourself, but me.
But to see Socrates when our army was defeated and scat tered in flight at Delium was a spectacle worthy to behold. On that occasion I was among the cavalry, and he on foot, heavily armed. After the total rout of our troops, he and Laches retreated together; I came up by chance, and seeing them, bade them be of good cheer, for that I would not leave them. As I was on horseback, and therefore less occupied by a regard of my own situation, I could better observe than at Potidaea the beautiful spectacle exhibited by Socrates on this emergency. How superior was he to Laches in presence of mind and courage ! Your representation of him on the stage, O Aristophanes, was not wholly unlike his real self on this occasion, for he walked and darted his regards around with a majestic composure, looking tranquilly both on his friends and enemies : so that it was evident to every one, even from afar, that whoever should venture to attack him would encounter a desperate resistance. He and his companions thus departed in safety : for those who are scattered in flight are pursued and killed, whilst men hesitate to touch those who exhibit such a countenance as that of Socrates even in defeat.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. B. C. 399.
85
[Plato, the great Greek philosopher, was born in or near Athens, b. o. 429, the year of Pericles' death. His name was Aristocles ; Plato ("Broady ") was a nickname, probably from his figure. He began to write poems ; but after meeting Socrates at twenty he burnt them, became Socrates' disciple for ten years, and was with him at his trial and death. Afterwards he traveled widely, and settled at Athens as a teacher of philosophy ; among his pupils was Aris totle. His "Dialogues" are still the noblest body of philosophical thought in existence, and of matchless literary beauty. Emerson says, " Out of Plato come all things that are still written and debated among men of thought. . . . Plato is philosophy, and philosophy Plato. "]
I.
Socrates, on the eve of his trialfor impiety, wishes to show that the popular notions about piety and impiety, or holiness and unholiness, will not bear testing.
Euthyphron — What in the world are you doing here at the archon's porch, Socrates ? Why have you left your haunts in the Lyceum ? You surely cannot have an action before him, as I have. —
(From the " Euthyphron " and the " Apology " of Plato : translated by F. J. Church. )
Socrates
cution, not an action.
Nay, the Athenians, Euthyphron, call it a prose
Euthyphron — What ? Do you mean that some one is prose cuting you? I cannot believe that you are prosecuting any one yourself.
Socrates — Certainly I am not.
Euthyphron — Then is some one prosecuting you ?
Socrates —Yes.
Euthyphron — Who is he ?
Socrates — I scarcely know him myself, Euthyphron; I
think he must be some unknown young man. His name, how ever, is Meletus, and his deme Pitthis, if you can call to mind any Meletus of that deme, — a hook-nosed man with long hair, and a rather scanty beard.
Euthyphron — I don't know him, Socrates. But, tell me, what is he prosecuting you for ?
Socrates — What for ? Not on trivial grounds, I think. It is no small thing for so young a man to have formed an opinion on such an important matter. For he, he says, knows how the
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young are corrupted, and who are their corrupters. He must be a wise man, who, observing my ignorance, is going to accuse me to the city, as his mother, of corrupting his friends. I think that he is the only man who begins at the right point in his
I mean whose first care is to make the young men as perfect as possible, just as a good farmer will take care of his young plants first, and, after he has done that, of the
political reforms :
others. And so Meletus, I suppose, is first clearing us off, who, as he says, corrupt the young men as they grow up ; and then, when he has done that, of course he will turn his attention to the older men, and so become a very great public benefactor. Indeed, that is only what you would expect, when he goes to work in this way.
Euthyphron — I hope it may be so, Socrates, but I have very grave doubts about it. It seems to me that in trying to injure you, he is really setting to work by striking a blow at the heart of the state. But how, tell me, does he say that you corrupt the youth ? —
Socrates In a way which sounds strange at first, my friend. He says that I am a maker of gods ; and so he is prosecuting me, he says, for inventing new gods, and for not believing in
the old ones. — I understand, Socrates. It is because you Euthyphron
say that you always have a divine sign. So he is prosecuting you for introducing novelties into religion ; and he is going into court knowing that such matters are easily misrepresented to the multitude, and consequently meaning to slander you there. Why, they laugh even me to scorn, as if I were out of my mind, when I talk about divine things in the assembly, and tell them what is going to happen : and yet I have never fore told anything which has not come true. But they are jealous of all people like us. We must not think about them : we must meet them boldly.
Socrates — My dear Euthyphron, their ridicule is not a very serious matter. The Athenians, it seems to me, may think a man to be clever without paying him much attention, so long as they do not think that he teaches his wisdom to others. But as soon as they think that he makes other people clever, they get angry, whether it be from jealousy, as you say, or for some other
reason. — I am not very anxious to try their disposition Euthyphron
towards me in this matter.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. 87
Socrates — No, perhaps they think that you seldom show yourself, and that you are not anxious to teach your wisdom to others ; but I fear that they may think that I am ; for my love of men makes me talk to every one whom I meet quite freely and unreservedly, and without payment : indeed, if I could, I would gladly pay people myself to listen to me. If then, as I said just now, they were only going to laugh at me, as you say they do at you, it would not be at all an unpleasant way of spending the day, to spend it in court, jesting and laughing. But if they are going to be in earnest, then only prophets like you can tell where the matter will end.
Euthyphron — Well, Socrates, I dare say that nothing will come of it. Very likely you will be successful in your trial, and I think that I shall be in mine.
