, from the
obedience
of
Benedict XIII.
Benedict XIII.
Thomas Carlyle
42 (p.
526): "Et finalmente
lo quo ende concluymos es esto:
accordernos de vos otorgar para este
primero anno, para con los vuestros
pechos e derechos ordinarios, la
alcuala del mr. tres meajas, que os
llamada veyntena. . . . (p. 527). La
tercera es que pues vos asi es o sera
otorgado lo que abastare asaz para
complir los vuestros menesteres. . . .
que nos prometades e jurades luego,
en mano de uno delos dichos arzo-
bispos, que non echeredes nin doman-
daredes mas mr. nin otra cosa alguna
de al' nulas nin de monedas, nin de
servicio nin de enprestido, nin de otra
manera qual quier, alas dichas cibdades
e villas e lugares, nin personas singu-
lares dellas, ne de alguna dellas, por
mesteres que digados que vos rrecrecon,
amenos de sor primeramente llamados
e ayuntados los tres estados que deuon
venir a vuestras Cortes e ayunta-
mientos, sogunt se deue fazer e es de
buena costumbre antigua; o demos
si algunas cartas o alcualas los fueren
mostradas o mandamientos fechos de
vuestra parte sobre ello, que sean
obedicidas e non complidas, sin pena e
sin orror alguno. ''
? Cf. pp. 5, 6.
>> Id. , i. 47. Proface.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 94
[PART I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
courts in cases which did not belong to them ;1 they protested
against the presence of ecclesiastics in the Chancery on the
ground that clerical officials could not be proceeded against
like others,2 and also against the abuse of excommunication. 3
They made representations to the king about combinations
of men in various employments. * It was in Cortes that the
king made ordinances about the coinage and about debts
contracted in the depreciated currency. 5
We have already pointed out the important position occupied
by the Cortes during the minority of the king, and we have
another very important example of this in the proceedings
of the Cortes of Madrid in 1391, on the accession of Henry
III. , who was still under age. While in the cases we have
mentioned before, they had appointed one of the princes of
the royal house as guardian, they now determined that the
government of the kingdom during Henry's minority should
be entrusted to a Council to be appointed by a Commission
of eleven nobles and thirteen procurators of the cities. To
this Council they entrusted all the powers of government
except certain points, such as the making war and peace;
and the Cortes was careful to add that they could not impose
any tax without the authority of the Cortes, or take pro-
ceedings against anyone without due process of law. 8
1 Id. , i. 42, 2, and i. 51, 10.
1 Id. , i. 43, 5.
? Id. , i. 47, 61.
? Id. , ii. 1, 49.
>> Id. , ii. 27, 5.
? Id. , ii. 39 (p. 480): "(The
members of the Cortes) fueron llama-
dos per oartas e mandamientos de
nuestro Sennor el Rey, Don Enrique,
que Dios mantenga, para ordenar el
rregimiento del dicho Sennor Rey, e
delos dichos sus rregnos . . . por
rrazon dalla menor hedat del dicho
Sennor Roy (they decide that the best
course) era e es quel dicho Sennor
Rey e los dichos sus regnos, se rregiesen
e gouernasen por Consejo, on la qual
fuesen dolos grandes del rregno . . .
e otrosi dolos vezinos dclas cibdades e
villas. Et que para escojer quales e
quantos fuesen del dicho consejo . . .
que dauan e dieron todo su poder
complido ahonze sonnoros e rriccos
omes e caualleros, e a treze delos dichos
procuradores. . . . 1. Los del consejo
ayan poder de fazer todos los cosas e
cada una dellas que fueren a servicio
del re, e provecho de sus rregnos, saluo
las cosas que aqui se contienen, en
quel os non dan poder. . . . 7. Otrossi
non moucran guerra a ningund Rey
vezino, sin consejo e mandamiento del
rregno. . . . 8. Otrossi non echaran
pecho ninguno mas delo que fuere
otorgado por Cortes. . . . 9. Otrossi
non daran cartas para matar, nin
lisiar, nin desterrar a ningund omo,
mas que sea judgado por sus alcalles. "
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. VL]
95
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
This is important, but perhaps more significant still is the
fact that in the second half of the century we find the
Cortes demanding that there should be a certain number
of citizens on the King's Council. In 1367 the Cortes of
Burgos demanded that twelve good men of the cities should
be chosen to serve with the King's Council for the special
purpose of seeing that the customs and " fueros " of the cities
of the kingdom should be better kept and maintained. The
king, Henry II. , assented. 1 At the Cortes of Toro in 1371
Henry II. announced that he would appoint certain good men
of the cities to go through the provinces of the kingdom to
report on the administration of law; and the king assented
to the request of the same Cortes that he should appoint
some prudent men of the cities to serve on his council. 2
The same demand was put forward to Juan I. by the Cortes
of Burgos in 1379. 3 .
The Cortes of Castile and Leon was in the fourteenth century
not merely a body which the king might from time to time
consult, to whom he might turn for advice in legislation,
or for financial assistance in emergencies, but it repre-
sented the claim that the community as a whole should
exercise some control over every aspect of the national
affairs.
