On the debates over "dechristianization," see most recently Chartier,
Cultural
Origins (see Intro.
Cult of the Nation in France
J.
Tousaint Bonnet," in Agulhon, ed.
, La Re?
volution ve?
cue par la province, 140.
87. On Gre? goire, see Sepinwall, "Regenerating France" (see Ch. 1, n. 91), and Rita Hermon-Belot, L'abbe? Gre? goire: La politique et la ve? rite? (Paris, 2000).
88. Quoted in de Certeau et al. , 21.
89. Reproduced in ibid. , 13.
90. On the visites, see Marc Ve? nard and Dominique Julia, eds. , Re? pertoires des
visites pastorales de la France, 6 vols. (Paris, 1977-85). This comparison is also made by Michel Peronnet in "Re? flexions sur 'une se? rie de questions relatives aux patois et aux moeurs des gens de la campagne,' propose? e par l'abbe? Gre? goire le 13 aou^t 1790," in Lengas, 17 (1985), 79-96.
91. On the friendship, see letters between the men in B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxix 134, and B. S. P. , Fonds Gre? goire, Correspondence Sermet, as well as Henri Gre? goire, Oraison fune`bre d'Antoine-Pascal-Hyacinthe Sermet, Ex-Provincial
Notes to Pages 184-185 283
? 284
Notes to Pages 186-188
? 92. 93. 94.
95.
96. 97.
98.
Notes to Pages 186-188
99.
100. 101.
102.
103.
de l'Ordre des Carmes De? chausse? s, Membre de l'Acade? mie des Sciences de Toulouse, associe? de celle de Montauban, ancien Eve^que me? tropolitain du Sud, prononce? par M. Gre? goire, ancien e? ve^que de Blois, Se? nateur (Toulouse, 1809). Bernard, 291.
Coornaert, La Flandre franc? aise, 266.
Abbe? Cambon to Gre? goire, January 9, 1791, B. S. P. Re? v. 222, p. 303. See other instances in Brunot, IX, pt. 1, 62-63; Merle, 297; Jean-Paul Damaggio, "La question religieuse a` Montauban (1790-1793)," Lengas, 17 (1985), 145-155, esp. 148.
For instance, club of Amberieux (Ain) to Gre? goire, Dec. 16 1790, BN NAF 2798, fol. 6r; unsigned and undated letter from Lorraine, BN NAF 2798, fol. 26v. ; unsigned and undated response sent by the club of Auch, 1790, in Gazier, 100; Franc? ois Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 4, 1790, in Gazier, 78. On the professions of the correspondents, see de Certeau et al. , 30.
Letter of May 11, 1792, Arch. Nat. AA 32, fol. 30v.
For instance, Rigaud to Gre? goire, Jan. 28, 1791, in Gazier, 13; Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 8, 1790, in Gazier, 57; Cambon to Gre? goire, Jan. 9, 1791, in B. S. P. Re? v. 222, p. 304.
Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 4, 1790, in Gazier, 57; See also Club of Auch to Gre? goire, undated, in Gazier, 103.
Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 292-93. For his discussion of the Basques as a "new people" in danger of falling victim to priestly "fanaticism," see 294. Ibid. , 293.
Jacobin club of Auch to Gre? goire (1790? ), in Gazier, 89, 92. The author, by in- ternal evidence, appears to have been a former military officer. Given the va- garies of Occitan orthography, (particularly eccentric for the Gascon dia- lects), and the inherent difficulty of d'Astros's verse, the bafflement of the peasantry is understandable.
As a Toulouse priest wrote in 1752, "Christian doctrine contains truths that are sublime by themselves, but to understand them demands much attention. It therefore only increases the dificulty when these truths are explained in a language unknown to most of those who have no contact with city dwellers. " B. M. T. Ms. 892, "Cate? chisme dogmatique et moral traduit en langue vulgaire de Toulouse" (1752), 450.