Socrates — And what is this suit of yours, Euthyphron? Are you suing, or being sued?
Euthyphron — I am suing.
Socrates — Whom ?
Euthyphron — A man whom I am thought a maniac to be
suing. — Socrates
What ? Has he wings to fly away with ? Euthyphron — He is far enough from flying ; he is a very
old man. — Socrates
Who is he ? Euthyphron — He is my father.
[Then Euthyphron having stated that he was prosecuting his father for having murdered a slave, Socrates asks him to define holiness. Euthyphron becomes entangled, and Socrates points out that he has not answered his question. He does not want a particular example of holiness. He wants to know what that is which makes all holy actions holy. Euthyphron, at length, defines holiness as "that which is pleasing to the gods. " But Socrates, by a series of apparently innocent ques tions, compels Euthyphron to admit the absurdity of his defini tion. Euthyphron has no better fortune with a second and third definition, and he passes from a state of patronizing self- complacency to one of puzzled confusion and deeply offended pride. ]
—
I do not mean to give in until I have found out.
Then we must begin again, and inquire what is
Socrates holiness.
Do not deem me unworthy ; give your whole mind to the question, and this time tell me the truth. For if any one
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knows it, it is you ; and you are a Proteus whom I must not let go until you have told me. It cannot be that you would ever have undertaken to prosecute your aged father for the murder of a laboring man unless you had known exactly what is holiness and unholiness. You would have feared to risk the anger of the gods, in case you should be doing wrong, and you would have been afraid of what men would say. But now I am sure that you think that you know exactly what is holiness and what is not ; so tell me, my excellent Euthyphron, and do not conceal from me what you hold it to be.
Socrates — What are you doing, my friend ! Will you go away and destroy all my hopes of learning from you what is holy and what is not, and so of escaping Meletus ? I meant to explain to him that now Euthyphron has made me wise about divine things, and that I no longer in my ignorance speak rashly about them or introduce novelties in them ; and then I was going to promise him to live a better life for the future.
II.
Socrates defends himself before the Athenians.
Socrates — I cannot tell what impression my accusers have made upon you, Athenians : for my own part, I know that they nearly made me forget who I was, so plausible were they ; and yet they have scarcely uttered one single word of truth. But of all their many falsehoods, the one which astonished me most, was when they said that I was a clever speaker, and that you must be careful not to let me mislead you. I thought that it was most impudent of them not to be ashamed to talk in that way ; for as soon as I open my mouth the lie will be exposed, and I shall prove that I am not a clever speaker in any way at all : unless, indeed, by a clever speaker they mean a man who speaks the truth. If that is their meaning, I agree with them that I am a much greater orator than they. My accusers, then I repeat, have said little or nothing that is true ; but from me you shall hear the whole truth. Certainly you will not hear an elaborate speech, Athenians, drest up, like theirs, with
words and phrases. I will say to you what I have to say,
Euthyphron — Another time, then, Socrates. I am in a hurry now, and it is time for me to be off.
The Gospels of Kino, Canute. (Eleventh Century. )
The handsome MS. from which the plate is taken is nniong the more notable of the MSS. in the Royal collection in the British Museum. It consists of 150 leaves of vellum, measuring 13^ x io! ^ inches, and in a full page comprises twenty-six lines. The hand in which it is written is a firm set Saxon, strongly tinctured with the Caroline minuscule.
The Gospels of King Canute. (Eleventh Century. )
The handsome MS. from which the Plate is taken is preserved amongst the Royal MSS. in the British Museum.
[Xenophon, the famous Greek general and historian, was born at Athens about b. c. 450. He was a pupil and friend of Socrates, whose biography he wrote in the "Memorabilia. " He joined the expedition of Cyrus the Younger as a volunteer, and on the murder of the generals after the battle of Cunaxa was made commander of the retreat, the celebrated " Retreat of the Ten Thou sand. " Later he served in the Spartan army and was banished by Athens ; he lived some twenty years in Elis, but the time and place of his death are not known. His chief work is the "Anabasis," describing the expedition of Cyrus and the retreat. He also wrote a history of Grecian affairs, the "Hellenica" ; the "Cyropaedia," a pretended biography of Cyrus the Great, really an ideal dream of a boy's education and a social state ; and other things. ]
Darius and Parysatis had two sons : the elder was named Artaxerxes, and the younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of life drew near, he wished both his sons to be with him. The elder, as it chanced, was already there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from the province over which he had made him satrap, having appointed him general, more over, of all the forces that muster in the plain of the Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as his friend, and accompanied also by a body of Hellenes, three hun dred heavy armed men, under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian.
Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the kingdom, Tissaphernes brought slanderous accusation against Cyrus before his brother, the king, of harboring designs against him. And Artaxerxes, listening to the words of Tissa phernes, laid hands upon Cyrus, desiring to put him to death ; but his mother made intercession for him, and sent him back again in safety to his province. He then, having so escaped through peril and dishonor, fell to considering, not only how he might avoid ever again being in his brother's power, but how, if possible, he might become king in his stead. Parysatis, his mother, was his first resource ; for she had more love for Cyrus than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. Moreover, Cyrus's behavior towards all who came to him from the king's
•
THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER. 69
court was such that when he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to the king his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own service ; but trained them, at once to be capable as warriors and devoted adherents of him self. Lastly, he began collecting his Hellenic armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the king as far as might be at unawares.
