39), Hannibal was apprised
he at length turned suddenly, and, by a night of his brother's arrival at Placentia before he had
attack, very nearly destroyed his whole army.
he at length turned suddenly, and, by a night of his brother's arrival at Placentia before he had
attack, very nearly destroyed his whole army.
William Smith - 1844 - Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities - b
Meanwhile, the
himself; thousands more perished in the lake, and two Roman consuls, L. Aemilius Paullus and C.
no less than 15,000 prisoners fell into the hands | Terentius Varro, arrived at the head of an army of
of Hannibal, who on his side is said to have lost little less than 90,000 men. To this mighty host
only 1500 men. A body of 4000 horse, who had Hannibal gave battle in the plains on the right
been sent to the support of Flaminius, under C. bank of the Aufidus, just below the town of Can-
Centenius, were also intercepted, and the whole of nae. We have no statement of the numbers
them cut to pieces or made prisoners. (Polyb. iii. of his army, but it is certain that it must bare
77—86 ; Liv. xxii, 1–8 ; Appian, Annib. 9, 10; been greatly inferior to that of the enemy; not-
Zonar. viii. 25. ) Hannibal's treatment of the cap- withstanding which, the excellence of his cavalry,
tives on this occasion, as well as after the battle of and the disciplined valour of his African and
the Trebia, was marked by the same policy on which Spanish infantry, gave him the most decisive vic-
he afterwards uniformly acted: the Roman citizens tory. The immense army of the Romans was
alone were retained ns prisoners, while their Italian noi only defeated, but annihilated ; and between
allies were dismissed without ransom to their re- forty and fifty thousand men are said to have fallen
spective homes. By this means he hoped to ex- in the field, among whom was the consul Aemilius
cite the nations of Italy against their Roman Paullus, both the consuls of the preceding year, the
masters, and to place himself in the position of the late master of the horse, Minucius, above eighty
leader of a national movement rather than that of senators, and a multitude of the wealthy knights
a foreign invader. It was probably in order to give who composed the Roman cavalry. The other consul,
time for this feeling to display itself, that he did Varro, escaped with a few horsemen to Venusia,
not, after so decisive a victory, push on towards and a small band of resolute men forced their way
Rome itself; but after an unsuccessful attempt from the Roman camp to Canusium ; all the rest
upon the Roman colony of Spoletium, he turned were killed, dispersed, or taken prisoners. (Polyb.
aside through the Apennines into Picenum, and ii. 107-117; Liv. xxii. 36, 38—50 ; Plut. Fab.
thence into the northern part of Apulia. Here he 14–16; Appian, Annib. 17-25; Zonar. ix. 1. )
spent a great part of the summer, and was able Hannibal has been generally blamed for not fol-
effectually to restore his troops, which had suffered lowing up his advantage at once, after so decisive
much from the hardships of their previous marches. a victory, by an immediate advance upon Rome
But no symptoms appeared of the insurrections he itself,- - a measure which was strongly urged upon
had looked for among the Italians. The Romans him by Maharbal (MAHARBAL); and we are told
had collected a fresh army; and Fabius, who had that he himself afterwards bitterly repented of his
been appointed to the command of in with the error. Whatever may be the motives that de-
title of dictator, while he prudently avoided a terred him from such a step, we cannot but be sur-
general action, was able frequently to harass and prised at his apparent inactivity after the battle.
annoy the Carthaginian army. Hannibal now, He probably expected that so brilliant a success
therefore, recrossed the Apennines, descended into would immediately produce a general rising among
the rich plains of Campania, and laid waste, with the nations of Italy, and remained for a time
out opposition, that fertile territory. But he was quietly in Apuliah until they should have had
unable either to make himself master of any of the time to declare themselves. Nor were his hopes
towns, or to draw the wary Fabius to a battle. disappointed: the Hirpinians, all the Samnites
The Roman general contented himself with occupy- (except the Pentrian tribe), and almost all the
ing the mountain passes leading from Samnium Apulians, Lucanians, and Bruttians declared in
into Campania, by which Hannibal must of neces- favour of Carthage. But though the whole of the
sity retreat, and believed that he had caught him south of Italy was thus apparently lost to the Ro
as it were in a trap; but Hannibal eluded his vigi- mans, yet the effect of this insurrection was not so
iance by an ingenious stratagem, passed the defiles decisive as it would at first appear ; for the Latin
of the Apennines without loss, and established him- colonies, which still without exception remained
self in the plains of Apulia, where he collected sup-faithful, gave the Romans a powerful hold upon the
plies from all sides, in order to prepare for the revolted provinces ; and the Greek cities on the
winter. During this operation the impatience of coast, though mostly disposed to join the Cartha-
the Romans and the rashness of Minucius (who ginians, were restrained by the presence of Roman
had been raised by the voice of popular clamour to garrisons. Hence it became necessary to support
an equality in the command with Fabius) were the insurrection in the different parts of Italy with
very near giving Hannibal the opportunity for a Carthaginian force ; and Hannibal, while he
which he was ever on the watch, to crush the himself moved forward into Samnium, detached his
Roman army by a decisive blow ; but Fabius was brother Mago into Bruttium, and Hanno, one of
able to save his colleague from destruction; and his ablest officers, into Lucania After securing the
Hannibal, after obtaining only a partial advantage,
took up his winter-quarters at the small town of • The battle of Cannae was fought, according
Geronium. (Polyb. iii. 85-94, 100-105 ; Liv. to Claudius Quadrigarius (ap. Macrob. i. 16 ; Gell.