It was the clergy that had spurred the development of German in Charle- magne's Europe, and the Slavic languages in the high Middle Ages. In West- ern Europe, medieval church councils frequently urged priests to explain the mass, preach, and catechize in their parishioners' own language, and in 1562- 63 the Council of Trent confirmed the principle See John Michael Wallace- Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983); Francis Dvornik, Byzantine Missions among the Slavs: SS. Constantine-Cyril and Methodus (New Bruns-
Notes to Pages 188-189 285
? wick, 1970). Early instances in Western Europe include Canon 17 of the Concile de Tours, held in 813. For the Tridentine decisions, see Le Saint Concile de Trente, oecumenique et ge? ne? ral, ce? le? bre? sous Paul III, Jules III et Pie IV, Souverains Pontifes, nouvellement traduit par M. l'abbe? Chanut, 4th ed. (Rouen, 1705), 245 (Session XXII, ch. 8, Sept. 17, 1562) and 331 (Session XXIV, ch. 7, Nov. 11, 1563). A large section of the French clergy began follow- ing these decisions even before the (tardy) formal acceptance into France of Tridentine doctrine.
104. For a notable look at the African situation, see Lamin Sanneh, Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture (Maryknoll, NY, 1990).
105. On this subject, see most recently Margaret J. Leahey, "'Comment peut un muet prescher l'e? vangile? ' Jesuit Missionaries and the Native Languages of New France," French Historical Studies, XIX/1 (1995), 105-32.
106. See Julien Maunoir, Le Sacre? Colle`ge de Jesus divise? en cinq classes (Quimper, 1659), 17-18. Some of Maunoir's missionaries were native Bretons, but most were not.
107. Quoted in Christian Anatole, "La Re? forme tridentine et l'emploi de l'Occitan dans le pastorale," Revue des langues romanes, LXXVII (1967), 10. Notes to Pages 188-189
108. Ibid. For many more similar examples of bishops urging their priests to preach and catechize "en langage vulgaire," see Brun, Recherches historiques,
433-79; Brunot, V, 25-50; VII, 66-76.
109. Croix (see Intro. , n. 25), 1207-10; Anatole, "La re? forme tridentine," passim.
110. Le Roy Ladurie, "Les minorite? s pe? riphe? riques," 608; Brun, Recherches his-
toriques, 460.
111. Croix, 1207; Anatole, "La re? forme tridentine," passim; Philippe Gardy. "Les
mode`les d'e? criture," passim; R. Armogathe, "Les cate? chismes et l'enseigne- ment populaire en France au dix-huitie`me sie`cle," in Coulet, ed. , Images du peuple (see Ch. 1, n. 17), 102-21, esp. 114-15.
112. See on this subject Harvey Mitchell, "The World between the Literate and Oral Traditions in Eighteenth-Century France: Ecclesiastical Instructions and Popular Mentalities," in Roseann Runte, ed. , Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, VIII (Madison, 1979), pp. 33-67.
113. See Brunot, VII, 19-25. On Occitan, see Noulet, 7-44. On Catalan, see Brun, L'introduction du franc? ais, 80.
114.
On the debates over "dechristianization," see most recently Chartier, Cultural Origins (see Intro. , n. 32), 92-110. Alsace, again, is an exception to the rule here.
115. For instance, see the appendix to the report from the Club of Carcassonne in Gazier, 22-50; one of the reports from the Club of Auch in Gazier, 91; the re- port from Pierre Riou, on Brittany, of October 17, 1790, in Gazier, 282.
116. See Brunot, VII, 77-182.
286
Notes to Pages 189-190
? 117. 118.
Maunoir, Le sacre? colle`ge, 18.