The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops was as follows : First, he sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the cities (so held by him), bidding them to get together as large a body of picked Peloponnesian troops as they severally were able, on the plea that Tissaphernes was plotting against their cities ; and truly these cities of Ionia had origi nally belonged to Tissaphernes, being given to him by the king ; but at this time, with the exception of Miletus, they had all revolted to Cyrus. In Miletus, Tissaphernes, having become aware of similar designs, had forestalled the conspirators by putting some to death and banishing the remainder. Cyrus, on his side, welcomed these fugitives, and, having collected an army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and land, endeavoring to reinstate the exiles ; and this gave him another pretext for collecting an armament. At the same time he sent to the king, and claimed, as being the king's brother, that these cities should be given to himself rather than that Tissaphernes should con tinue to govern them ; and in furtherance of this end, the queen, his mother, cooperated with him, so that the king not only failed to see the design against himself, but concluded that Cyrus was spending his money on armaments in order to make war on Tissaphernes. Nor did it pain him greatly
to see the two at war together, and the less so because Cyrus was careful to remit the tribute due to the king from the cities which belonged to Tissaphernes.
A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, over against Abydos, the origin of which was as follows : There was a Lacedaemonian exile, named Clearchus, with whom Cyrus had become associated. Cyrus admired the man, and made him a present of ten thousand darics [$50,000]. Clearchus took the gold, and with the money raised an army, and using the Chersonese as his base of operations, set to work to fight the Thracians north of the Hellespont, in the interests of the Hel lenes, and with such happy result that the Hellespontine cities, of their own accord, were eager to contribute funds for the
70 THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER.
support of his troops. In this way, again, an armament was being secretly maintained for Cyrus.
Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus's friend, who, under pressure of the rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus and asked him for pay for two thousand mer cenaries, to be continued for three months, which would enable him, he said, to gain the upper hand of his antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting him with six months' pay for four thou sand mercenaries, only stipulating that Aristippus should not come to terms with his antagonists without final consultation with himself. In this way he secured to himself the secret maintenance of a fourth armament.
Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get together as many men as possible, and join him on an expedition which he meditated against the Pisidians, who were causing annoyance to his territory. Similarly two other friends, Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, and Socrates the Achaean, had orders to get together as many men as possible and come to him, since he was on the point of opening a campaign, along with the Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes. These orders were duly carried out by the two in question.
But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at which he should begin his march into the interior, the pretext which he put forward was his desire to expel the Pisidians utterly out of the country ; and he began collect ing both his Asiatic and his Hellenic armaments, avowedly against that people. From Sardis in each direction his orders sped. . . .
But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment so large pointed to something more than an invasion of Pisidia : so he argued ; and with what speed he might, he set off to the king, attended by about five hundred horse. The king, on his side, had no sooner heard from Tissa phernes of Cyrus's great armament, than he began to make counter preparations. . . .
As Cyrus advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), he came upon the hoof prints and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked like the trail of some two thousand horses. Keeping ahead of the army, these fellows burned up the grass and everything else that was good for use. Now there was a Persian, named Orontas ; he was closely related to the king by birth : and in matters pertaining to war reckoned among the
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71
best of Persian warriors. Having formerly been at war with Cyrus, and afterwards reconciled to him, he now made a con spiracy to destroy him. He made a proposal to Cyrus : if Cyrus would furnish him with a thousand horsemen, he would deal with these troopers, who were burning down everything in front of them ; he would lay an ambuscade and cut them down, or he would capture a host of them alive : in any case, he would put a stop to their aggressiveness and burnings ; he would see to it that they did not ever get a chance of setting eyes on Cyrus's army and reporting its advent to the king.
The proposal seemed plausible to Cyrus, who accordingly authorized Orontas to take a detachment from each of the generals, and be gone. He, thinking that he had got his horsemen ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the king, an nouncing that he would erelong join him with as many troopers as he could bring ; he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal cavalry to welcome him on arrival as a friend. The letter further contained certain reminders of his former friendship and fidelity. This dispatch he delivered into the hands of one who was a trusty messenger, as he thought ; but the bearer took and gave it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it. Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus summoned to his tent seven of the noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent orders to the Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were to take up a position round his tent. This the generals did, bringing up about three thousand hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to assist at the court martial : a compliment due to the position he held among the other generals, in the opinion not only of Cyrus, but also of the rest of the court. When he came out, he reported the circumstances of the trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery) to his friends.
He said that Cyrus opened the inquiry with these words : " I have invited you hither, my friends, that I may take advice with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God and man, it is right for me to do, as concerning the man before you, Oron tas. The prisoner was, in the first instance, given to me by my father, to be my faithful subject. In the next place, acting, to use his own words, under the orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of Sardis, he went to war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to think it more prudent to desist from war with me : whereupon we shook hands, exchanging
72 THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER.
solemn pledges. After that," and at this point Cyrus turned to Orontas, and addressed him personally, — " After that, did I do you any wrong? " Answer, "Never. " Again, another question, "Then later on, having received, as you admit, no injury from me, did you revolt to the Mysians and injure my territory, as far as in you lay? " — "I did," was the reply. " Then, once more having discovered the limits of your power, did you flee to the altar of Artemis, crying out that you re pented ? and did you thus work upon my feelings, that we a second time shook hands and made interchange of solemn pledges ? Are these things so ? " Orontas again assented. " Then what injury have you received from me," Cyrus asked, "that now, for the third time, you have been detected in a
treasonous plot against me? " — " No injury," Orontas replied. And Cyrus asked once more, "You plead guilty to having
sinned against me ? " — "
"I must needs do so," he answered.
