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THOMAS AQUINAS

These honors were merited by a remarkable combination of ability
and virtue. To an absolute purity of life, St. Thomas added an
earnest love of truth and of labor. Calm in the midst of discussion,
he was equally proof against the danger of brilliant success. As
the friend of popes and princes, he might have attained the highest
dignities; but these he steadfastly declined, devoting himself, so far as
his duty permitted, to scientific pursuits. Judged by his writings, he
was intense yet thoroughly objective, firm in his own position but
dispassionate in treating the opinions of others. Conclusions reached


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THOMAS AQUINAS
by daring speculation and faultless logic are stated simply, imper-
sonally. Keen replies are given without bitterness, and the boldest
efforts of reason are united with the submissiveness of faith.
His works fill twenty-five large quarto volumes of the Parma edi-
tion. This is, so far, the most complete collection, though various
portions have been edited from time to time with the commentaries
of learned theologians like Cajetan and Sylvius. Partial translations
have also been made into several modern languages; but as yet there
is no complete English edition of St. Thomas.
Turning to the Latin text, the student cannot but notice the con-
trast between the easy diction of modern philosophical writers and
the rugged conciseness of the mediæval Schoolman. On the other
hand, disappointment awaits those who quit the pages of Cicero for
the less elegant Latinity of the Middle Ages. What can be said in
favor of scholastic "style" is that it expresses clearly and tersely the
subtle shades of thought which had developed through thirteen cen-
turies, and which often necessitated a sacrifice of classic form. With
the Schoolmen, as with modern writers on scientific subjects, precis-
ion was the first requisite, and terminology was of more consequence
than literary beauty.
Similar standards must be kept in view when we pass judgment
upon the technique of St. Thomas. In his presentation we find
neither the eloquence nor the rhetoric of the Fathers. He quotes
them continually, and in some of his works adopts their division
into books and chapters. But his exposition is more compact, con-
sisting at times of clear-cut arguments in series without an attempt
at transition, at other times of sustained reasoning processes in which
no phrase is superfluous and no word ambiguous. Elsewhere he uses
the more rigid mold which was peculiar to the Scholastic Period, and
had been fashioned chiefly by Alexander Hales. Each subject is
divided into so many "questions," and each question into so many
"articles. " The "article" begins with the statement of objections,
then discusses various opinions, establishes the author's position, and
closes with a solution of the difficulties which that position may en-
counter. This method had its advantages. It facilitated analysis,
and obliged the writer to examine every aspect of a problem. . It
secured breadth of view and thoroughness of treatment. It was, espe-
cially, a transparent medium for reason, unbiased by either sentiment
or verbiage.
If such qualities of style and presentation were encouraged by the
environment in which Aquinas pursued his earlier studies, they were
also helpful in the task which he chose as his life-work. This was
the construction of a system in which all the elements of knowledge
should be harmoniously united. An undertaking so vast necessitated


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a long preparation, the study of all available sources, and the eluci-
dation of many detailed problems. Hence, a considerable portion of
St. Thomas's works is taken up with the explanation of Peter Lom-
bard's 'Sententiæ,' with Commentaries on Aristotle, with Expositions
of Sacred Scripture, collections from the Fathers, and various opuscula
or studies on special subjects. Under the title 'Quæstiones Dispu-
tatæ,' numerous problems in philosophy and theology are discussed
at length. But the synthetic power of Aquinas is shown chiefly in
the 'Contra Gentes' and the Summa Theologica,' the former being
a defense of Christian belief with special reference to Arabian
philosophy, and the latter a masterly compendium of rational and
revealed truth.
The conception of the 'Summa' was not altogether original. From
the earliest days of the Church, men of genius had insisted on the
reasonableness of Christian belief by showing that, though super-
natural in its origin, it did not conflict with either the facts or the
laws of human knowledge. And as these had found their highest
expression in Greek philosophy, it was natural that this philosophy
should serve as a basis for the elucidation of revealed truth. The
early Fathers turned to Plato, not only because his teaching was
so spiritual, but also because it could be so readily used as a frame-
work for those theological concepts which Christianity had brought
into the world. Thus adopted by men who were recognized authorities
in the Church,—especially men like Augustine and the Areopagite,—
Platonism endured for centuries as the rational element in dogmatic
exposition.
Scholasticism inaugurated a new era. Patristic erudition had
gathered a wealth of theological knowledge which the Schoolmen
fully appreciated. But the same truths were to receive another set-
ting and be treated by different methods. Speculation changed its
direction, Aristotle taking the place of his master. The peripatetic
system found able exponents in the earlier Scholastics; but Aquinas
surpassed them alike in the mastery of the philosopher's principles
and in his application of these principles to Christian doctrine. His
Commentaries on Aristotle adhere strictly to the text, dissecting its
meaning and throwing into relief the orderly sequence of ideas. In
his other works, he develops the germs of thought which he had
gathered from the Stagirite, and makes them the groundwork of his
philosophical and theological speculations.
With the subtlety of a metaphysician St. Thomas combined a vast
erudition. Quotations from the Fathers appear on nearly every page
of his writings, serving either as a keynote to the discussion which
follows, or as an occasion for solving objections. Toward St. Augus-
tine he shows the deepest reverence, though their methods differ so