Flemish, Catalan, German, and Italian were different matters, for obvious reasons. At least seven Breton works appeared: Pierre de Cha^lons, Dic- tionnaire Breton-Franc? ois du Dioce`se de Vannes (Vannes, 1723); Claude-Vin- cent Cillart de Kerampoul, Dictionnaire franc? ois-breton ou franc? ois-celtique du dialecte de Vannes (Leyden, 1744); Tanguy Gre? goire de Rostrenen, Diction- naire franc? ois-celtique ou franc? ois-breton (Rennes, 1732) and Grammaire franc? oise-celtique ou franc? oise-bretonne (Rennes, 1738); Maunoir, Le sacre? colle`ge; Louis Le Pelletier, Dictionnaire de la langue bretonne, 3 vols. (Paris, 1752); and Guillaume Quiquer, Dictionnaire et colloques franc? ois et breton (Morlaix, 1626, 73 subsequent editions). The Occitan titles include Achard, Dictionnaire de la Provence; Jean Doujat, Le dicciounari moundi, Dictionnaire de la langue toulousaine (Toulouse, 1638); Jean-Franc? ois Fe? raud, Essais de grammaire et de glossaire de la langue provenc? ale, pour servir d'introduction et de supple? ment au dictionnaire provenc? al (Marseilles, 1787); Claude Odde de Triors, Joyeuses recherches de la languge toulousaine (Toulouse, 1578); Sauveur-Andre? Pellas, Dictionnaire provenc? al et franc? ois dans lequel on trouvera les mots . . . et Proverbes explique? s en Franc? ois (Avignon, 1723); abbe? Sauvages de la Croix, Dictionnaire languedocien-franc? ois (Ni^mes, 1756, repr. 1785).
The exception to this is the oft-reprinted Quiquer, not so much a dictionary or grammar as a bilingual conversation manual apparently designed for mer- chants operating in Breton-speaking areas. The clerical audience of the others is mentioned explicitly in the various titles, prefaces, and preambles. Given the lack of primary education in Breton, it is doubtful that native Breton- speakers could have used these dictionaries to learn French, and indeed two lacked Breton-French sections entirely (Cillart de Ke? rampoul and Gre? goire de Rostrenen). On Maunoir's views, see Le sacre? colle`ge, 16. On Maunoir as the "father of modern Breton," see Yannick Pelletier, ed. , Histoire ge? ne? rale de la Bretagne et des Bretons, 2 vols. (Paris, 1990), II, 508. As for the southern dictionaries, Pellas and Sauvages de la Croix were both priests. Achard was not, but still listed "priests charged with the instruction of the people" first among his potential clients (Dictionnaire de la Provence, xiii). Several more southern priests compiled large manuscript dictionaries of the local dialect that never reached a publisher.
See, for instance, Cillart de Ke? rampoul, 184, 189. Gre? goire de Rostrenen has a similar definition on 508. French definitions are here given along with the Breton.
Castan, "Les languedociens du 18e sie`cle," 74n; Bernard, "La re? volution franc? aise et la langue bretonne," 294; Merle, L'e? criture du provenc? al, 345.
La douctrino crestiano meso en rimos (Toulouse, 1641), 5-6. A copy of this rare publication can be found in the B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 371.
Notes to Pages 189-190
119.
120.
121. 122.
Notes to Pages 191-193 287
? 123. Further examples of such sessions can be found, for the Club of Aix, in Merle, 295, and for Strasbourg in de Certeau et al. , 280. See also, in general, Brunot, IX, pt. 1, 62-3.
124. See Sepinwall, "Regenerating France," 51-58.
125. See Bell, "Nation-Building and Cultural Particularism," and Ford, Strasbourg
in Transition.
126. Sepinwall, 35-50. quote from 36.
127. Oberlin, Essai sur le patois lorrain. The friendship is described in Sepinwall,
60-68.
128. Quoted in Sepinwall, 61. In French, the brothers were Je? re? mie-Jacques and
Jean-Fre? de? ric.