But the day may come, may it not, when you will once again be hostile to my brother, and a faithful friend to myself ? " The other answered, " Even
such is his language now. I now call upon you, and you first, Clearchus, to declare your opinion — what think you ? " And Clearchus answered, "My advice to you is to put this man out of the way as soon as may be, so that we may be saved the necessity of watching him, and have more leisure, as far as he is concerned, to requite the services of those whose friendship is sinoere. " — "To this opinion," he told us, "the rest of the court adhered. " After that, at the bidding of Cyrus, each of those present, in turn, including the kinsmen of Orontas, took him by the girdle ; which is as much as to say, " Let him die the death," and then those appointed led him out ; and they who in old days were wont to do obeisance to him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to death.
After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest of Cyrus's wand bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or dead. No one, of his own knowledge, could declare the manner of his death ; though some conjectured one thing and some another. No tomb to mark his resting place, either then or since, was ever seen. . . .
Then Cyrus put one more question,
if I were, you could never be brought to believe it, Cyrus. "
At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said : " Such has been the conduct of the prisoner in the past :
THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER. 73
From this place Cyrus advanced one stage — three par- asangs — with his troops in order of battle. He expected the king to give battle the same day; for in the middle of this day's march a deep sunk trench was reached, thirty feet broad and eighteen feet deep. The trench was carried inland through the plain, twelve parasangs' distance, to the wall of Media. Here are canals, flowing from the river Tigris ; they are four in number, each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with corn ships plying upon them ; they empty themselves into the Euphrates, are at intervals of one parasang apart, and spanned by bridges.
Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow pas sage, twenty feet only in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great king upon hearing of Cyrus'B approaoh, to serve as a line of defense. Through this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found themselves safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought with the king that day ; only there were numerous unmistakable traces of horse and infantry in retreat.
As the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at the trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have abandoned the idea of offering battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced with less than his former caution. On the third day he was conducting the march, seated in his carriage, with only a small body of troops drawn up in front of him. The mass of the army was moving on in no kind of order, the sol diers having consigned their heavy arms to be carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.
It was already about full market time and the halting place at which the army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty member of Cyrus's personal staff, came galloping up at full speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat, and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he could ejaculate the words, " The king is advancing with a large army ready for battle. " Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes and all alike were ex pecting to be attacked on the instant, and before they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned his corselet ; then leaping on to his charger's back, with the javelins firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves and fall into their several ranks.
The orders were carried out with alacrity ; the ranks shaped
74 THE CAMPAIGN OF CYKUS THE YOUNGER.
themselves. Clearchus held the right of the wing resting on the Euphrates, Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, while Menon with his troops held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus on the right, and with them stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the rest of the barbarian host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuisses and helmets ; but not so Cyrus : he went into battle with head unhelmeted. So, too, all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead pieces and breast pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.
It was now midday, and the enemy was not yet in sight ; but with the approach of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a considerable interval a black pall as it were spread far and high over the plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen here and there a glint of bronze and spear points, and the ranks could plainly be distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses. That is Tissaphernes in com mand, they said, and next to these a body of men bearing wicker shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry, with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bowmen ; all were in national divisions, each nation marching in densely crowded squares. And all along their front was a line of chariots at considerable intervals from one another, — the famous scythe chariots, as they were named, — having their scythes fitted to the axletrees and stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the chariot seats, facing the ground, so as to cut through all they encountered. The design was to let them dash full speed into the ranks of the Hellenes and cut them through.
Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics, was not justified. Instead of shout ing, they came on in deep silence, softly and slowly, with even tread. At this instant, Cyrus, riding past in person, accom panied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three or four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's center, for there the king was to be found. " And if we strike home at this point," he added, "our work is finished. " Clearchus, though he could see the compact body at the center, and had been told by Cyrus that the king lay outside the Hellenic left
THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER. 75
(for, owing to numerical superiority, the king, while holding his own center, could well overlap Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks ; and he simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.
At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic division was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as the various contingents came up. Cyrus, rid ing past at some distance from the lines, glanced his eye first in one direction and then in the other, so as to take a complete survey of friends and foes : when Xenophon the Athenian, see ing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter to meet him, asking whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus, pulling up his horse, begged him to make the announcement generally known that the omens from the victims, internal and external alike, were good. While he was still speaking, he heard a confused murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant. The other replied that it was the watchword being passed down for the second time. Cyrus wondered who had given the or der, and asked what the watchword was. On being told it was " Zeus our Savior and Victory," he replied, " I accept it ; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the same time advanced against the enemy.
But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved onwards in advance, with wavelike sinuosity, and the portion left behind quickened to a run ; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst from all lips, like that in honor of the war god — eleleu ! eleleu ! and the running became general. Some say they clashed their shields and spears, thereby causing ter ror to the horses ; and before they had got within arrow shot the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And now the Hel lenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by shouts to one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. They, as they saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One fellow, like some dumfoundered mortal on a race course, was caught by the heels, but even he, they said, received no hurt; nor indeed, with the single exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been wounded
76 THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER.
by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single hurt.