xxii. 7—18, 23-30, 32; Plut. Fab. 3—13; Ap-v. 17. & 2), on the 2nd of August; but it seems
pian, Annib, 12-16; Zonar. viii, 25, 26. ) probable that the Roman calendar was at this
The next spring (B. C. 216) was a period of in- period considerably in advance of the true time, and
action on both sides: the Romans were engaged in that the battle was fought in reality at least as early
making preparations for bringing an unusually large as the middle of June. (See Arnold's Rome,
force into the field ; and Hannibal remained at vol. iii. p. 136; Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. p. 42;
Geronium until late in the spring, when the want where the words “ behind the true time” are eri
of provisions compelling him to move, he surprised | dently an accidental error. )
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:
submission of the Samnites, he pushed forward into | decisire events. Casilinum had fallen in the
Campania, and though foiled in the attempt to course of the winter, and with the advance of
make himself master of Neapolis, which had been spring Hannibal took up his camp on Mount
the immediate object of his advance, he was more Tifata, where, while awaiting the arrival of rein-
than compensated by the acquisition of Capua (a forcements from Carthage, he was at hand to supe
city scarcely inferior to Rome itself in importance), port his partisans in Campania, and oppose the
the gates of which were opened to him by the Roman generals in that province. But his attempts
popular party. Here, after reducing the small on Cumae and Neapolis were foiled ; and even after
towns of Nuceria and Acerrae, he established his he had been joined by a force from Carthage (very
army in winter-quarters ; while he, at the same inferior, however, to what he had expected), he
time, carried on the siege of Casilinum, a small but sustained a repulso before Nola, which was magni-
strong fortress in the immediate neighbourhood. fied by the Romans into a defeat. As the winter
(Liv. xxii. 58, 61, xxiii. 1-10, 14—18; Zonar. approached, he withdrew into Apulia, and took up
ix. 1, 2; Plut. Fab. 17. )
his quarters in the plains around Arpi
. But other
Capua was celebrated for its wealth and luxury, prospects were already opening before him ; in his
and the enervating effect which these produced camp on Tifata he had received embassies from
upon the army of Hannibal became a favourite Philip, king of Macedonia, and Hieronymus of
theme of rhetorical exaggeration in later ages. Syracuse, both of which he had eagerly welcomed ;
(Zonar. ix. 3; Florus, ii. 6. ) The futility of and thus sowed the seeds of two fresh wars, and
such declamations is sufficiently shown by the raised up two formidable enemies against the
simple fact that the superiority of that army in Roman power. (Liv. xxiii. 19, 20, 30–39, 41-
the field remained as decided as ever. Still it may 46 ; xxiv. 6 ; Plut. Marc. 10–12; Polyb. vii. 2,
be truly said that the winter spent at Capua, B. C. 9; Zonar. ix. 4. )
216–215, was in great measure the turning point These two collateral wars in some degree drew
of Hannibal's fortune, and from this time the war off the attention of both parties from that in Italy
assumed an altered character. The experiment of itself; yet the Romans still opposed to the Car-
what he could effect with his single army had now thaginian general a chain of armies which hampered
been fully tried, and, notwithstanding all his vic- all his operations ; and though Hannibal was ever
tories, it had decidedly failed; for Rome was still on the watch for the opportunity of striking a
unsubdued, and still provided with the means of blow, the campaign of 214 was still less decisive
maintaining a protracted contest. But Hannibal than that of the preceding year. Early in the
had not relied on his own forces alone, and he now summer he advanced from Apulia to his former
found himself, apparently at least, in a condition station on Mount Tifata, to watch over the safety
to commence the execution of his long-cherished of Capua ; from thence he had descended to the
plan, — that of arming Italy itself against the Ro Lake Avernus, in hopes of making himself master
mans, and crushing the ruling power by means of of Puteoli, when a prospect was held out to him of
her own subjects. It was to this object that his surprising the important city of Tarentum. Thither
attention was henceforth mainly directed ; and he hastened by forced marches, but arrived too
hence, even when apparently inactive, he was, in late,—Tarentum had been secured by a Roman
reality, occupied with the most important schemes, force. After this his operations were of little im-
and busy in raising up fresh foes to overwhelm his portauce, until he again took up his winter-quarters
antagonists. From this time, also, the Romans in Apulia (Liv. xxiv, 12, 13, 17, 20. )
in great measure changed their plan of operations, During the following summer (B. C. 213), while
and, instead of opposing to Hannibal one great all eyes were turned towards the war in Sicily,
army in the field, they hemmed in his move- Hannibal remained almost wholly inactive in the
ments on all sides, guarded all the most important neighbourhood of Tarentum, the hopes he still
towns with strong garrisons, and kept up an army entertained of making himself master of that im-
in every province of Italy, to thwart the opera- portant city rendering him unwilling to quit that
tions of his lieutenants, and check the rising dis- quarter of Italy. Fabius, who was opposed to him,
position to revolt. It is impossible here to follow in was equally inefficient ; and the capture of Arpi,
detail the complicated movements of the subse which was betrayed into his hands, was the only
quent campaigns, during which Hannibal himself advantage he was able to gain. But before the
frequently traversed Italy in all directions, appear- close of the ensuing winter Hannibal was rewarded
ing suddenly wherever his presence was called for, with the long-looked for prize, and Tarentum was
and astonishing, and often baffling, the enemy by betrayed into his hands by Nicon and Philemenus.
the rapidity of his marches. Still less can we ad The advantage, however, was still incomplete, for
vert to all the successes or defeats of his generals, a Roman garrison still held possession of the cita-
though these of necessity often influenced his own del, from which he was unable to dislodge them.
operations. All that we can do is, to notice very (Polyb. viii. 26–36; Liv. xxiv. 44-47 ; xxv. 1,
briefly the leading events which distinguished 8-11; Appian, Annib, 31-33. )
each successive campaign. But it is necessary to The next year (212) was marked by important
bear in mind, if we would rightly estimate the events. In Sicily, on the one hand, the fall of
character and genius of Hannibal, that it was not Syracuse more than counterbalanced the acquisition
only where he was present in person that his su- of Tarentum ; while in Spain, on the contrary, the
periority made itself felt: as Polybius has justly defeat and death of the two Scipios (HASDRU-
remarked (ix. 22), he was at once the author and BAL, No. 6) seemed to establish the superiority of
the presiding spirit of all that was done in this Carthage in that country, and open the way to
war against the Roman power, — in Sicily and in Hasdrubal to join his brother in Italy; a movement
Macedonia, as well as in Italy itself, from one ex. which Hannibal appears to have been already long
tremity of the peninsula to the other.
expecting. Meanwhile, the two consuls, em-
The campaign of 215 was not marked by any boldened by the apparent inactivity of the Cartha-
VOL. II.
Z
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338
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ginian general, began to draw together their forces to its fate, soon after surrendered to the Romans,
for the purpose of besieging Capua Hanno, who Hannibal once more took up his winter-quarters in
was despatched thither by Hannibal with a large Apulia. (Liv. xxvi. 4–14; Polyb. ix. 3—7;
convoy of stores and provisions, was defeated, and Appian, Annib. 38–43; Zonar. ix. 6. )
the object of his march frustrated ; and though The commencement of the next season (210)
another officer of the same name, with a body of was marked by the fall of Salapia, which was bé
Carthaginian and Numidian troops, threw himself trayed by the inhabitants to Marcellus; but this loss
into the city, the Romans still threatened it with was soon avenged by the total defeat and destruo-
a siege, and Hannibal himself was compelled to tion of the army of the proconsul Cn. Fulvius at
advance to its relief. By this movement he for a Herdonea. Marcellus, on his part, carefully avoided
time checked the operations of the consuls, and an action for the rest of the campaign, while he
compelled them to withdraw; but he was unable harassed his opponent by every possible means.
to bring either of them to battle. Centenius, a Thus the rest of that summer, too, wore away
centurion, who had obtained the command of a without any important results. But this state of
force of 8000 men, was more confident ; he ven- comparative inactivity was necessarily injurious to
tured an engagement with Hannibal, and paid the the cause of Hannibal : the nations of Italy that
penalty of his rashness by the loss of his army had espoused that cause when triumphant, now
and his life. This success was soon followed by a began to waver in their attachment ; and, in the
more important victory over the practor Cn. Ful- course of the following summer (209), the Samnites
vius at Herdonea in Apulia, in which the army of and Lucanians submitted to Rome, and were ad-
the latter was utterly destroyed, and 20,000 men mitted to favourable terms. A still more disastrous
cut to pieces. But while Hannibal was thus em- blow to the Carthagininn cause was the loss of
ployed elsewhere, he was unable to prevent the Tarentum, which was betrayed into the hands of
consuls from effectually forming the siege of Capua, Fabius, as it had been into those of Hannibal.
and surrounding that city with a double line of in vain did the latter seek to draw the Roman
intrenchments. (Liv. xxv. 13-15, 18--22. ) general into a snare ; the wary Fabius eluded his
His power in the south had been increased toils. But Marcellus, after a pretended victory
during this campaign by the important accession of over Hannibal during the earlier part of the cam-
Metapontum and Thurii: but the citadel of Taren-paign, had shut himself up within the walls of
tum still held out, and, with a view to urge the Venusia, and remained there in utter inactivity.