129. M. Grucker, "Le pasteur Oberlin," Me? moires de l'Acade? mie de Stanislas, 5th
ser. , 4-6 (1888), xxxi-lvi, quote from lxii, quoted in Sepinwall, 66; in general on Oberlin, see Sepinwall, 62-66; Camille Leenhardt, La vie de Jean-Fre? de? ric Oberlin, 1740-1826 (Paris, 1911); Edmond Parisot, Un e? ducateur moderne au XVIIIe` sie`cle: Jean-Fre? de? ric Oberlin (1740-1826) (Paris, 1907); John W. Kurtz, John Frederic Oberlin (Boulder, CO, 1976). On both the Oberlins, I am also indebted here to David Troyansky's "Alsatian Knowledge and European Cul- ture: Je? re? mie-Jacques Oberlin, Language, and the Protestant Gymnase in Rev- olutionary Strasbourg," Francia 27/2 (2000), 119-138. Notes to Pages 191-193
130. Kurtz, 230-31, 276-77.
131. I am indebted to Alyssa Sepinwall for pointing me towards this conclusion.
132. See L. E. Schmidt, Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Struktur der neuhoch-
deutschen Schriftssprachen (Cologne, 1966).
133. Jeremias-Jakob Oberlin to Gre? goire in BN NAF 2798, fol. 95, Antoine
Gautier-Sauzin in Arch. Nat. F17 1309, reprinted in de Certeau et al. , 259-63.
134. See Victor E. Durkacz, The Decline of the Celtic Languages: A Study of Linguis- tic and Cultural Conflict in Scotland, Wales and Ireland from the Reformation
to the Twentieth Century (Edinburgh, 1983), 2.
135. Quoted in ibid. , 3-5. Similar legislation for Scotland dates from 1616.
136. For a summary of the existing literature, see Geoffrey Parker, "Success and
Failure during the First Century of the Reformation," Past and Present, 136
(1992), 61-2.
137. Brunot, II, 21.
138. Brun, Recherches historiques, 426.
139. Queen Jeanne d'Albret had a Calvinist catechism and the psalms translated
into Be? arnais, and recruited Be? arnais preachers. Though short-lived, her ef- forts so strengthened Be? arnais that the kingdom, fully integrated into France in 1620, resisted French more fiercely than any other Occitan region (the Es- tates used a bastard Be? arnais for their deliberations right down to 1789). See Andre? Armengaud and Robert Lafont, eds. , Histoire de l'Occitanie (Paris, 1979), 483-86; Franc? ois Pic, "A propos de l'emploi de l'occitan par la
288
Notes to Pages 193-202
? 140.
141. 142. 143. 144.
145.
Notes to Pages 193-202
146. 147.
148.
1.
2. 3.
4.
5.
6.
re? forme: Le cate? chisme bilingue franc? ais-be? arnais de Jean-Raymond Merlin,"
Bulletin de l'Association d'e? tude sur l'humanisme, la re? forme et la renaissance (France du centre et du sud-est), VI/11 (1980), 38-45; Brun, L'introduction de la langue franc? aise, 28, 34.
After the fall of the Jacobins and the reestablishment of Catholicism, Gre? goire succeeded in getting a law passed to the effect that only the "sacra- mental formulae" would remain in Latin. On this debate, and Gre? goire's cru- cial role in it, see Brunot, IX, pt. I, 374-78, 396-97. At this date, of course, the French constitutional church was disavowed by the Vatican.
See above all Van Kley, Religious Origins (see Intro. , n. 65).
Brunot, V, 25-28.
For a summary of these issues, see Sepinwall, 75-79.
Maza, Private Lives and Public Affairs (see Ch. 2, n. 18), 85; cf. Marie-He? le`ne Huet, Rehearsing the Revolution: The Staging of Marat's Death, 1793-1797, trans. Robert Hurley (Berkeley, 1992), 49-58.
Carla Hesse, "La preuve par la lettre: Pratiques juridiques au tribunal re? volutionnaire de Paris (1793-1794)," Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales, LI/ 3 (1996), 629-42.
Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al, 303.
Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept.
87. On Gre? goire, see Sepinwall, "Regenerating France" (see Ch. 1, n. 91), and Rita Hermon-Belot, L'abbe? Gre? goire: La politique et la ve? rite? (Paris, 2000).
88. Quoted in de Certeau et al. , 21.
89. Reproduced in ibid. , 13.
90. On the visites, see Marc Ve? nard and Dominique Julia, eds. , Re? pertoires des
visites pastorales de la France, 6 vols. (Paris, 1977-85). This comparison is also made by Michel Peronnet in "Re? flexions sur 'une se? rie de questions relatives aux patois et aux moeurs des gens de la campagne,' propose? e par l'abbe? Gre? goire le 13 aou^t 1790," in Lengas, 17 (1985), 79-96.
91. On the friendship, see letters between the men in B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxix 134, and B. S. P. , Fonds Gre? goire, Correspondence Sermet, as well as Henri Gre? goire, Oraison fune`bre d'Antoine-Pascal-Hyacinthe Sermet, Ex-Provincial
Notes to Pages 184-185 283
? 284
Notes to Pages 186-188
? 92. 93. 94.
95.
96. 97.
98.
Notes to Pages 186-188
99.
100. 101.
102.
103.
de l'Ordre des Carmes De? chausse? s, Membre de l'Acade? mie des Sciences de Toulouse, associe? de celle de Montauban, ancien Eve^que me? tropolitain du Sud, prononce? par M. Gre? goire, ancien e? ve^que de Blois, Se? nateur (Toulouse, 1809). Bernard, 291.
Coornaert, La Flandre franc? aise, 266.
Abbe? Cambon to Gre? goire, January 9, 1791, B. S. P. Re? v. 222, p. 303. See other instances in Brunot, IX, pt. 1, 62-63; Merle, 297; Jean-Paul Damaggio, "La question religieuse a` Montauban (1790-1793)," Lengas, 17 (1985), 145-155, esp. 148.
For instance, club of Amberieux (Ain) to Gre? goire, Dec. 16 1790, BN NAF 2798, fol. 6r; unsigned and undated letter from Lorraine, BN NAF 2798, fol. 26v. ; unsigned and undated response sent by the club of Auch, 1790, in Gazier, 100; Franc? ois Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 4, 1790, in Gazier, 78. On the professions of the correspondents, see de Certeau et al. , 30.
Letter of May 11, 1792, Arch. Nat. AA 32, fol. 30v.
For instance, Rigaud to Gre? goire, Jan. 28, 1791, in Gazier, 13; Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 8, 1790, in Gazier, 57; Cambon to Gre? goire, Jan. 9, 1791, in B. S. P. Re? v. 222, p. 304.
Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept. 4, 1790, in Gazier, 57; See also Club of Auch to Gre? goire, undated, in Gazier, 103.
Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 292-93. For his discussion of the Basques as a "new people" in danger of falling victim to priestly "fanaticism," see 294. Ibid. , 293.
Jacobin club of Auch to Gre? goire (1790? ), in Gazier, 89, 92. The author, by in- ternal evidence, appears to have been a former military officer. Given the va- garies of Occitan orthography, (particularly eccentric for the Gascon dia- lects), and the inherent difficulty of d'Astros's verse, the bafflement of the peasantry is understandable.
As a Toulouse priest wrote in 1752, "Christian doctrine contains truths that are sublime by themselves, but to understand them demands much attention. It therefore only increases the dificulty when these truths are explained in a language unknown to most of those who have no contact with city dwellers. " B. M. T. Ms. 892, "Cate? chisme dogmatique et moral traduit en langue vulgaire de Toulouse" (1752), 450.