Cyrus , seeing the Hellenes conquering, as far as they at any rate were concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content ; but in spite of his joy and the salutations offered him at that moment by those about him, as though he were already king, he was not led away to join in the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred horsemen in close order, waited and watched to see what the king himself would do. The king, he knew, held the center of the Persian army. Indeed, it is the fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy that position during action, for this twofold reason : he holds the safest place, with his troops on either side of him, while, if he has occasion to dispatch any necessary order along the lines, his troops will receive the message in half the time. The king accordingly on thi3 occasion held the center of his army, but for all that he was outside Cyrus's left wing ; and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the troops in front of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was then that Cyrus, in apprehension lest the king might get round to the rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body, charged to meet him. Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops in front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down, as is said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses.
But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves, in the ardor of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a handful who were left with Cyrus him self — chiefly his table companions, so called. Left alone with these, he caught sight of the king and the close throng about him. Unable longer to contain himself, with a cry, " I see the man," he rushed at him and dealt a blow at his chest, wound ing him through the corselet. This according to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon, who further states that he himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck him with a javelin under the eye severely ; and in the struggle which then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those about them to protect one or other, we have the state ment of Ctesias as to the number slain on the king's side, for he was by his side. On the other, Cyrus himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of him. The story says that Artapates, the trustiest esquire among his wand
THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER. 77
bearers, when he saw that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leaped from his horse and threw his arms about him. Then, as one account says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim to his brother : others say that Artapates drew his scimeter and slew himself by his own hand. A golden scimeter it is true, he had ; he wore also a collar and bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest Persians wear ; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honors at the hands of Cyrus.
So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest and most worthy to rule of all the Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus : according to the concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivaled excellence was recognized. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals. Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely be laid to heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some receiving honor from the king, and again of others receiving dishonor ; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.
In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation ; first he was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own inferiors ; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at once the aptest of learners and the most eager practicer. As soon as his age per mitted, the same preeminence showed itself in his fondness for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous ad venture in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush at him, and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible through life ; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of many.
After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been ap pointed general of the forces, whose business it is to muster in the plain of the Castolus, nothing was more noticeable in his
78 THE CAMPAIGN OF CYRUS THE YOUNGER.
conduct than the importance which he attached to the faithful fulfillment of every treaty or compact or undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence alike of individuals and of the communities intrusted to his care ; for in case of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its terms. Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he refused to abandon their exiled citi zens ; and his deeds and words bore emphatic witness to his principle : even if they were weakened in number or in for tune, he would never abandon those who had once become his friends.
He made no secret of his endeavor to outdo his friends and his foes alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to him : " God grant I may live long enough to recompense my friends and requite my foes with a strong arm. " However this may be, no one, at least in our days, ever drew together so ardent a following of friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities, their own lives and persons ; nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn ; on the contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight to see on the well-trodden highways men who had forfeited hand or foot or eye ; the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent, might fearlessly travel wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he reserved especial honor. To take the first instance to hand, he had a war with the Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an expedition into those territories, he could observe those who voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of the territory which he subjected, and afterwards honored them with other gifts. So that, if the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards were recognized as their natural slaves ; and so it befell that Cyrus never had lack of volunteers in any service of danger, whenever it was expected that his eye would be upon them.
So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to dis
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tinguish himself in the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this man richer than those who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same principle, his own administration was in all respects uprightly conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services of an army worthy of the name. Generals and subalterns alike, came to him from across the seas, not merely to make money, but because they saw that loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing service, such en thusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so Cyrus could always command the service of the best assistants, it was said, whatever the work might be.
Or if he saw any skillful and just steward who furnished well the country over which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing him at any time, to him who had, he delighted to give more. So that toil was a pleasure, and gains were amassed with confidence, and least of all from Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions, seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his endeavor was rather to turn to account the riches of those who kept them secret. Towards the friends he had made, whose kindliness he knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught which he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn an adept in the arts of courtesy. Just in pro portion as he felt the need of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each of them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's desire.
Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons ; no one man, perhaps, ever received more ; no one, cer tainly, was ever more ready to bestow them on others, with an eye ever to the taste of each, so as to gratify what he saw to be the individual requirement. Many of these presents were sent to him to serve as personal adornments of the body or for battle ; and as touching these he would say, " How am I to deck myself out in all these ?
to my mind a man's chief orna ment is the adornment of nobly adorned friends. " Indeed, that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters of welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more powerful than they ; but that he should go beyond them in minute attentions, and in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess, more admirable.
Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent
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wine, he would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a message to say, "Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a long time, that is his excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will drink it up to-day with a choice party of friends. " Or, perhaps, he would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half loaves of bread, and so forth, the bearer being instructed to say : " This is Cyrus's favorite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself. " Or, perhaps, there was a great dearth of provender, when, through the number of his servants and his own careful forethought, he was enabled to get supplies for himself ; at such times he would send to his friends in different parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it would not do for the horses that carried his friends to go starving. Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on would be large, he would call his friends to him and entertain them with serious talk, as much as to say, "These I delight to honor. "
So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be disposed to say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever bo beloved. In proof of this, I may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the king's vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him to join his master, if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which was abortive. That man, indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on whose fidelity he re lied than he himself was. On the other hand, many a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with one another : nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the king's affection ; yet for all that, they believed that their virtues would obtain a reward more adequate from Cyrus than from the king. Another great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity rightly to discern all loyal, loving, and firm friendship is afforded by an incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He was slain, but fighting for his life beside him fell also every one of his faithful bodyguard of friends and table companions, with the sole exception of AriaBUS, who was in command of the cavalry on the left ; and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus than he betook himself to flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.
ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OF SOCRATES. 81
ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OF SOCRATES. (From Plato's "Symposium" : translated by Percy Bysshe Shelley. )
[Alcibiades was a celebrated Athenian politician and general ; born about b. c. 450. He was brought up in the house of Pericles, and lived on terms of intimacy with Socrates. A man of great personal charm and extraordinary abil ity, he soon became a popular leader ; but being involved in a suspicion of sacri lege, fled to Sparta and then to Persia. Recalled by the Athenian populace, and intrusted with the command of their fleet, he won several important battles for them, but was superseded for a defeat of his general at Notium b. c. 407. After the fall of Athens he took refuge with the Persian satrap Pharnabazus, in Phrygia, where he was treacherously murdered b. c. 404. ]
I will begin the praise of Socrates by comparing him to a certain statue. Perhaps he will think that this statue is intro duced for the sake of ridicule, but I assure you it is necessary for the illustration of truth. I assert, then, that Socrates is exactly like those Silenuses that sit in the sculptors' shops, and which are holding carved flutes or pipes, but which when divided in two are found to contain the images of the gods. I assert that Socrates is like the satyr Marsyas. That your form and appearance are like these satyrs, I think that even you will not venture to deny ; and how like you are to them in all other things, now hear. Are you not scornful and petu lant ? If you deny this, I will bring witnesses. Are you not a piper, and far more wonderful a one than he ? For Marsyas, and whoever now pipes the music that he taught (for it was Marsyas who taught Olympus his music), enchants men through the power of the mouth. For if any musician, be he skillful or not, awakens this music, it alone enables him to retain the minds of men, and from the divinity of its nature makes evident those who are in want of the gods and initiation : you differ only from Marsyas in this circumstance, that you effect with out instruments, by mere words, all that he can do. For when we hear Pericles, or any other accomplished orator, deliver a discourse, no one, as it were, cares anything about it. But when any one hears you, or even your words related by another, though ever so rude and unskillful a speaker, be that person a woman, man, or child, we are struck and retained, as it were, by the discourse clinging to our mind.
If I was not afraid that I am a great deal too drunk, I would confirm to you by an oath the strange effects which I
VOL. IV. —6
82 ALCIBIADES' ACCOUNT OP SOCRATES.
assure you I have suffered from his words, and suffer still ; for when I hear him speak my heart leaps up far more than the hearts of those who celebrate the Corybantic mysteries ; my tears are poured out as he talks, a thing I have often seen happen to many others besides myself. I have heard Pericles and other excellent orators, and have been pleased with their discourses, but I suffered nothing of this kind; nor was my soul ever on those occasions disturbed and filled with self- reproach, as if it were slavishly laid prostrate. But this Marsyas here has often affected me in the way I describe, until the life which I lived seemed hardly worth living. Do not deny it, Socrates ; for I know well that if even now I chose to listen to you, I could not resist, but should again suffer the same effects. For, my friends, he forces me to confess that while I myself am still in need of many things, I neglect my own necessities and attend to those of the Athenians. I stop my ears, therefore, as from the Sirens, and flee away as fast as possible, that I may not sit down beside him, and grow old in listening to his talk. For this man has reduced me to feel the sentiment of shame, which I imagine no one would readily believe was in me. For I feel in his presence my incapacity of refuting what he says or of refusing to do that which he directs : but when I depart from him the glory which the mul titude confers overwhelms me. I escape therefore and hide myself from him, and when I see him I am overwhelmed with humiliation, because I have neglected to do what I have con fessed to him ought to be done : and often and often have I wished that he were no longer to be seen among men. But if that were to happen I well know that I should suffer far greater pain ; so that where I can turn, or what I can do with this man I know not. All this have I and many others suffered from the pipings of this satyr.
And observe how like he is to what I said, and what a wonderful power he possesses. Know that there is not one of you who is aware of the real nature of Socrates ; but since I have begun, I will make him plain to you. . You observe how passionately Socrates affects the intimacy of those who are beautiful, and how ignorant he professes himself to be, appear ances in themselves excessively Silenic. This, my friends, is the external form with which, like one of the sculptured Sileni, he has clothed himself; for if you open him you will find within admirable temperance and wisdom. For he cares not
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for mere beauty, but despises more than any one can imagine all external possessions, whether it be beauty, or wealth, or glory, or any other thing for which the multitude felicitates the possessor. He esteems these things, and us who honor them, as nothing, and lives among men, making all the objects of their admiration the playthings of his irony. But I know not if any one of you have ever seen the divine images which are within, when he has been opened, and is serious. I have seen them, and they are so supremely beautiful, so golden, so divine, and wonderful, that everything that Socrates commands surely ought to be obeyed, even like the voice of a god.