siege of this fortress by his presence, Hannibal Hannibal meanwhile still traversed ine open coun-
spent the winter, and the whole of the ensuing try unopposed, and laid waste the territories of his
spring (211), in its immediate neighbourhood. But enemies. Yet we cannot suppose that he any longer
as the season advanced, the pressing danger of looked for ultimate success from any efforts of his
Capna once more summoned him to its relief. He own: his object was, doubtless, now only to maine
accordingly presented himself before the Roman tain his ground in the south until his brother Has-
camp, and attacked their lines from without, while drubal should appear in the north of Italy, an event
the garrison co-operated with him by a vigorous to which he had long looked forward with anxious
sally from the walls. Both attacks were, however, expectation. (Liv. xxvii. 1, 2, 4, 12—16, 20;
repulsed, and Hannibal, thus foiled in his attempt | Plut. Fab. 19, 21-23, Marc. 24—27; Appian,
to raise the siege by direct means, determined on Annib. 45–50 ; Zonar. ix. 7, 8. )
the bold manoeuvre of marching directly upon Rome Yet the following summer (208) was not an-
itself, in hopes of thus compelling the consuls to marked by some brilliant achievements. The
abandon their designs upon Capua, in order to Romans having formed the siege of Locri, a legion,
provide for the defence of the city. But this daring which was despatched to their support from Taren-
scheme was again frustrated : the appearance of tum, was intercepted in its march, and utterly de
Hannibal before the gates of Rome for a moment stroyed; and not long afterwards the two consuls,
struck terror through the city, but a considerable Crispinus and Marcellus, who, with their united
body of troops was at the time within the walls, armies, were opposed to Hannibal in Lucania, al-
and the consul, Fulvius Flaccus, as soon as he lowed themselves to be led into an ambush, in
heard of Hannibal's march, hastened, with a por- which Marcellus was killed, and Crispinus mortally
tion of the besieging army, from Capua, while he wounded. After this the Roman armies withdrew,
still left with the other consul a force amply suf while Hannibal hastened to Locri, and not only
ficient to carry on the siege. Hannibal was thus raised the siege, but utterly destroyed the besieging
disappointed in the main object of his advance, and army. Thus he again found himself undisputed
he bad no means of effecting any thing against master of the south of Italy during the remainder
Rome itself, where Fulvius and Fabius confined of this campaign. (Liv. xxvii. 25—28 ; Polyb.
themselves strictly to the defensive, allowing him x. 32 ; Plut. Marc. 29 ; Appian, Anrib. 50 ;
to rarage the whole country, up to the very walls Zonar. ix. 9. )
of Rome, without opposition. Nothing therefore Of the two consuls of the ensuing year (207),
remained for him but to retreat, and he accordingly C. Nero was opposed to Hannibal, while M. Livius
recrossed the Anio, and marched slowly and sul was appointed to take the field against Hasdrubal,
lenly through the land of the Sabines and Samnites, who had at length crossed the Alps, and descended
ravaging the country which he traversed, and into Cisalpine Gaul. [HASDRUBAL, No. 6. ) AC-
closely followed by the Roman consul, upon whom cording to Livy (xxvii.
39), Hannibal was apprised
he at length turned suddenly, and, by a night of his brother's arrival at Placentia before he had
attack, very nearly destroyed his whole army. himself moved from his winter-quarters; but it is
When he had thus reached Apulia, he made from difficult to believe that, if this had been the case,
thence a forced march into Bruttium, in hopes of he would not have made more energetic efforts to
surprising Rhegium ; but here he was again foiled, join him. If we can trust the narrative transmitted
and Capua, which he was now compelled to abandon to us, which is certainly in many respects unsatis-
:
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HANNIBAL.
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HANNIBAL.
factory, Hannibal spent much time in various unim- , to the strong city of Hadrimetum. The circum-
portant movements, before he advanced northwards stances of the campaign which followed are very
into Apulia, where he was met by the Roman differently related, nor will our space allow us to
consul, and not only held in check, but so effectu- enter into any discussion of the details. Some of
ally deceived, that he knew nothing of Nero's these, especially the well-known account of the in-
march to support his colleague until after his return, terview between Scipio and Hannibal, savour
and the first tidings of the battle of the Metaurus strongly of romance, notwithstanding the high au-
were conveyed to him by the sight of the head of thority of Polybius. (Comp. Polyb. xv. 1-9;
Hasdrubal. (Liv. xxvii. 40–51 ; Polyb. xi. 1-3; Liv. xxx. 25—32 ; Appian, Pun. 33—41; Zonar.
Appian, Annib. 52 ; Zonar. ix. 9. )
ix. 13. ) The decisive action was fought at a place
But, whatever exaggeration we may justly sus called Namgara, not far from the city of Zama ;
pect in this relation, it is not the less certain that and Hannibal, according to the express testimony
the defeat and death of Hasdrubal was decisive of of his antagonist, displayed on this occasion all the
the fate of the war in Italy, and the conduct of qualities of a consummate general. But he was
Hannibal shows that he felt it to be such. From now particularly deficient in that formidable cavalry
this time he abandoned all thoughts of offensive which had so often decided the victory in his fa-
operations, and, withdrawing his garrisons from rour: his elephants, of which he had a grent num-
Metapontum, and other towns that he still held in ber, were rendered unavailing by the skilful ma-
Lucania, collected together his forces within the nagement of Scipio, and the battle ended in his
peninsula of Bruttium. In the fastnesses of that complete defeat, notwithstanding the heroic ex-
wild and mountainous region be maintained his ertions of his veteran infantry. Twenty thousand
ground for nearly four years, while the towns that of his men fell on the field of battle ; as many more
he still possessed on the coast gave him the com- were made prisoners, and Hannibal himself with
mand of the sea. Of the events of these four years difficulty escaped the pursuit of Masinissa, and
(B. C. 207–203) we know but little. It appears filed with a few horsemen to Hadrumetum. Here
that the Romans at first contented themselves with he succeeded in collecting about 6000 men, the
shutting him up within the peninsula, but gradually remnant of his scattered army, with which he re-
began to encroach upon these bounds; and though paired to Carthage. But all hopes of resistance
the statements of their repeated victories are doubt were now at an end, and he was one of the first to
less gross exaggerations, if not altogether unfounded, urge the necessity of an immediate peace. Much
yet the successive loss of Locri, Consentia, and time, however, appears to have been occupied in
Pandosia, besides other smaller towns, must have the negotiations for this purpose ; and the treaty
hemmed him in within limits continually narrow- was not finally concluded until the year after the
ing. Crotona seems to have been his chief strong- battle of Zama (B. C. 201). (Polyb. xv. 10–19;
hold, and centre of operations ; and it was during Liv. XXX. 33–44 ; Appian, Pun. 42–66; Zonar.
this period that he erected, in the temple of the ix. 14. )
Lacinian Juno, near that city, a column bearing an By this treaty Hannibal saw the object of his
inscription which recorded the leading events of his whole life frustrated, and Carthage effectually hum-
memorable expedition. To this important monu- bled before her imperious rival. But his enmity
ment, which was seen and consulted by Polybins, to Rome was unabated; and though now more
we are indebted for many of the statements of that than 45 years old, he set himself to work, like his
author. (Polyb. iii. 33, 56 ; Liv. xxvü. 51, xxviii. father, Hamilcar, after the end of the first Punic
12, 46 ; xxix. 7, 36. )
war, to prepare the means for renewing the contest
It is difficult to judge whether it was the ex- at no distant period. His first measures related to
pectation of effective assistance from Carthage, or the internal affairs of Carthage, and were directed
the hopes of a fresh diversion being operated by to the reform of abuses in the administration, and
Mago in the north, that induced Hannibal to cling the introduction of certain constitutional changes,
so pertinaciously to the corner of Italy that he still which our imperfect knowledge of the government
held. It is certain that he was at any time free to of Carthage does not enable us clearly to under.