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THOMAS AQUINAS
widely, and his brief but lucid comments throw light on difficult
sayings of the great Doctor. His familiarity with patristic theology
is shown particularly in the 'Catena Aurea,' where he links with
passages from the Sacred Text numerous extracts from the older
commentators.
His respect for these interpretations did not prevent him from
making a thorough search of Scripture itself. With characteristic.
clearness and depth he interpreted various books of the Bible, insist-
ing chiefly on the doctrinal meaning. The best of his work in this
line was devoted to the Pauline Epistles and to the Book of Job; but
his mastery of each tex is no less evident where he takes the
authority of Scripture as the starting-point in theological argument,
or makes it the crowning evidence at the close of a philosophical
demonstration.
The materials gathered from Philosophy, Tradition, and Scripture
were the fruit of analysis; the final synthesis had yet to be accom-
plished. This was the scope of the Summa Theologica,' a work
which, though it was not completed, is the greatest production of
Thomas Aquinas. In the prologue he says:-
"Since the teacher of Catholic truth should instruct not only those who
are advanced, but also those who are beginning, it is our purpose in this work
to treat subjects pertaining to the Christian religion in a manner adapted to
the instruction of beginners. For we have considered that young students
encounter various obstacles in the writings of different authors: partly because
of the multiplication of useless questions, articles, and arguments; partly
because the essentials of knowledge are dealt with, not in scientific order, but
according as the explanation of books required or an occasion for disputing
offered; partly because the frequent repetition of the same things begets
weariness and confusion in the hearer's mind. Endeavoring, therefore, to
avoid these defects and others of a like nature, we shall try, with confidence
in the Divine assistance, to treat of sacred science briefly and clearly, so far
as the subject-matter will allow. "
The work intended for novices in theology, and so unpretentiously
opened, is then portioned out in these words:-
-
"Whereas, the chief aim of this science is to impart a knowledge of God,
not only as existing in Himself, but also as the origin and end of all things,
and especially of rational creatures, we therefore shall treat first of God;
second, of the rational creature's tendency toward God; third, of Christ, who
as man is the way whereby we approach unto God. Concerning God, we
shall consider (1) those things which pertain to the Divine Essence; (2) those
which regard the distinction of persons; (3) those which concern the origin of
creatures from Him. As to the Divine Essence we shall inquire (1) whether
God exists; (2) what is, or rather what is not, the manner of His existence;
(3) how He acts through His knowledge, will, and power. Under the first