1 Id. , ii. 9, 6: "Otrossi nlo que
aoe dixieron que porque los usos e
lu eoetumbree e ffueroe deloe c? ibdades
e villas e logares de nuestros rregnos
puedan ser mejor guardados e manto-
nidos, quo nos pedien por merced que
mandasemos tomar doze omes bonos
que Suesen del nuestro consejo. (Two
from Castile, two from Leon, two from
Galicia, two from Toledo, two from
Estremadura, and two from Andalusia).
. . . A esto rospondemus que nos plaze
? lo tenemos por bien. "
1 Id. , ii. 13, 24: "Tenemos por
bien de ordonar, et ordonamos de dar
omes buenos do cibdades e villas e
tagares quantos e qualos la nuestra
merged1 fuere, para quo anden per las
provincias dolos nuostros rregnos e
per totos los logaros, a ver . . . commo
fazen complimiento de derecho alas
partes. "
Id. , ii. 14, 13: "Alo que pedieron
que fuese nuestra merced que tomare-
mos e excogiesemos delos cibdadanos
nuestros naturales delos cibdades e
villas e logaros delos nuestros rregnos,
omes buenos entendidos e pertines-
cientes que fuesen del nuestro con-
sejo. "
>> Id. id. , 22, 4: "Otrossi nos pedie-
ron por merced que quisiesemos tomar
omes bonos delos cibdades e villas e
logares delos nuestros rregnos, para
quo con los del nuestro consejo nos
consejasen lo que cunple a nuestro
servic? io. "
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 96
[PART L.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
We must now examine the development of the States
General and of the Provincial Estates in France, and, while
this is not the same as that of the Castilian Cortes, it does
also illustrate very clearly the growth and development of
the representative element in government.
In the first place, the States General or analogous bodies
met frequently. The proceedings of these meetings have not
been preserved for us in the same form as those of Castile,
and it is not possible always to say whether all these meetings
can be described as technically meetings of the States General.
This, however, is a question which belongs to the detailed
constitutional history of France; for our purpose it is enough
to observe that they have a representative character. We
have in addition frequent references to the meetings of the
representatives of particular provinces (Provincial Estates),
and sometimes even of particular towns. It must be remem-
bered that the kingdom of France was not unified in
the same sense as that of Castile and Leon, or that of
England.
When we now attempt to consider the powers and functions
of the States General, we shall find that they were not unlike
those of the Cortes in Spain--that is, that they were manifold,
in some respects clear and determined, in others vague and
undetermined; but the history of the fourteenth century
shows very clearly that they were summoned not only to
deal with taxation, but rather that any question of general
national importance might and did come before them.
In the last volume we have dealt with the first meeting
of the States General, which was called together by Philip
the Fair in 1302 to deal with the situation produced by the
conflict with Boniface Vl. ll. ,1 and it is noticeable that their
second meeting was also called to deal with a great ecclesiastical
matter--that is, the question of the Templars.
It is important to observe the terms in which the summons
to the "communitates " is expressed. Philip the Fair calls
them to take part in what he calls the " sacred task," and bids
each of them to send two men who, in the name of the "com-
1 Cf. vol. v. p. 139 and p. 388.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. VI. ]
97
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
munities," axe to assist him in carrying out what was required. 1
At the end of the century again it was in the name and with
the advice and consent of an assembly which was taken to
represent the whole people, as well as of the Church of France,
that Charles VI. renounced the allegiance of France to Pope
Benedict Xffl. 2
We are not here concerned with the motives or the merits 1
of these actions with regard either to the Templars or to
Benedict XHL, but it is obviously highly significant that the
Crown should have felt it to be proper and desirable that the
whole community should, through its representatives, share
the responsibnity of the Crown. It is scarcely less significant
that on some occasions at least during the great war with
England the Crown summoned assemblies which had at least
the character of States General to deliberate upon questions
of war and peace. In 1359 the terms of peace demanded
by England were laid before the Estates; they are reported
as being indignant, as demanding the continuance of the
wax, and as offering a subsidy for the purpose. 3 In 1363
John I. issued an ordinance after a meeting of many prelates
and clergy, the princes of the blood, many other nobles, and
many of the good cities of the kingdom, assembled at Amiens,
at which he had taken counsel with them on the business
of the war. * And in 1385 it was with the advice of the
1 'Documents relatifs aux E"tats
Generaux et Assemblies sous Philippe
le Bel,' No. 660 (ed. G. Picot): "Cujus
opens sancti vos volumus esse par-
ticipes, qui participes estis et fidelis-
simi zelatoros fidei Christianae; vobis-
que preeipimus quatinus de singulis
villi s predict is insignibus duos viroe
fidei fervore vigentes, Turonis, ad
tres Septimanas instantis feste Pas-
ehaua, nobis mittere non tardetis, qui
nobis assistant in premissis, com-
munitatum veetrarum nomine, ad ea
quae sint diet is negotiis opportune. "
1 'Receuil General dee Anciens
Lois Francoises,' vol. vi. p. 809:
"Nos . . . convocavimus concilium
prelatorum, capitulorum, nobilium,
VOL. VI.
universitatum, plurium sacre paginae,
et utriusque iuris doctorum, religio-
sorumque devotorum, et aliorum pro-
cerum regni nostri . . . (p. 821). Nos
eoclesia, clerus, et populus regni nostri
ac Delphinatus, de prediotorum con-
silio et assensu rocedimus, nuncia-
musque auctoritate presencium reces-
sisse" (i. e.