quit it; and when he was at length induced to stand. We are told that after the termination of
comply with the urgent request of the Carthaginian the war with Rome, Hannibal was assailed by the
government that he should return to Africa to make opposite faction with charges of remissness, and
head against Scipio, he was able to embark his even treachery, in his command-accusations so
troops without an attempt at opposition. (Liv. xxx. obviously false, that they appear to have recoiled
19, 20. ) His departure from Italy seems, indeed, on the heads of his accusers; and he was not only
to have been the great object of desire with the acquitted, but shortly afterwards was raised to the
Romans. For more than fifteen years had he chief magistracy of the republic, the office styled by
carried on the war in that country, laying it waste Livy praetor-by which it is probable that he
from one extremity to the other, and during all this means one of the suffetes. (Liv. xxxiii. 46 ; Corn.
period his superiority in the field had been uncon- Nep. Hann. 7 ; Zonar. ix. 14. ) But the virtual
tested. (Polyb. x. 33, xr. 11; Corn. Nep. Hann. 5. ) control of the whole government had at this time
The Romans calculated that in these fifteen years been assumed by the assembly of judges (ordo
their losses in the field alone had amounted to not judicum (Liv. I. c. ) apparently the same with the
less than 300,000 men (Appian, Pun. 134); a Council of One hundred ; see Justin. xix. 2, and
statement which will hardly appear exaggerated, Aristot, Pol. ii. 11), evidently a high aristocratic
when we consider the continual combats in which body; and it was only by the overthrow of this
they were engaged by their ever-watchful foe. power that Hannibal was enabled to introduce
Hannibal landed, with the small but veteran order into the finances of the state, and thus pre-
army which he was able to bring with him from pare the way for the gradual restoration of the re-
luly, at Leptis, in Africa, apparently before the public. But though he succeeded in accomplishing
close of the year 203. From thence he proceeded this object, and in introducing the most beneficial
:
z 2
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340
HANNIBAL.
HANNIBAL.
1
teforms, such a revolution could not but irritate the impossible, took poison, to avoid falling into the
adverse faction, and they soon found an opportu- hands of his enemies. (Liv. Ixxix. 51; Cnr.
nity of avenging themselves, by denouncing him to Nep. Hann. 12; Justin. xxxii. 4. § 8; Plut. Fla-
the Romans as engaged in negotiations with Antio- min. 20 ; Zonar. ix. 21. ) The year of his death
chus 111. king of Syria, to induce him to take up is uncertain, having been a subject of much dispute
arms against Rome. (Liv. xxxiii. 45). There can among the Roman chronologers. The testimony of
be little doubt that the charge was well founded, Polybius on the point, which would have appeared
and Hannibal saw that his enemies were too strong conclusive, is doubtful. From the expressions of
for bim. No sooner, therefore, did the Roman Liry, we should certainly have inferred that he
envoys appear at Carthage than he secretly took to placed the death of Hannibal, together with those
flight, and escaped by sea to the island of Cercina, of Scipio and Philopoemen, in the consulship of
from whence he repaired to Tyre, and thence again, M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Fabius Labeo (B. C.
after a short interval, to the court of Antiochus at 183); and this, which was the date adopted by
Ephesus. The Syrian monarch was at this time Atticus, appears on the whole the most probable ;
(B. c. 193) on the eve of war with Rome, though but Comelius Nepos expressly says that Polybius
hostilities had not actually commenced. Hence assigned it to the following year (182), and Sub-
Hannibal was welcomed with the utmost honours. picius to the year after that (8. c. 181). (Corn.
But Antiochus, partly perhaps from incapacity, Nep. Hann. 13; Liv. xxxix 50, 52; Clinton,
partly also from personal jealousy, encoumged by F. H. vol. iii. p. 72). The scene of his death and
ihe intrigues of his courtiers, could not be induced burial was a village named Libyssa, on the coast of
to listen to bis judicious counsels, the wisdom of Bithynia. (Plut. Flamin. 20; Appian, Syr. 11;
which he was compelled to acknowledge when too Zonar. ix. 21. )
late. Hannibal in vain urged the necessity of car- Hannibal's character has been very variously
rying the war at once into Italy, instead of await- estimated by different writers. A man who had
ing the Romans in Greece. The king could not rendered himself 60 formidable to the Roman
be persuaded to place a force at his disposal for this power, and had wrought them such extensive mis-
purpose, and sent him instead to assemble a fleet chief, could hardly fail to be the object of the
for him from the cities of Phoenicia. This Hannibal falsest calumnies and misrepresentations during his
effected, and took the command of it in person ; but life ; and there can be no doubt that many such
his previous habits could bave little qualified him were recorded in the pages of the historian Fabius,
for this service, and he was defeated by the Rhodian and have been transmitted to us by Appian and
fleet in an action near Side. But unimportant as Zonaras. He was judged with less passion, and
his services in this war appear to have been, he on the whole with great impartiality, by Polybius.
was still regarded by the Romans with such appre (ix 22—26, xi. 19, xxiv. 9. An able review of
hension, that his surrender was one of the conditions his character will be found also in Dion Cassius,
of the peace granted to Antiochus after his defeat Exc. Peiresc. 47, Exc. Vat. 67. ) But that writer
at Magnesia, B. c. 190. (Polyb. xxi. 14, xxii. 26. ) tells us that he was accused of avarice by the Car-
Hannibal, however, foresaw his danger, and made thaginians, and of cruelty by the Romans. Many
his escape to Crete, from whence he afterwards instances of the latter are certainly recorded by the
repaired to the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia Roman historians ; but even if we were content to
Another account represents him as repairing from admit them all as true (and many of them are even
the court of Antiochus to Armenia, where it is said demonstrably false), they do not exceed, or even
he found refuge for a time with Artaxias, one of equal what the same writers have related of their
the generals of Antiochus who had revolted from own generals: and severity, often degenerating
his master, and that he superintended the found into cruelty, seems to have been so characteristic of
ation of Artaxata, the new capital of the Ar the Carthaginians in general, that Hannibal's con-
menian kingdom. (Strab. xi. p. 528 ; Plut. duct in this respect, as compared with that of his
Lucull. 31. ) In any case it was with Prusias countrymen, deserves to be regarded as a favour-
that he ultimately took up his abode. That able exception. We find him readily entering into
monarch was in a state of hostility with Eumenes, an agreement with Fabius for an exchange of pri-
the faithful ally of Rome, and on that account soners; and it was only the sternness of the Ro
unfriendly at least to the Romans. Here, there mans themselves that prevented the same humane
fore, he found for some years a secure asylum, arrangements from being carried throughout the
during which time we are told that he commanded On many occasions too his generous sym-
the fleet of Prusias in a naval action against Eu- pathy for his fallen foes bears witness of a noble
menes, and gained a victory over that monarch, spirit ; and his treatment of the dead bodies of
absurdly attributed by Cornelius Nepos and Justin Flaminius, of Gracchus, and of Marcellus (Lir.
to the stratagem of throwing vessels filled with xxii. 7, xxv. 17; Plut. Marc. 30), contrasts most
serpents into the enemy's ships! (Liv. xxxiii. favourably with the barbarity of Claudius Nero to
47–49, xxxiv. 60, 61, xxxv. 19, 42, 43, xxxvi. that of Hasdrubal. The charge of avarice appears
7, 15, xxxvii. 8, 23, 24; Appian, Syr. 4, 7, to have been as little founded : of such a vice in
10, 11, 14, 22; Zonar. ix. 18, 20; Corn. Nep.