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617
heading we shall ask whether God's existence is self-evident, whether it can
be demonstrated, and whether God does exist. "
Similar subdivisions precede each question as it comes up for dis-
cussion, so that the student is enabled to take a comprehensive view,
and perceive the bearing of one problem on another as well as its
place in the wide domain of theology. As a consequence, those who
are familiar with the 'Summa' find in it an object-lesson of breadth,
proportion, and orderly thinking. Its chief merit, however, lies in
the fact that it is the most complete and systematic exhibition of the
harmony between reason and faith. In it, more than in any other
of his works, is displayed the mind of its author. It determines his
place in the history of thought, and closes what may be called the
second period in the development of Christian theology. Scholasti-
cism, the high point of intellectual activity in the Church, reached
its culmination in Thomas Aquinas.
His works have been a rich source of information for Catholic
theologians, and his opinions have always commanded respect. The
polemics of the sixteenth century brought about a change in theo-
logical methods, the positive and critical elements becoming more
prominent. Modern rationalism, however, has intensified the dis-
cussion of those fundamental problems which St. Thomas handled
so thoroughly. As his writings furnish both a forcible statement of
the Catholic position and satisfactory replies to many current objec-
tions, the Thomistic system has recently been restored. The "neo-
scholastic movement" was initiated by Leo XIII. in his Encyclical
'Æterni Patris,' dated August 4th, 1879, and its rapid growth has
made Aquinas the model of Catholic thought in the nineteenth cen-
tury, as he certainly was in the thirteenth.
The subjoined extracts show his views on some questions of actual
importance, with regard not alone to mediæval controversies, but to
the problems of the universe, which will press on the minds of men
twenty-five hundred years in the future as they did twenty-five hun-
dred years in the past.
бли. а. Расе


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THOMAS AQUINAS
ON THE VALUE OF OUR CONCEPTS OF THE DEITY
Part I-From the Summa Theologica'
IT
T IS obvious that terms implying negation or extrinsic relation
in no way signify the divine substance, but simply the removal
of some attribute from Him, or His relation with other beings,
or rather the relation of other beings with Him. As to appella-
tions that are absolute and positive,― such as good, wise, and the
like,- various opinions have been entertained. It was held by
some that these terms, though used affirmatively, were in reality
devised for the purpose of elimination, and not with the intent of
positive attribution. Hence, they claimed, when we say that God
is a living being, we mean that God's existence is not that of
inanimate things; and so on for other predicates. This was the
position of Rabbi Moses. According to another view these terms
are employed to denote a relation between God and creatures; so
that for instance, when we say, God is good, we mean, God is the
cause of goodness in all things.
Both interpretations, however, are open to a threefold objec-
tion. For, in the first place, neither can offer any explanation of
the fact that certain terms are applied to the Deity in preference
to others. As He is the source of all good, so He is the cause
of all things corporeal; consequently, if by affirming that God is
good we merely imply that He is the cause of goodness, we might
with equal reason assert that He is a corporeal being.
Again, the inference from these positions would be that all
terms applied to God have only a secondary import, such, for
instance, as we give to the word healthy, as applied to medicine;
whereby we signify that it is productive of health in the organism,
while the organism itself is said, properly and primarily, to be
healthy.
In the third place, these interpretations distort the meaning of
those who employ such terms in regard to the Deity. For, when
they declare that He is the living God, they certainly mean some-
thing else than that He is the cause of our life or that He is
different from inanimate bodies.
We are obliged, therefore, to take another view, and to affirm
that such terms denote the substantial nature of God, but that, at
the same time, their representative force is deficient. They express
the knowledge which our intellect has of God; and since this
·


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619
knowledge is gotten from created things, we know Him according
to the measure in which creatures represent Him. Now God,
absolutely and in all respects perfect, possesses every perfection
that is found in His creatures. Each created thing, therefore,
inasmuch as it has some perfection, resembles and manifests the
Deity; not as a being of the same species or genus with itself,
but as a supereminent source from which are derived its effects.
They represent Him, in a word, just as the energy of the terres-
trial elements represents the energy of the sun.
Our manner of speech, therefore, denotes the substance of God,
yet denotes it imperfectly, because creatures are imperfect mani-
festations of Him. When we say that God is good, we do not
mean that He is the cause of goodness or that He is not evil.
Our meaning is this: What we call goodness in creatures pre-
exists in God in a far higher way. Whence it follows, not that
God is good because He is the source of good, but rather, because
He is good, He imparts goodness to all things else; as St. Augus-
tine says,
"Inasmuch as He is good, we are. "
HOW CAN THE ABSOLUTE BE A CAUSE?
From the Quæstiones Disputatæ
THE
HE relations which are spoken of as existing between God and
creatures are not really in Him. A real relation is that
which exists between two things. It is mutual or bilateral
then, only when its basis in both correlates is the same. Such
is the case in all quantitive relations. Quantity being essentially
the same in all quanta, gives rise to relations which are real in
both terms-in the part, for instance, and in the whole, in the
unit of measurement and in that which is measured.
But where a relation originates in causation, as between that
which is active and that which is passive, it does not always
concern both terms. True, that which is acted upon, or set
in motion, or produced, must be related to the source of these
modifications, since every effect is dependent upon its cause.
And
it is equally true that such causes or agencies are in some cases
related to their effects, namely, when the production of those
effects redounds in some way to the well-being of the cause itself.
This is evidently what happens when like begets like, and thereby
perpetuates, so far as may be, its own species.
There