, from the obedience of
Benedict XIII. ).
* Id. , vol. v. p. 55.
1 Id. , vol. v. No. 353 (p. 156):
"Jehan, par la grace de Dieu, Roi de
France; scavoir faisons a tous pre? eens
et a venir, que sut plusieurs requestes a.
nous faites par plusieurs prelaz et
autres gens d'eglise, plusieurs nobles
tant de nostre sang come autres, et
G
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 98
[PABT L
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
council, at which were present many princes of the blood,
prelates, nobles, and citizens, that it was decided to send an
army to Scotland. 1
Again it is not unimportant to observe that it was with
the counsel and advice of the cities that Charles IV. issued an
ordinance in 1322 for the reform of the currency,2 and Philip
of Valois did the same in 1329 and 1332, with the advice of
the prelates, barons, and cities. 3
It is time, however, that we should turn to the question of
taxation, for it is no doubt true that we find here one of the
best illustrations of the principle of the limitation of the royal
authority and of the development of the representative
system. It is clear that normally the Crown procured the
money which it required, over and above that which formed
its normal revenue, by grants, either from particular provinces
or towns or from assemblies which represented the whole
country. This is well illustrated in a letter of Philip V. in
1318, in which he recognised that a grant of a fifteenth made
to him by the nobles of Berri was made by their free will
and liberality, and that neither he nor his successors could
claim that it had conferred upon him any rights which they
plusieurs bonnes villes de notre
royaume, qui darrainement ont e? te? a`
Amiens a` notre mandement, pour
avoir avis et deliberation avec eux sur
le fait de la guerre et provision de
deffenco de notre royaume, nous par
la deliberation de notre grant conseil
avons ordonne? et ordonnons en la
matie`re qui s'ensuit. "
1 Id. , vol. vii. p. 59: "Charles . . .
comme par grand avis e meure deliber-
ation de Conseil, ou quels estoient
plusieurs do notre sang, pre? latz,
nobles, bourgeois et autres, ayons
nagueres ordonne? une arme? e . . . pour
passer et descendre au pays d'E? cosse
. . . nous avons de nouvel ordonne?
estre mis sus, cueillez e leve? outre ce
que dit est . . . certaines sommes
de deniers. "
? Id. , vol. iii. p. 296: "Nous
voulions sur ce pourvenir convenable-
ment, eu avis, et pleine de? libe? ration
avec nos bonnes villes, lesquelles nous
avons mande? s sur ce, avec notre grand
conseil, appeliez a` ce plusieurs sage
oonoissons e experts . . . avous or-
donne? et ordonnons en la manie`re qui
s'ensuit. "
* 'Ordonnances,' vol. ii. page 34:
"Philippus . . . ordinamus, habita
plenaria nostri magni concilii delibera-
tione, cum prelatis, baronibus et oom-
munitatibus regni nostri, de faciendo
bonam monetam. "
'Recueil,' vol. iv. page 404: ". . .
par deliberation de notre grand
Conseil, manda^mes e feismes assemblez
a` Orliens, plusieurs de nos prelaz,
barons, e bonnes villes, et autres
saiges et cognoisseurs au fait des dites
? ? mo noies. "
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. VI. ]
99
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
did not possess before. 1 In 1349 Philip VI. says that he
had asked the inhabitants of Paris for an aid and subsidy
for the war with Edward III. , and that they had liberally
granted him for the period of one year an imposition on the
merchandise sold in the city. 2
In 1350 John I. asked for aid of the nobles, communes,
and cities of Vermandois towards the expenses of the war
with England, and says that they had of their good will
granted him this. 3 In the case of a similar grant from Nor-
mandy in the same year there are some additional and impor-
tant details; the prelates, barons, and communities had met
in Paris, and had agreed in principle on the grant of an aid
to the king, but the representatives of the communities were
not clear that they had sufficient authority to grant the aid
in the name of the cities, and they were therefore sent back
to deliberate and consult with them, and to reoeive authority
to make this aid and subsidy. * It is worth observing how
i 'Ordonnancee,' vol. i. page 677:
"Nous, voulions que leur dictes
liberalite? s ne leur puisse, ne dois estre
a` euls, ne a` leurs hoirs, pre? judicials, ne
domaigeus en temps a` venir. Voulons,
ordonnons, et leur octroions, que nous,
ne nos successeurs, ne puisent dire que
par oette grace, et ce service quils
nous ont fait et donne? , aucun droit
nouvel, autre que nous n'avions avant
cette grace, nous soit acquis contre
euls, aux temps a` venir, ne que nous,
ne nos successeurs, pour raison de
cette grace, leur doiens demander
aucun service on aucune relevance,
auHquels ils n'e? taient tenus a` nous
avant la dite grace. "
> 'Recueil,' vol. iv. 154 (p. 559):
"Philippe . . . Sc? avoir faisons que
euls consideranz les choses dessusdites,
pour et en nom de subside, ont liberale-
ment voulu et accorde? pour toute leur
communite? , entant comme il leur
touche et appartient et puet toucher
et appartenir: eue sur ce premiere-
ment bonne delibe? ration et advis, que
pour l'espace d'un an entierement
accomply, soit leve? e, et a` nous paye? e,
une imposition ou assise sur toutes les
marchandises et denre? es qui serout
vendues en notre dite? ville de Paris. "
Cf. id. id. , p. 628, for Carcassonne
and Narbonne, and p. 654 for Amiens.