himself; thousands more perished in the lake, and two Roman consuls, L. Aemilius Paullus and C.
no less than 15,000 prisoners fell into the hands | Terentius Varro, arrived at the head of an army of
of Hannibal, who on his side is said to have lost little less than 90,000 men. To this mighty host
only 1500 men. A body of 4000 horse, who had Hannibal gave battle in the plains on the right
been sent to the support of Flaminius, under C. bank of the Aufidus, just below the town of Can-
Centenius, were also intercepted, and the whole of nae. We have no statement of the numbers
them cut to pieces or made prisoners. (Polyb. iii. of his army, but it is certain that it must bare
77—86 ; Liv. xxii, 1–8 ; Appian, Annib. 9, 10; been greatly inferior to that of the enemy; not-
Zonar. viii. 25. ) Hannibal's treatment of the cap- withstanding which, the excellence of his cavalry,
tives on this occasion, as well as after the battle of and the disciplined valour of his African and
the Trebia, was marked by the same policy on which Spanish infantry, gave him the most decisive vic-
he afterwards uniformly acted: the Roman citizens tory. The immense army of the Romans was
alone were retained ns prisoners, while their Italian noi only defeated, but annihilated ; and between
allies were dismissed without ransom to their re- forty and fifty thousand men are said to have fallen
spective homes. By this means he hoped to ex- in the field, among whom was the consul Aemilius
cite the nations of Italy against their Roman Paullus, both the consuls of the preceding year, the
masters, and to place himself in the position of the late master of the horse, Minucius, above eighty
leader of a national movement rather than that of senators, and a multitude of the wealthy knights
a foreign invader. It was probably in order to give who composed the Roman cavalry. The other consul,
time for this feeling to display itself, that he did Varro, escaped with a few horsemen to Venusia,
not, after so decisive a victory, push on towards and a small band of resolute men forced their way
Rome itself; but after an unsuccessful attempt from the Roman camp to Canusium ; all the rest
upon the Roman colony of Spoletium, he turned were killed, dispersed, or taken prisoners. (Polyb.
aside through the Apennines into Picenum, and ii. 107-117; Liv. xxii. 36, 38—50 ; Plut. Fab.
thence into the northern part of Apulia. Here he 14–16; Appian, Annib. 17-25; Zonar. ix. 1. )
spent a great part of the summer, and was able Hannibal has been generally blamed for not fol-
effectually to restore his troops, which had suffered lowing up his advantage at once, after so decisive
much from the hardships of their previous marches. a victory, by an immediate advance upon Rome
But no symptoms appeared of the insurrections he itself,- - a measure which was strongly urged upon
had looked for among the Italians. The Romans him by Maharbal (MAHARBAL); and we are told
had collected a fresh army; and Fabius, who had that he himself afterwards bitterly repented of his
been appointed to the command of in with the error. Whatever may be the motives that de-
title of dictator, while he prudently avoided a terred him from such a step, we cannot but be sur-
general action, was able frequently to harass and prised at his apparent inactivity after the battle.
annoy the Carthaginian army. Hannibal now, He probably expected that so brilliant a success
therefore, recrossed the Apennines, descended into would immediately produce a general rising among
the rich plains of Campania, and laid waste, with the nations of Italy, and remained for a time
out opposition, that fertile territory. But he was quietly in Apuliah until they should have had
unable either to make himself master of any of the time to declare themselves. Nor were his hopes
towns, or to draw the wary Fabius to a battle. disappointed: the Hirpinians, all the Samnites
The Roman general contented himself with occupy- (except the Pentrian tribe), and almost all the
ing the mountain passes leading from Samnium Apulians, Lucanians, and Bruttians declared in
into Campania, by which Hannibal must of neces- favour of Carthage. But though the whole of the
sity retreat, and believed that he had caught him south of Italy was thus apparently lost to the Ro
as it were in a trap; but Hannibal eluded his vigi- mans, yet the effect of this insurrection was not so
iance by an ingenious stratagem, passed the defiles decisive as it would at first appear ; for the Latin
of the Apennines without loss, and established him- colonies, which still without exception remained
self in the plains of Apulia, where he collected sup-faithful, gave the Romans a powerful hold upon the
plies from all sides, in order to prepare for the revolted provinces ; and the Greek cities on the
winter. During this operation the impatience of coast, though mostly disposed to join the Cartha-
the Romans and the rashness of Minucius (who ginians, were restrained by the presence of Roman
had been raised by the voice of popular clamour to garrisons. Hence it became necessary to support
an equality in the command with Fabius) were the insurrection in the different parts of Italy with
very near giving Hannibal the opportunity for a Carthaginian force ; and Hannibal, while he
which he was ever on the watch, to crush the himself moved forward into Samnium, detached his
Roman army by a decisive blow ; but Fabius was brother Mago into Bruttium, and Hanno, one of
able to save his colleague from destruction; and his ablest officers, into Lucania After securing the
Hannibal, after obtaining only a partial advantage,
took up his winter-quarters at the small town of • The battle of Cannae was fought, according
Geronium. (Polyb. iii. 85-94, 100-105 ; Liv. to Claudius Quadrigarius (ap. Macrob. i. 16 ; Gell.