*******
At one time we were fellow-soldiers, and had our mess together in the camp before Potidaea. Socrates there overcame not only me, but every one beside, in endurance of evils : when, as often happens in a campaign, we were reduced to few provi sions, there were none who could sustain hunger like Socrates ; and when we had plenty, he alone seemed to enjoy our military fare. He never drank much willingly, but when he was com pelled, he conquered all even in that to which he was least accustomed : and, what is most astonishing, no person ever saw Socrates drunk either then or at any other time. In the depth of winter (and the winters there are excessively rigid) he sus tained calmly incredible hardships : and amongst other things, whilst the frost was intolerably severe, and no one went out of their tents, or if they went out, wrapped themselves up care fully, and put fleeces under their feet, and bound their legs with hairy skins, Socrates went out only with the same cloak on that he usually wore, and walked barefoot upon the ice : more easily, indeed, than those who had sandaled themselves so delicately : so that the soldiers thought that he did it to mock their want of fortitude. It would indeed be worth while to commemorate all that this brave man did and endured in that expedition. In one instance he was seen early in the morning, standing in one place, wrapt in meditation ; and as he seemed unable to unravel the subject of his thoughts, he still continued to stand as inquiring and discussing within him self, and when noon came, the soldiers observed him, and said to one another — " Socrates has been standing there thinking, ever since the morning. " At last some Ionians came to the spot, and having supped, as it was summer, they lay down to
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sleep in the cool : they observed that Socrates continued to stand there the whole night until morning, and that, when the sun rose, he saluted it with a prayer and departed.
I ought not to omit what Socrates is in battle. For in that battle after which the generals decreed to me the prize of courage, Socrates alone of all men was the savior of my life, standing by me when I had fallen and was wounded, and pre serving both myself and my arms from the hands of the enemy. On that occasion I entreated the generals to decree the prize, as it was most due, to him. And this, O Socrates, you cannot deny, that when the generals, wishing to conciliate a person of my rank, desired to give me the prize, you were far more ear nestly desirous than the generals that this glory should be attributed not to yourself, but me.
But to see Socrates when our army was defeated and scat tered in flight at Delium was a spectacle worthy to behold. On that occasion I was among the cavalry, and he on foot, heavily armed. After the total rout of our troops, he and Laches retreated together; I came up by chance, and seeing them, bade them be of good cheer, for that I would not leave them. As I was on horseback, and therefore less occupied by a regard of my own situation, I could better observe than at Potidaea the beautiful spectacle exhibited by Socrates on this emergency. How superior was he to Laches in presence of mind and courage ! Your representation of him on the stage, O Aristophanes, was not wholly unlike his real self on this occasion, for he walked and darted his regards around with a majestic composure, looking tranquilly both on his friends and enemies : so that it was evident to every one, even from afar, that whoever should venture to attack him would encounter a desperate resistance. He and his companions thus departed in safety : for those who are scattered in flight are pursued and killed, whilst men hesitate to touch those who exhibit such a countenance as that of Socrates even in defeat.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. B. C. 399.
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[Plato, the great Greek philosopher, was born in or near Athens, b. o. 429, the year of Pericles' death. His name was Aristocles ; Plato ("Broady ") was a nickname, probably from his figure. He began to write poems ; but after meeting Socrates at twenty he burnt them, became Socrates' disciple for ten years, and was with him at his trial and death. Afterwards he traveled widely, and settled at Athens as a teacher of philosophy ; among his pupils was Aris totle. His "Dialogues" are still the noblest body of philosophical thought in existence, and of matchless literary beauty. Emerson says, " Out of Plato come all things that are still written and debated among men of thought. . . . Plato is philosophy, and philosophy Plato. "]
I.
Socrates, on the eve of his trialfor impiety, wishes to show that the popular notions about piety and impiety, or holiness and unholiness, will not bear testing.
Euthyphron — What in the world are you doing here at the archon's porch, Socrates ? Why have you left your haunts in the Lyceum ? You surely cannot have an action before him, as I have. —
(From the " Euthyphron " and the " Apology " of Plato : translated by F. J. Church. )
Socrates
cution, not an action.
Nay, the Athenians, Euthyphron, call it a prose
Euthyphron — What ? Do you mean that some one is prose cuting you? I cannot believe that you are prosecuting any one yourself.
Socrates — Certainly I am not.
Euthyphron — Then is some one prosecuting you ?
Socrates —Yes.
Euthyphron — Who is he ?
Socrates — I scarcely know him myself, Euthyphron; I
think he must be some unknown young man. His name, how ever, is Meletus, and his deme Pitthis, if you can call to mind any Meletus of that deme, — a hook-nosed man with long hair, and a rather scanty beard.
Euthyphron — I don't know him, Socrates. But, tell me, what is he prosecuting you for ?
Socrates — What for ? Not on trivial grounds, I think. It is no small thing for so young a man to have formed an opinion on such an important matter. For he, he says, knows how the
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young are corrupted, and who are their corrupters. He must be a wise man, who, observing my ignorance, is going to accuse me to the city, as his mother, of corrupting his friends. I think that he is the only man who begins at the right point in his
I mean whose first care is to make the young men as perfect as possible, just as a good farmer will take care of his young plants first, and, after he has done that, of the
political reforms :
others. And so Meletus, I suppose, is first clearing us off, who, as he says, corrupt the young men as they grow up ; and then, when he has done that, of course he will turn his attention to the older men, and so become a very great public benefactor. Indeed, that is only what you would expect, when he goes to work in this way.