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THOMAS AQUINAS
are cases, nevertheless, in which a thing, without being related,
has other things related to it. The cognizing subject is related
to that which is the object of cognition-to a thing which is
outside the mind. But the thing itself is in no way affected by
this cognition, since the mental process is confined to the mind,
and therefore does not bring about any change in the object.
Hence the relation established by the act of knowing cannot be
in that which is known.
The same holds good of sensation. For though the physical
object sets up changes in the sense-organ, and is related to it as
other physical agencies are related to the things on which they
act, still, the sensation implies, over and above the organic
change, a subjective activity of which the external activity is
altogether devoid. Likewise, we say that a man is at the right
of a pillar because, with his power of locomotion, he can take
his stand at the right or the left, before or behind, above or
below. But obviously these relations, vary them as we will,
imply nothing in the stationary pillar, though they are real in
the man who holds or changes his position. Once more, a coin
has nothing to do with the action that gives it its value, since
this action is a human convention; and a man is quite apart
from the process which produces his image. Between a man and
his portrait there is a relation, but this is real in the portrait
only. Between the coin and its current value there is a relation,
but this is not real in the coin.
Now for the application. God's action is not to be understood
as going out from Him and terminating in that which He creates.
His action is Himself; consequently altogether apart from the
genus of created being whereby the creature is related to Him.
And again, he gains nothing by creating, or, as Avicenna puts it,
His creative action is in the highest degree generous. It is also
manifest that His action involves no modification of His being —
without changing, He causes the changeable. Consequently,
though creatures are related to Him, as effects to their cause, He
is not really related to them.


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621
ON THE PRODUCTION OF LIVING THINGS
From the Quæstiones Disputatæ›
A
CCORDING to Augustine, the passage "Let the earth bring
forth the green herb" means, not that plants were then
actually produced in their proper nature, but that a germi-
native power was given the earth to produce plants by the work
of propagation; so that the earth is then said to have brought
forth the green herb and the fruit-yielding tree, inasmuch as it
received the power of producing them. This position is strength-
ened by the authority of Scripture (Gen. ii. 4):-"These are
the generations of the heaven and the earth, when they were
created, in the day that the Lord God made the heaven and the
earth, and every plant in the field before it sprang up in the
earth, and every herb in the ground before it grew. " From this.
text we infer, first, that all the works of the six days were
created in the day that God made heaven and earth and every
plant of the field; and consequently that all plants, which are said
to have been created on the third day, were produced at the
same time that God created heaven and earth. The second infer-
ence is that plants were then produced not actually, but only
according to causal virtues, in that the power to produce them
was given to the earth. And this is meant when it is said that
He produced every plant of the field before it actually arose upon
the earth by His dispositive action, and every herb of the earth
before it actually grew. Hence, before they came forth in real-
ity, they were made causally in the earth.
This view, moreover, is supported by reason. For in those
first days God made the creature either in its cause, or in its
origin, or in its actuality, by the work from which He afterward
rested; He nevertheless works even till now in the administra-
tion of things created by the work of propagation. To this latter
process belongs the actual production of plants from the earth,
because all that is needed to bring them forth is the energy of
the heavenly bodies as their father, so to say, and the power of
the earth in place of a mother. Plants, therefore, were produced
on the third day, not actually, but causally. After the six days,
however, they were actually brought forth, according to their
proper species and in their proper nature, by the work of admin-
istration.