xxii. 7—18, 23-30, 32; Plut. Fab. 3—13; Ap-v. 17. & 2), on the 2nd of August; but it seems
pian, Annib, 12-16; Zonar. viii, 25, 26. ) probable that the Roman calendar was at this
The next spring (B. C. 216) was a period of in- period considerably in advance of the true time, and
action on both sides: the Romans were engaged in that the battle was fought in reality at least as early
making preparations for bringing an unusually large as the middle of June. (See Arnold's Rome,
force into the field ; and Hannibal remained at vol. iii. p. 136; Clinton, F. H. vol. iii. p. 42;
Geronium until late in the spring, when the want where the words “ behind the true time” are eri
of provisions compelling him to move, he surprised | dently an accidental error. )
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:
submission of the Samnites, he pushed forward into | decisire events. Casilinum had fallen in the
Campania, and though foiled in the attempt to course of the winter, and with the advance of
make himself master of Neapolis, which had been spring Hannibal took up his camp on Mount
the immediate object of his advance, he was more Tifata, where, while awaiting the arrival of rein-
than compensated by the acquisition of Capua (a forcements from Carthage, he was at hand to supe
city scarcely inferior to Rome itself in importance), port his partisans in Campania, and oppose the
the gates of which were opened to him by the Roman generals in that province. But his attempts
popular party. Here, after reducing the small on Cumae and Neapolis were foiled ; and even after
towns of Nuceria and Acerrae, he established his he had been joined by a force from Carthage (very
army in winter-quarters ; while he, at the same inferior, however, to what he had expected), he
time, carried on the siege of Casilinum, a small but sustained a repulso before Nola, which was magni-
strong fortress in the immediate neighbourhood. fied by the Romans into a defeat. As the winter
(Liv. xxii. 58, 61, xxiii. 1-10, 14—18; Zonar. approached, he withdrew into Apulia, and took up
ix. 1, 2; Plut. Fab. 17. )
his quarters in the plains around Arpi
. But other
Capua was celebrated for its wealth and luxury, prospects were already opening before him ; in his
and the enervating effect which these produced camp on Tifata he had received embassies from
upon the army of Hannibal became a favourite Philip, king of Macedonia, and Hieronymus of
theme of rhetorical exaggeration in later ages. Syracuse, both of which he had eagerly welcomed ;
(Zonar. ix. 3; Florus, ii. 6. ) The futility of and thus sowed the seeds of two fresh wars, and
such declamations is sufficiently shown by the raised up two formidable enemies against the
simple fact that the superiority of that army in Roman power. (Liv. xxiii. 19, 20, 30–39, 41-
the field remained as decided as ever. Still it may 46 ; xxiv. 6 ; Plut. Marc. 10–12; Polyb. vii. 2,
be truly said that the winter spent at Capua, B. C. 9; Zonar. ix. 4. )
216–215, was in great measure the turning point These two collateral wars in some degree drew
of Hannibal's fortune, and from this time the war off the attention of both parties from that in Italy
assumed an altered character. The experiment of itself; yet the Romans still opposed to the Car-
what he could effect with his single army had now thaginian general a chain of armies which hampered
been fully tried, and, notwithstanding all his vic- all his operations ; and though Hannibal was ever
tories, it had decidedly failed; for Rome was still on the watch for the opportunity of striking a
unsubdued, and still provided with the means of blow, the campaign of 214 was still less decisive
maintaining a protracted contest. But Hannibal than that of the preceding year. Early in the
had not relied on his own forces alone, and he now summer he advanced from Apulia to his former
found himself, apparently at least, in a condition station on Mount Tifata, to watch over the safety
to commence the execution of his long-cherished of Capua ; from thence he had descended to the
plan, — that of arming Italy itself against the Ro Lake Avernus, in hopes of making himself master
mans, and crushing the ruling power by means of of Puteoli, when a prospect was held out to him of
her own subjects. It was to this object that his surprising the important city of Tarentum. Thither
attention was henceforth mainly directed ; and he hastened by forced marches, but arrived too
hence, even when apparently inactive, he was, in late,—Tarentum had been secured by a Roman
reality, occupied with the most important schemes, force. After this his operations were of little im-
and busy in raising up fresh foes to overwhelm his portauce, until he again took up his winter-quarters
antagonists. From this time, also, the Romans in Apulia (Liv. xxiv, 12, 13, 17, 20. )
in great measure changed their plan of operations, During the following summer (B. C. 213), while
and, instead of opposing to Hannibal one great all eyes were turned towards the war in Sicily,
army in the field, they hemmed in his move- Hannibal remained almost wholly inactive in the
ments on all sides, guarded all the most important neighbourhood of Tarentum, the hopes he still
towns with strong garrisons, and kept up an army entertained of making himself master of that im-
in every province of Italy, to thwart the opera- portant city rendering him unwilling to quit that
tions of his lieutenants, and check the rising dis- quarter of Italy. Fabius, who was opposed to him,
position to revolt. It is impossible here to follow in was equally inefficient ; and the capture of Arpi,
detail the complicated movements of the subse which was betrayed into his hands, was the only
quent campaigns, during which Hannibal himself advantage he was able to gain. But before the
frequently traversed Italy in all directions, appear- close of the ensuing winter Hannibal was rewarded
ing suddenly wherever his presence was called for, with the long-looked for prize, and Tarentum was
and astonishing, and often baffling, the enemy by betrayed into his hands by Nicon and Philemenus.
the rapidity of his marches. Still less can we ad The advantage, however, was still incomplete, for
vert to all the successes or defeats of his generals, a Roman garrison still held possession of the cita-
though these of necessity often influenced his own del, from which he was unable to dislodge them.
operations. All that we can do is, to notice very (Polyb. viii. 26–36; Liv. xxiv. 44-47 ; xxv. 1,
briefly the leading events which distinguished 8-11; Appian, Annib, 31-33. )
each successive campaign. But it is necessary to The next year (212) was marked by important
bear in mind, if we would rightly estimate the events. In Sicily, on the one hand, the fall of
character and genius of Hannibal, that it was not Syracuse more than counterbalanced the acquisition
only where he was present in person that his su- of Tarentum ; while in Spain, on the contrary, the
periority made itself felt: as Polybius has justly defeat and death of the two Scipios (HASDRU-
remarked (ix. 22), he was at once the author and BAL, No. 6) seemed to establish the superiority of
the presiding spirit of all that was done in this Carthage in that country, and open the way to
war against the Roman power, — in Sicily and in Hasdrubal to join his brother in Italy; a movement
Macedonia, as well as in Italy itself, from one ex. which Hannibal appears to have been already long
tremity of the peninsula to the other.
expecting. Meanwhile, the two consuls, em-
The campaign of 215 was not marked by any boldened by the apparent inactivity of the Cartha-
VOL. II.
Z
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338
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HANNIBAL
ginian general, began to draw together their forces to its fate, soon after surrendered to the Romans,
for the purpose of besieging Capua Hanno, who Hannibal once more took up his winter-quarters in
was despatched thither by Hannibal with a large Apulia. (Liv. xxvi. 4–14; Polyb. ix. 3—7;
convoy of stores and provisions, was defeated, and Appian, Annib. 38–43; Zonar. ix. 6. )
the object of his march frustrated ; and though The commencement of the next season (210)
another officer of the same name, with a body of was marked by the fall of Salapia, which was bé
Carthaginian and Numidian troops, threw himself trayed by the inhabitants to Marcellus; but this loss
into the city, the Romans still threatened it with was soon avenged by the total defeat and destruo-
a siege, and Hannibal himself was compelled to tion of the army of the proconsul Cn. Fulvius at
advance to its relief. By this movement he for a Herdonea. Marcellus, on his part, carefully avoided
time checked the operations of the consuls, and an action for the rest of the campaign, while he
compelled them to withdraw; but he was unable harassed his opponent by every possible means.
to bring either of them to battle. Centenius, a Thus the rest of that summer, too, wore away
centurion, who had obtained the command of a without any important results. But this state of
force of 8000 men, was more confident ; he ven- comparative inactivity was necessarily injurious to
tured an engagement with Hannibal, and paid the the cause of Hannibal : the nations of Italy that
penalty of his rashness by the loss of his army had espoused that cause when triumphant, now
and his life. This success was soon followed by a began to waver in their attachment ; and, in the
more important victory over the practor Cn. Ful- course of the following summer (209), the Samnites
vius at Herdonea in Apulia, in which the army of and Lucanians submitted to Rome, and were ad-
the latter was utterly destroyed, and 20,000 men mitted to favourable terms. A still more disastrous
cut to pieces. But while Hannibal was thus em- blow to the Carthagininn cause was the loss of
ployed elsewhere, he was unable to prevent the Tarentum, which was betrayed into the hands of
consuls from effectually forming the siege of Capua, Fabius, as it had been into those of Hannibal.
and surrounding that city with a double line of in vain did the latter seek to draw the Roman
intrenchments. (Liv. xxv. 13-15, 18--22. ) general into a snare ; the wary Fabius eluded his
His power in the south had been increased toils. But Marcellus, after a pretended victory
during this campaign by the important accession of over Hannibal during the earlier part of the cam-
Metapontum and Thurii: but the citadel of Taren-paign, had shut himself up within the walls of
tum still held out, and, with a view to urge the Venusia, and remained there in utter inactivity.