Euthyphron — I hope it may be so, Socrates, but I have very grave doubts about it. It seems to me that in trying to injure you, he is really setting to work by striking a blow at the heart of the state. But how, tell me, does he say that you corrupt the youth ? —
Socrates In a way which sounds strange at first, my friend. He says that I am a maker of gods ; and so he is prosecuting me, he says, for inventing new gods, and for not believing in
the old ones. — I understand, Socrates. It is because you Euthyphron
say that you always have a divine sign. So he is prosecuting you for introducing novelties into religion ; and he is going into court knowing that such matters are easily misrepresented to the multitude, and consequently meaning to slander you there. Why, they laugh even me to scorn, as if I were out of my mind, when I talk about divine things in the assembly, and tell them what is going to happen : and yet I have never fore told anything which has not come true. But they are jealous of all people like us. We must not think about them : we must meet them boldly.
Socrates — My dear Euthyphron, their ridicule is not a very serious matter. The Athenians, it seems to me, may think a man to be clever without paying him much attention, so long as they do not think that he teaches his wisdom to others. But as soon as they think that he makes other people clever, they get angry, whether it be from jealousy, as you say, or for some other
reason. — I am not very anxious to try their disposition Euthyphron
towards me in this matter.
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES. 87
Socrates — No, perhaps they think that you seldom show yourself, and that you are not anxious to teach your wisdom to others ; but I fear that they may think that I am ; for my love of men makes me talk to every one whom I meet quite freely and unreservedly, and without payment : indeed, if I could, I would gladly pay people myself to listen to me. If then, as I said just now, they were only going to laugh at me, as you say they do at you, it would not be at all an unpleasant way of spending the day, to spend it in court, jesting and laughing. But if they are going to be in earnest, then only prophets like you can tell where the matter will end.
Euthyphron — Well, Socrates, I dare say that nothing will come of it. Very likely you will be successful in your trial, and I think that I shall be in mine.
Socrates — And what is this suit of yours, Euthyphron? Are you suing, or being sued?
Euthyphron — I am suing.
Socrates — Whom ?
Euthyphron — A man whom I am thought a maniac to be
suing. — Socrates
What ? Has he wings to fly away with ? Euthyphron — He is far enough from flying ; he is a very
old man. — Socrates
Who is he ? Euthyphron — He is my father.
[Then Euthyphron having stated that he was prosecuting his father for having murdered a slave, Socrates asks him to define holiness. Euthyphron becomes entangled, and Socrates points out that he has not answered his question. He does not want a particular example of holiness. He wants to know what that is which makes all holy actions holy. Euthyphron, at length, defines holiness as "that which is pleasing to the gods. " But Socrates, by a series of apparently innocent ques tions, compels Euthyphron to admit the absurdity of his defini tion. Euthyphron has no better fortune with a second and third definition, and he passes from a state of patronizing self- complacency to one of puzzled confusion and deeply offended pride. ]
—
I do not mean to give in until I have found out.
Then we must begin again, and inquire what is
Socrates holiness.
Do not deem me unworthy ; give your whole mind to the question, and this time tell me the truth. For if any one
88
THE TRIAL OF SOCRATES.
knows it, it is you ; and you are a Proteus whom I must not let go until you have told me. It cannot be that you would ever have undertaken to prosecute your aged father for the murder of a laboring man unless you had known exactly what is holiness and unholiness. You would have feared to risk the anger of the gods, in case you should be doing wrong, and you would have been afraid of what men would say. But now I am sure that you think that you know exactly what is holiness and what is not ; so tell me, my excellent Euthyphron, and do not conceal from me what you hold it to be.
Socrates — What are you doing, my friend ! Will you go away and destroy all my hopes of learning from you what is holy and what is not, and so of escaping Meletus ? I meant to explain to him that now Euthyphron has made me wise about divine things, and that I no longer in my ignorance speak rashly about them or introduce novelties in them ; and then I was going to promise him to live a better life for the future.
II.
Socrates defends himself before the Athenians.
Socrates — I cannot tell what impression my accusers have made upon you, Athenians : for my own part, I know that they nearly made me forget who I was, so plausible were they ; and yet they have scarcely uttered one single word of truth. But of all their many falsehoods, the one which astonished me most, was when they said that I was a clever speaker, and that you must be careful not to let me mislead you. I thought that it was most impudent of them not to be ashamed to talk in that way ; for as soon as I open my mouth the lie will be exposed, and I shall prove that I am not a clever speaker in any way at all : unless, indeed, by a clever speaker they mean a man who speaks the truth. If that is their meaning, I agree with them that I am a much greater orator than they. My accusers, then I repeat, have said little or nothing that is true ; but from me you shall hear the whole truth. Certainly you will not hear an elaborate speech, Athenians, drest up, like theirs, with
words and phrases. I will say to you what I have to say,
Euthyphron — Another time, then, Socrates. I am in a hurry now, and it is time for me to be off.
The Gospels of Kino, Canute. (Eleventh Century. )
The handsome MS. from which the plate is taken is nniong the more notable of the MSS. in the Royal collection in the British Museum. It consists of 150 leaves of vellum, measuring 13^ x io! ^ inches, and in a full page comprises twenty-six lines. The hand in which it is written is a firm set Saxon, strongly tinctured with the Caroline minuscule.
The Gospels of King Canute. (Eleventh Century. )
The handsome MS. from which the Plate is taken is preserved amongst the Royal MSS. in the British Museum.