It was the clergy that had spurred the development of German in Charle- magne's Europe, and the Slavic languages in the high Middle Ages. In West- ern Europe, medieval church councils frequently urged priests to explain the mass, preach, and catechize in their parishioners' own language, and in 1562- 63 the Council of Trent confirmed the principle See John Michael Wallace- Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983); Francis Dvornik, Byzantine Missions among the Slavs: SS. Constantine-Cyril and Methodus (New Bruns-
Notes to Pages 188-189 285
? wick, 1970). Early instances in Western Europe include Canon 17 of the Concile de Tours, held in 813. For the Tridentine decisions, see Le Saint Concile de Trente, oecumenique et ge? ne? ral, ce? le? bre? sous Paul III, Jules III et Pie IV, Souverains Pontifes, nouvellement traduit par M. l'abbe? Chanut, 4th ed. (Rouen, 1705), 245 (Session XXII, ch. 8, Sept. 17, 1562) and 331 (Session XXIV, ch. 7, Nov. 11, 1563). A large section of the French clergy began follow- ing these decisions even before the (tardy) formal acceptance into France of Tridentine doctrine.
104. For a notable look at the African situation, see Lamin Sanneh, Translating the Message: The Missionary Impact on Culture (Maryknoll, NY, 1990).
105. On this subject, see most recently Margaret J. Leahey, "'Comment peut un muet prescher l'e? vangile? ' Jesuit Missionaries and the Native Languages of New France," French Historical Studies, XIX/1 (1995), 105-32.
106. See Julien Maunoir, Le Sacre? Colle`ge de Jesus divise? en cinq classes (Quimper, 1659), 17-18. Some of Maunoir's missionaries were native Bretons, but most were not.
107. Quoted in Christian Anatole, "La Re? forme tridentine et l'emploi de l'Occitan dans le pastorale," Revue des langues romanes, LXXVII (1967), 10. Notes to Pages 188-189
108. Ibid. For many more similar examples of bishops urging their priests to preach and catechize "en langage vulgaire," see Brun, Recherches historiques,
433-79; Brunot, V, 25-50; VII, 66-76.
109. Croix (see Intro. , n. 25), 1207-10; Anatole, "La re? forme tridentine," passim.
110. Le Roy Ladurie, "Les minorite? s pe? riphe? riques," 608; Brun, Recherches his-
toriques, 460.
111. Croix, 1207; Anatole, "La re? forme tridentine," passim; Philippe Gardy. "Les
mode`les d'e? criture," passim; R. Armogathe, "Les cate? chismes et l'enseigne- ment populaire en France au dix-huitie`me sie`cle," in Coulet, ed. , Images du peuple (see Ch. 1, n. 17), 102-21, esp. 114-15.
112. See on this subject Harvey Mitchell, "The World between the Literate and Oral Traditions in Eighteenth-Century France: Ecclesiastical Instructions and Popular Mentalities," in Roseann Runte, ed. , Studies in Eighteenth-Century Culture, VIII (Madison, 1979), pp. 33-67.
113. See Brunot, VII, 19-25. On Occitan, see Noulet, 7-44. On Catalan, see Brun, L'introduction du franc? ais, 80.
114.
On the debates over "dechristianization," see most recently Chartier, Cultural Origins (see Intro. , n. 32), 92-110. Alsace, again, is an exception to the rule here.
115. For instance, see the appendix to the report from the Club of Carcassonne in Gazier, 22-50; one of the reports from the Club of Auch in Gazier, 91; the re- port from Pierre Riou, on Brittany, of October 17, 1790, in Gazier, 282.
116. See Brunot, VII, 77-182.
286
Notes to Pages 189-190
? 117. 118.
Maunoir, Le sacre? colle`ge, 18.