siege of this fortress by his presence, Hannibal Hannibal meanwhile still traversed ine open coun-
spent the winter, and the whole of the ensuing try unopposed, and laid waste the territories of his
spring (211), in its immediate neighbourhood. But enemies. Yet we cannot suppose that he any longer
as the season advanced, the pressing danger of looked for ultimate success from any efforts of his
Capna once more summoned him to its relief. He own: his object was, doubtless, now only to maine
accordingly presented himself before the Roman tain his ground in the south until his brother Has-
camp, and attacked their lines from without, while drubal should appear in the north of Italy, an event
the garrison co-operated with him by a vigorous to which he had long looked forward with anxious
sally from the walls. Both attacks were, however, expectation. (Liv. xxvii. 1, 2, 4, 12—16, 20;
repulsed, and Hannibal, thus foiled in his attempt | Plut. Fab. 19, 21-23, Marc. 24—27; Appian,
to raise the siege by direct means, determined on Annib. 45–50 ; Zonar. ix. 7, 8. )
the bold manoeuvre of marching directly upon Rome Yet the following summer (208) was not an-
itself, in hopes of thus compelling the consuls to marked by some brilliant achievements. The
abandon their designs upon Capua, in order to Romans having formed the siege of Locri, a legion,
provide for the defence of the city. But this daring which was despatched to their support from Taren-
scheme was again frustrated : the appearance of tum, was intercepted in its march, and utterly de
Hannibal before the gates of Rome for a moment stroyed; and not long afterwards the two consuls,
struck terror through the city, but a considerable Crispinus and Marcellus, who, with their united
body of troops was at the time within the walls, armies, were opposed to Hannibal in Lucania, al-
and the consul, Fulvius Flaccus, as soon as he lowed themselves to be led into an ambush, in
heard of Hannibal's march, hastened, with a por- which Marcellus was killed, and Crispinus mortally
tion of the besieging army, from Capua, while he wounded. After this the Roman armies withdrew,
still left with the other consul a force amply suf while Hannibal hastened to Locri, and not only
ficient to carry on the siege. Hannibal was thus raised the siege, but utterly destroyed the besieging
disappointed in the main object of his advance, and army. Thus he again found himself undisputed
he bad no means of effecting any thing against master of the south of Italy during the remainder
Rome itself, where Fulvius and Fabius confined of this campaign. (Liv. xxvii. 25—28 ; Polyb.
themselves strictly to the defensive, allowing him x. 32 ; Plut. Marc. 29 ; Appian, Anrib. 50 ;
to rarage the whole country, up to the very walls Zonar. ix. 9. )
of Rome, without opposition. Nothing therefore Of the two consuls of the ensuing year (207),
remained for him but to retreat, and he accordingly C. Nero was opposed to Hannibal, while M. Livius
recrossed the Anio, and marched slowly and sul was appointed to take the field against Hasdrubal,
lenly through the land of the Sabines and Samnites, who had at length crossed the Alps, and descended
ravaging the country which he traversed, and into Cisalpine Gaul. [HASDRUBAL, No. 6. ) AC-
closely followed by the Roman consul, upon whom cording to Livy (xxvii.
39), Hannibal was apprised
he at length turned suddenly, and, by a night of his brother's arrival at Placentia before he had
attack, very nearly destroyed his whole army. himself moved from his winter-quarters; but it is
When he had thus reached Apulia, he made from difficult to believe that, if this had been the case,
thence a forced march into Bruttium, in hopes of he would not have made more energetic efforts to
surprising Rhegium ; but here he was again foiled, join him. If we can trust the narrative transmitted
and Capua, which he was now compelled to abandon to us, which is certainly in many respects unsatis-
:
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339
HANNIBAL.
factory, Hannibal spent much time in various unim- , to the strong city of Hadrimetum. The circum-
portant movements, before he advanced northwards stances of the campaign which followed are very
into Apulia, where he was met by the Roman differently related, nor will our space allow us to
consul, and not only held in check, but so effectu- enter into any discussion of the details. Some of
ally deceived, that he knew nothing of Nero's these, especially the well-known account of the in-
march to support his colleague until after his return, terview between Scipio and Hannibal, savour
and the first tidings of the battle of the Metaurus strongly of romance, notwithstanding the high au-
were conveyed to him by the sight of the head of thority of Polybius. (Comp. Polyb. xv. 1-9;
Hasdrubal. (Liv. xxvii. 40–51 ; Polyb. xi. 1-3; Liv. xxx. 25—32 ; Appian, Pun. 33—41; Zonar.
Appian, Annib. 52 ; Zonar. ix. 9. )
ix. 13. ) The decisive action was fought at a place
But, whatever exaggeration we may justly sus called Namgara, not far from the city of Zama ;
pect in this relation, it is not the less certain that and Hannibal, according to the express testimony
the defeat and death of Hasdrubal was decisive of of his antagonist, displayed on this occasion all the
the fate of the war in Italy, and the conduct of qualities of a consummate general. But he was
Hannibal shows that he felt it to be such. From now particularly deficient in that formidable cavalry
this time he abandoned all thoughts of offensive which had so often decided the victory in his fa-
operations, and, withdrawing his garrisons from rour: his elephants, of which he had a grent num-
Metapontum, and other towns that he still held in ber, were rendered unavailing by the skilful ma-
Lucania, collected together his forces within the nagement of Scipio, and the battle ended in his
peninsula of Bruttium. In the fastnesses of that complete defeat, notwithstanding the heroic ex-
wild and mountainous region be maintained his ertions of his veteran infantry. Twenty thousand
ground for nearly four years, while the towns that of his men fell on the field of battle ; as many more
he still possessed on the coast gave him the com- were made prisoners, and Hannibal himself with
mand of the sea. Of the events of these four years difficulty escaped the pursuit of Masinissa, and
(B. C. 207–203) we know but little. It appears filed with a few horsemen to Hadrumetum. Here
that the Romans at first contented themselves with he succeeded in collecting about 6000 men, the
shutting him up within the peninsula, but gradually remnant of his scattered army, with which he re-
began to encroach upon these bounds; and though paired to Carthage. But all hopes of resistance
the statements of their repeated victories are doubt were now at an end, and he was one of the first to
less gross exaggerations, if not altogether unfounded, urge the necessity of an immediate peace. Much
yet the successive loss of Locri, Consentia, and time, however, appears to have been occupied in
Pandosia, besides other smaller towns, must have the negotiations for this purpose ; and the treaty
hemmed him in within limits continually narrow- was not finally concluded until the year after the
ing. Crotona seems to have been his chief strong- battle of Zama (B. C. 201). (Polyb. xv. 10–19;
hold, and centre of operations ; and it was during Liv. XXX. 33–44 ; Appian, Pun. 42–66; Zonar.
this period that he erected, in the temple of the ix. 14. )
Lacinian Juno, near that city, a column bearing an By this treaty Hannibal saw the object of his
inscription which recorded the leading events of his whole life frustrated, and Carthage effectually hum-
memorable expedition. To this important monu- bled before her imperious rival. But his enmity
ment, which was seen and consulted by Polybins, to Rome was unabated; and though now more
we are indebted for many of the statements of that than 45 years old, he set himself to work, like his
author. (Polyb. iii. 33, 56 ; Liv. xxvü. 51, xxviii. father, Hamilcar, after the end of the first Punic
12, 46 ; xxix. 7, 36. )
war, to prepare the means for renewing the contest
It is difficult to judge whether it was the ex- at no distant period. His first measures related to
pectation of effective assistance from Carthage, or the internal affairs of Carthage, and were directed
the hopes of a fresh diversion being operated by to the reform of abuses in the administration, and
Mago in the north, that induced Hannibal to cling the introduction of certain constitutional changes,
so pertinaciously to the corner of Italy that he still which our imperfect knowledge of the government
held. It is certain that he was at any time free to of Carthage does not enable us clearly to under.