1 'Recueil,' vol. iv. 168 (p. 631):
"Lesquiex (i. e. , the burden of the
War) ne porriens souffrir, ne soustenir
sans l'aide de nos subgiez, ayons pour
ce, fait requie? rir par notre ame? et feal
conseiller l'evesque de Laon, nos bien
amez los nobles, communes, eschevin-
ages, et autres gens des villes do notre
bailliage de Vermandois, que a` ce
nous voulsissont faire aide convenable;
et de leur bonne volonte? , ils nous
ayent gratieusement octroie? et accorde?
en aide, pour le fait de nosdites guerres,
une imposition de six deniers pour
livre. "
? Id. id. (p. 635): "Mais pour ce
? ? que lesdites communautez n'estoient
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 100
[pabt r.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
carefully guarded were the rights of the communities to tax
themselves.
We do not for the moment deal with the important con-
stitutional movements of the years from 1355 to 1358: these
are so important that they need a separate treatment. It
must not, however, be imagined that the victory of the Crown
meant that it had established any constitutional right to
impose taxation at its pleasure. In 1363 the estates of
Beaucaire and Nimes while continuing the gabelle on salt for
the year, and promising that, if this should prove insufficient,
they would with the king's authority impose other "imposi-
tions et gabelles," protest energetically that no royal justiciary,
whatever his rank or dignity, should interfere in any way
in raising these taxes, but only those who had been chosen
by the representatives or those deputed by them; that if
the king himself or his representative, or any of the royal
officials, were to do this, all the impositions should fall to the
ground, and the inhabitants should be free from them. 1
In 1364 the king, Charles V. , says that the burgesses of
Paris were disposed to make him aids and subsidies for the
conduct of the war. 2 In 1367 the prelates, barons,
ecclesiastics, and communities of Dauphine? , in return for
the confirmation of their liberties and franchises, made a
gens d'icellee, et pooir dudit aide et
subside accorder et octroyer. "
Cf. id. id. (p. 709) for Anjou and
Maine. "Que autrefoiz aide somblable
no puisse est re levee esdiz pais au temps
a venir, si ce n'estoit par l'accort et
de l'assentement expres dos dites
gens d'eglise, desdiz nobles et dee dites
communes. "
1 'Reoueil,' vol. v. 345, 40 (p. 142):
"Quod nullus justitiarius regius, cujus
cunque status seu dignitatis existat,
de dicta gabella et aliis impositiombus,
nec etiam do dictis pecuniis inde levan-
dis et exigendis, custodiendis seu
erogandis, et in stipendiariis et aliis
usibus necessariis convertendis, nec
etiam super compotis audiendis par-
ticularium receptorum, se ha be ant
aliqualiter intromittere, neo etiam
impodire; sed illi duntaxat qui per
ipsos seu deputatos aut deputandos ab
eis fuerint super hoc eleeti. . . . Quod
si dominus noeter Rex, seu ejus locum-
tenons, aut qui vis alius justitiarius et
officialis cujuscunque conditionis et
preeminentiae existat, contran um
face ret, extuno omnia impositio et
gabella ipso facto oessit, et quod ipsi
et omnes habit antes ot subditi in
dicta seneecallia, ad praemissorum
observantiam minimo teneantur, sed
ab omnibus et singulis supra dictis
oneribus sint quitti, liberi penitus et
immunes, et quod impune possint
desistore a predictis. "
1 'Recueil,' vol. v. 364 (p. 212),
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHaP. VI. ]
101
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
"gracious gift" of thirty thousand florins to the king and
dauphin. 1 In the same year the nobles and cities of
Artois, the " Boulenois," and S. Pol granted an aid to the
king, but with the express condition that this was not to
prejudice their liberties and freedom; and we find this par-
ticular grant constantly repeated to the end of the century. 2
In 1369 we find Charles V. promising the towns and other
"lieux" of Ponthieu that for the future no aid or subsidy
was to be imposed on them without their consent, and we
find the same promise made to the towns of Crotroy and
Rhodez. 3 The 'Grand Chronique' refers to a meeting
of estates in 1369, which voted a subsidy. * In 1372,
Charles V. gave authority to the Bishop of Limoges to impose
"tattles et subsides " in the diocese and viscounty of Limoges
"se la plus saine partie d'icelle pais s'y accorde. " 5
In 1381 we come to the very important ordinance by which
the regent, in the name of the king, Charles VI. , during his
minority, abolished the aids, &c. , imposed in the time of
his father and his predecessors since the time of Philip the
Fair. This ordinance was issued after an assembly, held at
Paris, of the ecclesiastics, nobles, and citizens of the towns of
Languedoyl.