Flemish, Catalan, German, and Italian were different matters, for obvious reasons. At least seven Breton works appeared: Pierre de Cha^lons, Dic- tionnaire Breton-Franc? ois du Dioce`se de Vannes (Vannes, 1723); Claude-Vin- cent Cillart de Kerampoul, Dictionnaire franc? ois-breton ou franc? ois-celtique du dialecte de Vannes (Leyden, 1744); Tanguy Gre? goire de Rostrenen, Diction- naire franc? ois-celtique ou franc? ois-breton (Rennes, 1732) and Grammaire franc? oise-celtique ou franc? oise-bretonne (Rennes, 1738); Maunoir, Le sacre? colle`ge; Louis Le Pelletier, Dictionnaire de la langue bretonne, 3 vols. (Paris, 1752); and Guillaume Quiquer, Dictionnaire et colloques franc? ois et breton (Morlaix, 1626, 73 subsequent editions). The Occitan titles include Achard, Dictionnaire de la Provence; Jean Doujat, Le dicciounari moundi, Dictionnaire de la langue toulousaine (Toulouse, 1638); Jean-Franc? ois Fe? raud, Essais de grammaire et de glossaire de la langue provenc? ale, pour servir d'introduction et de supple? ment au dictionnaire provenc? al (Marseilles, 1787); Claude Odde de Triors, Joyeuses recherches de la languge toulousaine (Toulouse, 1578); Sauveur-Andre? Pellas, Dictionnaire provenc? al et franc? ois dans lequel on trouvera les mots . . . et Proverbes explique? s en Franc? ois (Avignon, 1723); abbe? Sauvages de la Croix, Dictionnaire languedocien-franc? ois (Ni^mes, 1756, repr. 1785).
The exception to this is the oft-reprinted Quiquer, not so much a dictionary or grammar as a bilingual conversation manual apparently designed for mer- chants operating in Breton-speaking areas. The clerical audience of the others is mentioned explicitly in the various titles, prefaces, and preambles. Given the lack of primary education in Breton, it is doubtful that native Breton- speakers could have used these dictionaries to learn French, and indeed two lacked Breton-French sections entirely (Cillart de Ke? rampoul and Gre? goire de Rostrenen). On Maunoir's views, see Le sacre? colle`ge, 16. On Maunoir as the "father of modern Breton," see Yannick Pelletier, ed. , Histoire ge? ne? rale de la Bretagne et des Bretons, 2 vols. (Paris, 1990), II, 508. As for the southern dictionaries, Pellas and Sauvages de la Croix were both priests. Achard was not, but still listed "priests charged with the instruction of the people" first among his potential clients (Dictionnaire de la Provence, xiii). Several more southern priests compiled large manuscript dictionaries of the local dialect that never reached a publisher.
See, for instance, Cillart de Ke? rampoul, 184, 189. Gre? goire de Rostrenen has a similar definition on 508. French definitions are here given along with the Breton.
Castan, "Les languedociens du 18e sie`cle," 74n; Bernard, "La re? volution franc? aise et la langue bretonne," 294; Merle, L'e? criture du provenc? al, 345.
La douctrino crestiano meso en rimos (Toulouse, 1641), 5-6. A copy of this rare publication can be found in the B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 371.
Notes to Pages 189-190
119.
120.
121. 122.
Notes to Pages 191-193 287
? 123. Further examples of such sessions can be found, for the Club of Aix, in Merle, 295, and for Strasbourg in de Certeau et al. , 280. See also, in general, Brunot, IX, pt. 1, 62-3.
124. See Sepinwall, "Regenerating France," 51-58.
125. See Bell, "Nation-Building and Cultural Particularism," and Ford, Strasbourg
in Transition.
126. Sepinwall, 35-50. quote from 36.
127. Oberlin, Essai sur le patois lorrain. The friendship is described in Sepinwall,
60-68.
128. Quoted in Sepinwall, 61. In French, the brothers were Je? re? mie-Jacques and
Jean-Fre? de? ric.