quit it; and when he was at length induced to stand. We are told that after the termination of
comply with the urgent request of the Carthaginian the war with Rome, Hannibal was assailed by the
government that he should return to Africa to make opposite faction with charges of remissness, and
head against Scipio, he was able to embark his even treachery, in his command-accusations so
troops without an attempt at opposition. (Liv. xxx. obviously false, that they appear to have recoiled
19, 20. ) His departure from Italy seems, indeed, on the heads of his accusers; and he was not only
to have been the great object of desire with the acquitted, but shortly afterwards was raised to the
Romans. For more than fifteen years had he chief magistracy of the republic, the office styled by
carried on the war in that country, laying it waste Livy praetor-by which it is probable that he
from one extremity to the other, and during all this means one of the suffetes. (Liv. xxxiii. 46 ; Corn.
period his superiority in the field had been uncon- Nep. Hann. 7 ; Zonar. ix. 14. ) But the virtual
tested. (Polyb. x. 33, xr. 11; Corn. Nep. Hann. 5. ) control of the whole government had at this time
The Romans calculated that in these fifteen years been assumed by the assembly of judges (ordo
their losses in the field alone had amounted to not judicum (Liv. I. c. ) apparently the same with the
less than 300,000 men (Appian, Pun. 134); a Council of One hundred ; see Justin. xix. 2, and
statement which will hardly appear exaggerated, Aristot, Pol. ii. 11), evidently a high aristocratic
when we consider the continual combats in which body; and it was only by the overthrow of this
they were engaged by their ever-watchful foe. power that Hannibal was enabled to introduce
Hannibal landed, with the small but veteran order into the finances of the state, and thus pre-
army which he was able to bring with him from pare the way for the gradual restoration of the re-
luly, at Leptis, in Africa, apparently before the public. But though he succeeded in accomplishing
close of the year 203. From thence he proceeded this object, and in introducing the most beneficial
:
z 2
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HANNIBAL.
HANNIBAL.
1
teforms, such a revolution could not but irritate the impossible, took poison, to avoid falling into the
adverse faction, and they soon found an opportu- hands of his enemies. (Liv. Ixxix. 51; Cnr.
nity of avenging themselves, by denouncing him to Nep. Hann. 12; Justin. xxxii. 4. § 8; Plut. Fla-
the Romans as engaged in negotiations with Antio- min. 20 ; Zonar. ix. 21. ) The year of his death
chus 111. king of Syria, to induce him to take up is uncertain, having been a subject of much dispute
arms against Rome. (Liv. xxxiii. 45). There can among the Roman chronologers. The testimony of
be little doubt that the charge was well founded, Polybius on the point, which would have appeared
and Hannibal saw that his enemies were too strong conclusive, is doubtful. From the expressions of
for bim. No sooner, therefore, did the Roman Liry, we should certainly have inferred that he
envoys appear at Carthage than he secretly took to placed the death of Hannibal, together with those
flight, and escaped by sea to the island of Cercina, of Scipio and Philopoemen, in the consulship of
from whence he repaired to Tyre, and thence again, M. Claudius Marcellus and Q. Fabius Labeo (B. C.
after a short interval, to the court of Antiochus at 183); and this, which was the date adopted by
Ephesus. The Syrian monarch was at this time Atticus, appears on the whole the most probable ;
(B. c. 193) on the eve of war with Rome, though but Comelius Nepos expressly says that Polybius
hostilities had not actually commenced. Hence assigned it to the following year (182), and Sub-
Hannibal was welcomed with the utmost honours. picius to the year after that (8. c. 181). (Corn.
But Antiochus, partly perhaps from incapacity, Nep. Hann. 13; Liv. xxxix 50, 52; Clinton,
partly also from personal jealousy, encoumged by F. H. vol. iii. p. 72). The scene of his death and
ihe intrigues of his courtiers, could not be induced burial was a village named Libyssa, on the coast of
to listen to bis judicious counsels, the wisdom of Bithynia. (Plut. Flamin. 20; Appian, Syr. 11;
which he was compelled to acknowledge when too Zonar. ix. 21. )
late. Hannibal in vain urged the necessity of car- Hannibal's character has been very variously
rying the war at once into Italy, instead of await- estimated by different writers. A man who had
ing the Romans in Greece. The king could not rendered himself 60 formidable to the Roman
be persuaded to place a force at his disposal for this power, and had wrought them such extensive mis-
purpose, and sent him instead to assemble a fleet chief, could hardly fail to be the object of the
for him from the cities of Phoenicia. This Hannibal falsest calumnies and misrepresentations during his
effected, and took the command of it in person ; but life ; and there can be no doubt that many such
his previous habits could bave little qualified him were recorded in the pages of the historian Fabius,
for this service, and he was defeated by the Rhodian and have been transmitted to us by Appian and
fleet in an action near Side. But unimportant as Zonaras. He was judged with less passion, and
his services in this war appear to have been, he on the whole with great impartiality, by Polybius.
was still regarded by the Romans with such appre (ix 22—26, xi. 19, xxiv. 9. An able review of
hension, that his surrender was one of the conditions his character will be found also in Dion Cassius,
of the peace granted to Antiochus after his defeat Exc. Peiresc. 47, Exc. Vat. 67. ) But that writer
at Magnesia, B. c. 190. (Polyb. xxi. 14, xxii. 26. ) tells us that he was accused of avarice by the Car-
Hannibal, however, foresaw his danger, and made thaginians, and of cruelty by the Romans. Many
his escape to Crete, from whence he afterwards instances of the latter are certainly recorded by the
repaired to the court of Prusias, king of Bithynia Roman historians ; but even if we were content to
Another account represents him as repairing from admit them all as true (and many of them are even
the court of Antiochus to Armenia, where it is said demonstrably false), they do not exceed, or even
he found refuge for a time with Artaxias, one of equal what the same writers have related of their
the generals of Antiochus who had revolted from own generals: and severity, often degenerating
his master, and that he superintended the found into cruelty, seems to have been so characteristic of
ation of Artaxata, the new capital of the Ar the Carthaginians in general, that Hannibal's con-
menian kingdom. (Strab. xi. p. 528 ; Plut. duct in this respect, as compared with that of his
Lucull. 31. ) In any case it was with Prusias countrymen, deserves to be regarded as a favour-
that he ultimately took up his abode. That able exception. We find him readily entering into
monarch was in a state of hostility with Eumenes, an agreement with Fabius for an exchange of pri-
the faithful ally of Rome, and on that account soners; and it was only the sternness of the Ro
unfriendly at least to the Romans. Here, there mans themselves that prevented the same humane
fore, he found for some years a secure asylum, arrangements from being carried throughout the
during which time we are told that he commanded On many occasions too his generous sym-
the fleet of Prusias in a naval action against Eu- pathy for his fallen foes bears witness of a noble
menes, and gained a victory over that monarch, spirit ; and his treatment of the dead bodies of
absurdly attributed by Cornelius Nepos and Justin Flaminius, of Gracchus, and of Marcellus (Lir.
to the stratagem of throwing vessels filled with xxii. 7, xxv. 17; Plut. Marc. 30), contrasts most
serpents into the enemy's ships! (Liv. xxxiii. favourably with the barbarity of Claudius Nero to
47–49, xxxiv. 60, 61, xxxv. 19, 42, 43, xxxvi. that of Hasdrubal. The charge of avarice appears
7, 15, xxxvii. 8, 23, 24; Appian, Syr. 4, 7, to have been as little founded : of such a vice in
10, 11, 14, 22; Zonar. ix. 18, 20; Corn. Nep.