lo quo ende concluymos es esto:
accordernos de vos otorgar para este
primero anno, para con los vuestros
pechos e derechos ordinarios, la
alcuala del mr. tres meajas, que os
llamada veyntena. . . . (p. 527). La
tercera es que pues vos asi es o sera
otorgado lo que abastare asaz para
complir los vuestros menesteres. . . .
que nos prometades e jurades luego,
en mano de uno delos dichos arzo-
bispos, que non echeredes nin doman-
daredes mas mr. nin otra cosa alguna
de al' nulas nin de monedas, nin de
servicio nin de enprestido, nin de otra
manera qual quier, alas dichas cibdades
e villas e lugares, nin personas singu-
lares dellas, ne de alguna dellas, por
mesteres que digados que vos rrecrecon,
amenos de sor primeramente llamados
e ayuntados los tres estados que deuon
venir a vuestras Cortes e ayunta-
mientos, sogunt se deue fazer e es de
buena costumbre antigua; o demos
si algunas cartas o alcualas los fueren
mostradas o mandamientos fechos de
vuestra parte sobre ello, que sean
obedicidas e non complidas, sin pena e
sin orror alguno. ''
? Cf. pp. 5, 6.
>> Id. , i. 47. Proface.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 94
[PART I.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
courts in cases which did not belong to them ;1 they protested
against the presence of ecclesiastics in the Chancery on the
ground that clerical officials could not be proceeded against
like others,2 and also against the abuse of excommunication. 3
They made representations to the king about combinations
of men in various employments. * It was in Cortes that the
king made ordinances about the coinage and about debts
contracted in the depreciated currency. 5
We have already pointed out the important position occupied
by the Cortes during the minority of the king, and we have
another very important example of this in the proceedings
of the Cortes of Madrid in 1391, on the accession of Henry
III. , who was still under age. While in the cases we have
mentioned before, they had appointed one of the princes of
the royal house as guardian, they now determined that the
government of the kingdom during Henry's minority should
be entrusted to a Council to be appointed by a Commission
of eleven nobles and thirteen procurators of the cities. To
this Council they entrusted all the powers of government
except certain points, such as the making war and peace;
and the Cortes was careful to add that they could not impose
any tax without the authority of the Cortes, or take pro-
ceedings against anyone without due process of law. 8
1 Id. , i. 42, 2, and i. 51, 10.
1 Id. , i. 43, 5.
? Id. , i. 47, 61.
? Id. , ii. 1, 49.
>> Id. , ii. 27, 5.
? Id. , ii. 39 (p. 480): "(The
members of the Cortes) fueron llama-
dos per oartas e mandamientos de
nuestro Sennor el Rey, Don Enrique,
que Dios mantenga, para ordenar el
rregimiento del dicho Sennor Rey, e
delos dichos sus rregnos . . . por
rrazon dalla menor hedat del dicho
Sennor Roy (they decide that the best
course) era e es quel dicho Sennor
Rey e los dichos sus regnos, se rregiesen
e gouernasen por Consejo, on la qual
fuesen dolos grandes del rregno . . .
e otrosi dolos vezinos dclas cibdades e
villas. Et que para escojer quales e
quantos fuesen del dicho consejo . . .
que dauan e dieron todo su poder
complido ahonze sonnoros e rriccos
omes e caualleros, e a treze delos dichos
procuradores. . . . 1. Los del consejo
ayan poder de fazer todos los cosas e
cada una dellas que fueren a servicio
del re, e provecho de sus rregnos, saluo
las cosas que aqui se contienen, en
quel os non dan poder. . . . 7. Otrossi
non moucran guerra a ningund Rey
vezino, sin consejo e mandamiento del
rregno. . . . 8. Otrossi non echaran
pecho ninguno mas delo que fuere
otorgado por Cortes. . . . 9. Otrossi
non daran cartas para matar, nin
lisiar, nin desterrar a ningund omo,
mas que sea judgado por sus alcalles. "
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. VL]
95
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
This is important, but perhaps more significant still is the
fact that in the second half of the century we find the
Cortes demanding that there should be a certain number
of citizens on the King's Council. In 1367 the Cortes of
Burgos demanded that twelve good men of the cities should
be chosen to serve with the King's Council for the special
purpose of seeing that the customs and " fueros " of the cities
of the kingdom should be better kept and maintained. The
king, Henry II. , assented. 1 At the Cortes of Toro in 1371
Henry II. announced that he would appoint certain good men
of the cities to go through the provinces of the kingdom to
report on the administration of law; and the king assented
to the request of the same Cortes that he should appoint
some prudent men of the cities to serve on his council. 2
The same demand was put forward to Juan I. by the Cortes
of Burgos in 1379. 3 .
The Cortes of Castile and Leon was in the fourteenth century
not merely a body which the king might from time to time
consult, to whom he might turn for advice in legislation,
or for financial assistance in emergencies, but it repre-
sented the claim that the community as a whole should
exercise some control over every aspect of the national
affairs.
1 Id. , ii. 9, 6: "Otrossi nlo que
aoe dixieron que porque los usos e
lu eoetumbree e ffueroe deloe c? ibdades
e villas e logares de nuestros rregnos
puedan ser mejor guardados e manto-
nidos, quo nos pedien por merced que
mandasemos tomar doze omes bonos
que Suesen del nuestro consejo. (Two
from Castile, two from Leon, two from
Galicia, two from Toledo, two from
Estremadura, and two from Andalusia).