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622
THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
BY RICHARD GOTTHEIL
HE Arabian Nights-or, more accurately, The Thousand
Nights and a Night' (Alf Leilah wa-leílah)-have gained a
popularity in Europe, since they were first turned into a
modern language by Galland in 1704, which rivals, if it does not
exceed, their regard in the East. They opened up to Europe a
wealth of anecdote, a fertility of daring fancy, which has not ceased
to amuse and to interest. It is not their value as literature which
has placed them so high in the popular esteem, both in the East and
in the West; for they are written in a style not a little slovenly, the
same scenes, figures, and expressions are repeated to monotony, and
the poetical extracts which are interwoven are often of very uncertain
excellence. Some of the modern translations-as by Payne and
Burton-have improved upon the original, and have often given it a
literary flavor which it certainly has not in the Arabic. For this
reason, native historians and writers seldom range the stories in their
literary chronicles, or even deign to mention them by name. The
'Nights have become popular from the very fact that they affect
little; that they are contes pure and simple, picturing the men and
the manners of a certain time without any attempt to gloss over
their faults or to excuse their foibles: so that "the doings of the
ancients become a lesson to those that follow after, that men look
upon the admonitory events that have happened to others and take
warning. " All classes of men are to be found there: Harun al-Rashid
and his viziers, as well as the baker, the cobbler, the merchant, the
courtesan. The very coarseness is a part of the picture; though it
strikes us more forcibly than it did those to whom the tales were
told and for whom they were written down. It is a kaleidoscope of
the errors and failings and virtues of the men whose daily life it
records; it is also a picture of the wonderfully rich fantasy of the
Oriental mind.
In the better texts (i e. , of Boulak and Calcutta) there are no less
than about two hundred and fifty stories; some long, others short.
There is no direct order in which they follow one upon the other.
The chief story may at any moment suggest a subordinate one; and
as the work proceeds, the looseness and disconnectedness of the parts
increase. The whole is held together by a "frame"; a device which
has passed into the epic of Ariosto (Orlando Furioso,' xxviii. ), and
which is not unlike that used by Boccaccio (Decameron') and


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THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
623
Chaucer ('Canterbury Tales'). This "frame" is, in short:- A certain
king of India, Shahriyar, aroused by his wife's infidelity, determines
to make an end of all the women in his kingdom. As often as he
takes a wife, on the morrow he orders her slain. Shahrzad, the
daughter of his Vizier, takes upon herself the task of ridding the
king of his evil intent. On the night of her marriage to the king,
she, together with her sister Dunyazad, so engrosses his mind with
her stories that the king seeks their continuance night after night;
thus she wards off her fate for nearly three years. At the end of
that time she has borne the king three male children; and has, by
the sprightliness of her mind, gradually drawn all the conceit out of
him, so that his land is at rest. The tales told within this frame
may be divided into: (a) Histories, or long romances, which are often
founded upon historical facts; (b) Anecdotes and short stories, which
deal largely with the caliphs of the house of Abbas; (c) Romantic
fiction, which, though freely mingled with supernatural intervention,
may also be purely fictitious (contes fantastiques); (d) Fables and Apo-
logues; (e) Tales, which serve the teller as the peg upon which to
hang and to exhibit his varied learning. In addition to this "frame,"
there is a thread running through the whole; for the grand theme
which is played with so many variations is the picturing of love-
in the palace and in the hovel, in the city and in the desert. The
scenes are laid in all the four corners of the globe, but especially in
the two great centres of Muhammadan activity, Bagdad and Cairo.
It is not a matter of chance that Harun al-Rashid is the Caliph to
whom the legends of the 'Nights' have given a crown so very dif-
ferent from the one which he really wore. Though his character
was often far from that which is pictured here, he was still a patron
of art and of literature. His time was the heyday of Muhammadan
splendor; and his city was the metropolis to which the merchants and
the scholars flocked from the length and breadth of Arab dominion.
To unravel the literary history of such a collection is difficult
indeed, for it has drawn upon all civilizations and all literatures.
But since Hammer-Purgstall and De Sacy began to unwind the skein,
many additional turns have been given. The idea of the "frame" in
general comes undoubtedly from India; and such stories as 'The
Barber's Fifth Brother,' 'The Prince and the Afrit's Mistress,' have
been "traced back to the Hitopadesa, Panchatantra, and Katha Sarit
Sagara. " The Story of the King, his Seven Viziers, his Son, and his
Favorite,' is but a late version, through the Pahlavi, of the Indian
Sindibad Romance of the time of Alexander the Great. A number
of fables are easily paralleled by those in the famous collection of
Bidpai (see the list in Jacobs's 'The Fables of Bidpai,' London, 1888,
lxviii. ). This is probably true of the whole little collection of beast