129. M. Grucker, "Le pasteur Oberlin," Me? moires de l'Acade? mie de Stanislas, 5th
ser. , 4-6 (1888), xxxi-lvi, quote from lxii, quoted in Sepinwall, 66; in general on Oberlin, see Sepinwall, 62-66; Camille Leenhardt, La vie de Jean-Fre? de? ric Oberlin, 1740-1826 (Paris, 1911); Edmond Parisot, Un e? ducateur moderne au XVIIIe` sie`cle: Jean-Fre? de? ric Oberlin (1740-1826) (Paris, 1907); John W. Kurtz, John Frederic Oberlin (Boulder, CO, 1976). On both the Oberlins, I am also indebted here to David Troyansky's "Alsatian Knowledge and European Cul- ture: Je? re? mie-Jacques Oberlin, Language, and the Protestant Gymnase in Rev- olutionary Strasbourg," Francia 27/2 (2000), 119-138. Notes to Pages 191-193
130. Kurtz, 230-31, 276-77.
131. I am indebted to Alyssa Sepinwall for pointing me towards this conclusion.
132. See L. E. Schmidt, Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Struktur der neuhoch-
deutschen Schriftssprachen (Cologne, 1966).
133. Jeremias-Jakob Oberlin to Gre? goire in BN NAF 2798, fol. 95, Antoine
Gautier-Sauzin in Arch. Nat. F17 1309, reprinted in de Certeau et al. , 259-63.
134. See Victor E. Durkacz, The Decline of the Celtic Languages: A Study of Linguis- tic and Cultural Conflict in Scotland, Wales and Ireland from the Reformation
to the Twentieth Century (Edinburgh, 1983), 2.
135. Quoted in ibid. , 3-5. Similar legislation for Scotland dates from 1616.
136. For a summary of the existing literature, see Geoffrey Parker, "Success and
Failure during the First Century of the Reformation," Past and Present, 136
(1992), 61-2.
137. Brunot, II, 21.
138. Brun, Recherches historiques, 426.
139. Queen Jeanne d'Albret had a Calvinist catechism and the psalms translated
into Be? arnais, and recruited Be? arnais preachers. Though short-lived, her ef- forts so strengthened Be? arnais that the kingdom, fully integrated into France in 1620, resisted French more fiercely than any other Occitan region (the Es- tates used a bastard Be? arnais for their deliberations right down to 1789). See Andre? Armengaud and Robert Lafont, eds. , Histoire de l'Occitanie (Paris, 1979), 483-86; Franc? ois Pic, "A propos de l'emploi de l'occitan par la
288
Notes to Pages 193-202
? 140.
141. 142. 143. 144.
145.
Notes to Pages 193-202
146. 147.
148.
1.
2. 3.
4.
5.
6.
re? forme: Le cate? chisme bilingue franc? ais-be? arnais de Jean-Raymond Merlin,"
Bulletin de l'Association d'e? tude sur l'humanisme, la re? forme et la renaissance (France du centre et du sud-est), VI/11 (1980), 38-45; Brun, L'introduction de la langue franc? aise, 28, 34.
After the fall of the Jacobins and the reestablishment of Catholicism, Gre? goire succeeded in getting a law passed to the effect that only the "sacra- mental formulae" would remain in Latin. On this debate, and Gre? goire's cru- cial role in it, see Brunot, IX, pt. I, 374-78, 396-97. At this date, of course, the French constitutional church was disavowed by the Vatican.
See above all Van Kley, Religious Origins (see Intro. , n. 65).
Brunot, V, 25-28.
For a summary of these issues, see Sepinwall, 75-79.
Maza, Private Lives and Public Affairs (see Ch. 2, n. 18), 85; cf. Marie-He? le`ne Huet, Rehearsing the Revolution: The Staging of Marat's Death, 1793-1797, trans. Robert Hurley (Berkeley, 1992), 49-58.
Carla Hesse, "La preuve par la lettre: Pratiques juridiques au tribunal re? volutionnaire de Paris (1793-1794)," Annales: Histoire, Sciences Sociales, LI/ 3 (1996), 629-42.
Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al, 303.
Chabot to Gre? goire, Sept.