. . . A esto rospondemus que nos plaze
? lo tenemos por bien. "
1 Id. , ii. 13, 24: "Tenemos por
bien de ordonar, et ordonamos de dar
omes buenos do cibdades e villas e
tagares quantos e qualos la nuestra
merged1 fuere, para quo anden per las
provincias dolos nuostros rregnos e
per totos los logaros, a ver . . . commo
fazen complimiento de derecho alas
partes. "
Id. , ii. 14, 13: "Alo que pedieron
que fuese nuestra merced que tomare-
mos e excogiesemos delos cibdadanos
nuestros naturales delos cibdades e
villas e logaros delos nuestros rregnos,
omes buenos entendidos e pertines-
cientes que fuesen del nuestro con-
sejo. "
>> Id. id. , 22, 4: "Otrossi nos pedie-
ron por merced que quisiesemos tomar
omes bonos delos cibdades e villas e
logares delos nuestros rregnos, para
quo con los del nuestro consejo nos
consejasen lo que cunple a nuestro
servic? io. "
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 96
[PART L.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
We must now examine the development of the States
General and of the Provincial Estates in France, and, while
this is not the same as that of the Castilian Cortes, it does
also illustrate very clearly the growth and development of
the representative element in government.
In the first place, the States General or analogous bodies
met frequently. The proceedings of these meetings have not
been preserved for us in the same form as those of Castile,
and it is not possible always to say whether all these meetings
can be described as technically meetings of the States General.
This, however, is a question which belongs to the detailed
constitutional history of France; for our purpose it is enough
to observe that they have a representative character. We
have in addition frequent references to the meetings of the
representatives of particular provinces (Provincial Estates),
and sometimes even of particular towns. It must be remem-
bered that the kingdom of France was not unified in
the same sense as that of Castile and Leon, or that of
England.
When we now attempt to consider the powers and functions
of the States General, we shall find that they were not unlike
those of the Cortes in Spain--that is, that they were manifold,
in some respects clear and determined, in others vague and
undetermined; but the history of the fourteenth century
shows very clearly that they were summoned not only to
deal with taxation, but rather that any question of general
national importance might and did come before them.
In the last volume we have dealt with the first meeting
of the States General, which was called together by Philip
the Fair in 1302 to deal with the situation produced by the
conflict with Boniface Vl. ll. ,1 and it is noticeable that their
second meeting was also called to deal with a great ecclesiastical
matter--that is, the question of the Templars.
It is important to observe the terms in which the summons
to the "communitates " is expressed. Philip the Fair calls
them to take part in what he calls the " sacred task," and bids
each of them to send two men who, in the name of the "com-
1 Cf. vol. v. p. 139 and p. 388.
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. VI. ]
97
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
munities," axe to assist him in carrying out what was required. 1
At the end of the century again it was in the name and with
the advice and consent of an assembly which was taken to
represent the whole people, as well as of the Church of France,
that Charles VI. renounced the allegiance of France to Pope
Benedict Xffl. 2
We are not here concerned with the motives or the merits 1
of these actions with regard either to the Templars or to
Benedict XHL, but it is obviously highly significant that the
Crown should have felt it to be proper and desirable that the
whole community should, through its representatives, share
the responsibnity of the Crown. It is scarcely less significant
that on some occasions at least during the great war with
England the Crown summoned assemblies which had at least
the character of States General to deliberate upon questions
of war and peace. In 1359 the terms of peace demanded
by England were laid before the Estates; they are reported
as being indignant, as demanding the continuance of the
wax, and as offering a subsidy for the purpose. 3 In 1363
John I. issued an ordinance after a meeting of many prelates
and clergy, the princes of the blood, many other nobles, and
many of the good cities of the kingdom, assembled at Amiens,
at which he had taken counsel with them on the business
of the war. * And in 1385 it was with the advice of the
1 'Documents relatifs aux E"tats
Generaux et Assemblies sous Philippe
le Bel,' No. 660 (ed. G. Picot): "Cujus
opens sancti vos volumus esse par-
ticipes, qui participes estis et fidelis-
simi zelatoros fidei Christianae; vobis-
que preeipimus quatinus de singulis
villi s predict is insignibus duos viroe
fidei fervore vigentes, Turonis, ad
tres Septimanas instantis feste Pas-
ehaua, nobis mittere non tardetis, qui
nobis assistant in premissis, com-
munitatum veetrarum nomine, ad ea
quae sint diet is negotiis opportune. "
1 'Receuil General dee Anciens
Lois Francoises,' vol. vi. p. 809:
"Nos . . . convocavimus concilium
prelatorum, capitulorum, nobilium,
VOL. VI.
universitatum, plurium sacre paginae,
et utriusque iuris doctorum, religio-
sorumque devotorum, et aliorum pro-
cerum regni nostri . . . (p. 821). Nos
eoclesia, clerus, et populus regni nostri
ac Delphinatus, de prediotorum con-
silio et assensu rocedimus, nuncia-
musque auctoritate presencium reces-
sisse" (i. e.
, from the obedience of
Benedict XIII. ).
* Id. , vol. v. p. 55.
1 Id. , vol. v. No. 353 (p. 156):
"Jehan, par la grace de Dieu, Roi de
France; scavoir faisons a tous pre? eens
et a venir, que sut plusieurs requestes a.
nous faites par plusieurs prelaz et
autres gens d'eglise, plusieurs nobles
tant de nostre sang come autres, et
G
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 98
[PABT L
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
council, at which were present many princes of the blood,
prelates, nobles, and citizens, that it was decided to send an
army to Scotland. 1
Again it is not unimportant to observe that it was with
the counsel and advice of the cities that Charles IV. issued an
ordinance in 1322 for the reform of the currency,2 and Philip
of Valois did the same in 1329 and 1332, with the advice of
the prelates, barons, and cities. 3
It is time, however, that we should turn to the question of
taxation, for it is no doubt true that we find here one of the
best illustrations of the principle of the limitation of the royal
authority and of the development of the representative
system. It is clear that normally the Crown procured the
money which it required, over and above that which formed
its normal revenue, by grants, either from particular provinces
or towns or from assemblies which represented the whole
country. This is well illustrated in a letter of Philip V. in
1318, in which he recognised that a grant of a fifteenth made
to him by the nobles of Berri was made by their free will
and liberality, and that neither he nor his successors could
claim that it had conferred upon him any rights which they
plusieurs bonnes villes de notre
royaume, qui darrainement ont e? te? a`
Amiens a` notre mandement, pour
avoir avis et deliberation avec eux sur
le fait de la guerre et provision de
deffenco de notre royaume, nous par
la deliberation de notre grant conseil
avons ordonne? et ordonnons en la
matie`re qui s'ensuit. "
1 Id. , vol. vii. p. 59: "Charles . . .
comme par grand avis e meure deliber-
ation de Conseil, ou quels estoient
plusieurs do notre sang, pre? latz,
nobles, bourgeois et autres, ayons
nagueres ordonne? une arme? e . . . pour
passer et descendre au pays d'E? cosse
. . . nous avons de nouvel ordonne?
estre mis sus, cueillez e leve? outre ce
que dit est . . . certaines sommes
de deniers. "
? Id. , vol. iii. p. 296: "Nous
voulions sur ce pourvenir convenable-
ment, eu avis, et pleine de? libe? ration
avec nos bonnes villes, lesquelles nous
avons mande? s sur ce, avec notre grand
conseil, appeliez a` ce plusieurs sage
oonoissons e experts . . . avous or-
donne? et ordonnons en la manie`re qui
s'ensuit. "
* 'Ordonnances,' vol. ii. page 34:
"Philippus . . . ordinamus, habita
plenaria nostri magni concilii delibera-
tione, cum prelatis, baronibus et oom-
munitatibus regni nostri, de faciendo
bonam monetam. "
'Recueil,' vol. iv. page 404: ". . .
par deliberation de notre grand
Conseil, manda^mes e feismes assemblez
a` Orliens, plusieurs de nos prelaz,
barons, e bonnes villes, et autres
saiges et cognoisseurs au fait des dites
? ? mo noies. "
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHAP. VI. ]
99
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
did not possess before. 1 In 1349 Philip VI. says that he
had asked the inhabitants of Paris for an aid and subsidy
for the war with Edward III. , and that they had liberally
granted him for the period of one year an imposition on the
merchandise sold in the city. 2
In 1350 John I. asked for aid of the nobles, communes,
and cities of Vermandois towards the expenses of the war
with England, and says that they had of their good will
granted him this. 3 In the case of a similar grant from Nor-
mandy in the same year there are some additional and impor-
tant details; the prelates, barons, and communities had met
in Paris, and had agreed in principle on the grant of an aid
to the king, but the representatives of the communities were
not clear that they had sufficient authority to grant the aid
in the name of the cities, and they were therefore sent back
to deliberate and consult with them, and to reoeive authority
to make this aid and subsidy. * It is worth observing how
i 'Ordonnancee,' vol. i. page 677:
"Nous, voulions que leur dictes
liberalite? s ne leur puisse, ne dois estre
a` euls, ne a` leurs hoirs, pre? judicials, ne
domaigeus en temps a` venir. Voulons,
ordonnons, et leur octroions, que nous,
ne nos successeurs, ne puisent dire que
par oette grace, et ce service quils
nous ont fait et donne? , aucun droit
nouvel, autre que nous n'avions avant
cette grace, nous soit acquis contre
euls, aux temps a` venir, ne que nous,
ne nos successeurs, pour raison de
cette grace, leur doiens demander
aucun service on aucune relevance,
auHquels ils n'e? taient tenus a` nous
avant la dite grace. "
> 'Recueil,' vol. iv. 154 (p. 559):
"Philippe . . . Sc? avoir faisons que
euls consideranz les choses dessusdites,
pour et en nom de subside, ont liberale-
ment voulu et accorde? pour toute leur
communite? , entant comme il leur
touche et appartient et puet toucher
et appartenir: eue sur ce premiere-
ment bonne delibe? ration et advis, que
pour l'espace d'un an entierement
accomply, soit leve? e, et a` nous paye? e,
une imposition ou assise sur toutes les
marchandises et denre? es qui serout
vendues en notre dite? ville de Paris. "
Cf. id. id. , p. 628, for Carcassonne
and Narbonne, and p. 654 for Amiens.
1 'Recueil,' vol. iv. 168 (p. 631):
"Lesquiex (i. e. , the burden of the
War) ne porriens souffrir, ne soustenir
sans l'aide de nos subgiez, ayons pour
ce, fait requie? rir par notre ame? et feal
conseiller l'evesque de Laon, nos bien
amez los nobles, communes, eschevin-
ages, et autres gens des villes do notre
bailliage de Vermandois, que a` ce
nous voulsissont faire aide convenable;
et de leur bonne volonte? , ils nous
ayent gratieusement octroie? et accorde?
en aide, pour le fait de nosdites guerres,
une imposition de six deniers pour
livre. "
? Id. id. (p. 635): "Mais pour ce
? ? que lesdites communautez n'estoient
Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? 100
[pabt r.
FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
carefully guarded were the rights of the communities to tax
themselves.
We do not for the moment deal with the important con-
stitutional movements of the years from 1355 to 1358: these
are so important that they need a separate treatment. It
must not, however, be imagined that the victory of the Crown
meant that it had established any constitutional right to
impose taxation at its pleasure. In 1363 the estates of
Beaucaire and Nimes while continuing the gabelle on salt for
the year, and promising that, if this should prove insufficient,
they would with the king's authority impose other "imposi-
tions et gabelles," protest energetically that no royal justiciary,
whatever his rank or dignity, should interfere in any way
in raising these taxes, but only those who had been chosen
by the representatives or those deputed by them; that if
the king himself or his representative, or any of the royal
officials, were to do this, all the impositions should fall to the
ground, and the inhabitants should be free from them. 1
In 1364 the king, Charles V. , says that the burgesses of
Paris were disposed to make him aids and subsidies for the
conduct of the war. 2 In 1367 the prelates, barons,
ecclesiastics, and communities of Dauphine? , in return for
the confirmation of their liberties and franchises, made a
gens d'icellee, et pooir dudit aide et
subside accorder et octroyer. "
Cf. id. id. (p. 709) for Anjou and
Maine. "Que autrefoiz aide somblable
no puisse est re levee esdiz pais au temps
a venir, si ce n'estoit par l'accort et
de l'assentement expres dos dites
gens d'eglise, desdiz nobles et dee dites
communes. "
1 'Reoueil,' vol. v. 345, 40 (p. 142):
"Quod nullus justitiarius regius, cujus
cunque status seu dignitatis existat,
de dicta gabella et aliis impositiombus,
nec etiam do dictis pecuniis inde levan-
dis et exigendis, custodiendis seu
erogandis, et in stipendiariis et aliis
usibus necessariis convertendis, nec
etiam super compotis audiendis par-
ticularium receptorum, se ha be ant
aliqualiter intromittere, neo etiam
impodire; sed illi duntaxat qui per
ipsos seu deputatos aut deputandos ab
eis fuerint super hoc eleeti. . . . Quod
si dominus noeter Rex, seu ejus locum-
tenons, aut qui vis alius justitiarius et
officialis cujuscunque conditionis et
preeminentiae existat, contran um
face ret, extuno omnia impositio et
gabella ipso facto oessit, et quod ipsi
et omnes habit antes ot subditi in
dicta seneecallia, ad praemissorum
observantiam minimo teneantur, sed
ab omnibus et singulis supra dictis
oneribus sint quitti, liberi penitus et
immunes, et quod impune possint
desistore a predictis. "
1 'Recueil,' vol. v. 364 (p. 212),
? ? Generated for (University of Chicago) on 2014-12-19 10:33 GMT / http://hdl. handle. net/2027/mdp. 39015002404211 Public Domain in the United States, Google-digitized / http://www. hathitrust. org/access_use#pd-us-google
? CHaP. VI. ]
101
REPRESENTATIVE INSTITUTIONS.
"gracious gift" of thirty thousand florins to the king and
dauphin. 1 In the same year the nobles and cities of
Artois, the " Boulenois," and S. Pol granted an aid to the
king, but with the express condition that this was not to
prejudice their liberties and freedom; and we find this par-
ticular grant constantly repeated to the end of the century. 2
In 1369 we find Charles V. promising the towns and other
"lieux" of Ponthieu that for the future no aid or subsidy
was to be imposed on them without their consent, and we
find the same promise made to the towns of Crotroy and
Rhodez. 3 The 'Grand Chronique' refers to a meeting
of estates in 1369, which voted a subsidy. * In 1372,
Charles V. gave authority to the Bishop of Limoges to impose
"tattles et subsides " in the diocese and viscounty of Limoges
"se la plus saine partie d'icelle pais s'y accorde. " 5
In 1381 we come to the very important ordinance by which
the regent, in the name of the king, Charles VI. , during his
minority, abolished the aids, &c. , imposed in the time of
his father and his predecessors since the time of Philip the
Fair. This ordinance was issued after an assembly, held at
Paris, of the ecclesiastics, nobles, and citizens of the towns of
Languedoyl.