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THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
fables in the One Hundred and Forty-sixth Night; for such fables
are based upon the different reincarnations of the Buddha and the
doctrine of metempsychosis. The story of Jali'ad and the Vizier
Shammas is distinctly reported to have been translated from the
Persian into Arabic. Even Greek sources have not been left un-
touched, if the picture of the cannibal in the adventures of Sindbad
the Sailor be really a reflex of the story of Odysseus and Polyphe-
mus. Arabic historians such as Tabari, Masudi, Kazwini, al-Jaúzi —
and the Kitab al-Aghani, have furnished innumerable anecdotes and
tales; while such old Arabic poets as Imr al-Kais, 'Alkamah, Nabhi-
ghah, etc. , have contributed occasional verses.
It is manifest that such a mass of tales and stories was not com-
posed at any one time, or in any one place. Many must have floated
around in drinking-rooms and in houses of revelry for a long time
before they were put into one collection. Even to this day the story
of Ali Baba is current among the Bedouins in Sinai. Whenever the
digest was first made, it is certain that stories were added at a later
time. This is evident from the divergences seen in the different
manuscripts, and by the additional stories collected by Payne and
Burton. But in their present form, everything points to the final
redaction of the 'Nights' in Egypt.
Of all the cities mentioned,
Cairo is described the most minutely; the manners and customs of
the persona are those of Egyptian society-say from the thirteenth
to the sixteenth century. For this we have the warrant of Mr. Lane,
than whom no one is to be heard upon this subject with greater
respect. That such stories as these were popular in Egypt seems to
follow from the fact that the only mention of them is found in Ma-
krisi's 'Description of Cairo' (1400) and in Abu al-Mahasin, another
historian of Egypt (1470). The collection cannot have been made
later than 1548, the date placed by a reader on the manuscript used
by Galland. But that its date is not much earlier is shown by
various chance references. The mention of coffee (discovered in the
fourteenth century); of cannon (first mentioned in Egypt in 1383);
of the wearing of different-colored garments by Muslims, Jews, and
Christians (instituted in 1301 by Muhammad ibn Kelaün); of the
order of Carandaliyyah (which did not exist until the thirteenth
century); of Sultani peaches (the city Sultaniyyah was founded in
the middle of the thirteenth century) - point to the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries as the approximate date of the final composition
of the 'Nights. ' This is supported by the mention of the office of
the Sheikh al-Islam, an office not created before the year 1453.
Additions, such as the 'Story of Abu Ker and Abu Zer,' were made
as late as the sixteenth century; and tobacco, which is mentioned,
was not introduced into Europe until the year 1560. The thirteenth,
-


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THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
625
fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries are a period of the revival of
letters in Egypt, which might well have induced some Arab lover of
folk-lore to write down a complete copy of these tales. The Emperor
Salah-al-din (1169) is the last historical personage mentioned, and
there is absolutely no trace of Shiite heresy to be found in the
whole collection. This omission would be impossible had they been
gathered up at the time of the heretical Fatimide dynasty (900-1171).
But it seems equally certain that the 'Nights' did not originate
altogether in the land of the Nile. The figure of Harun al-Rashid,
the many doings in the "City of Peace" (Bagdad), lead us irresistibly
over to the Eastern capital of the Muhammadan Empire. The geniï
and Afrits and much of the gorgeous picturing remind one of Persia,
or at least of Persian influence. The Arabs were largely indebted to
Persia for literature of a kind like this; and we know that during the
ninth and tenth centuries many books were translated from the Pah-
lavi and Syriac. Thus Ibn al-Mukaffah (760) gave the Arabs the
'Kholanamah,' the 'Amirnamah' (Mirror of Princes), 'Kalilah,' and
'Dimnan,' etc. The historian Masudi (943) expressly refers the story
of the Thousand and One Nights' to a Persian original. "The first
who composed such tales and made use of them were the ancient
Persians. The Arabs translated them, and made others like them. "
He then continues (Prairies d'Or,' ed. De Meynard) and mentions
the book 'Hezar Afsane,' which means "a thousand tales,"
a book
popularly called the Thousand and One Nights,' and containing the
story of the king and his vizier, and of his daughter Shirazaad and
her slave-girl Dinazad. Other books of the same kind are the book
of Simas, containing stories of Indian kings and viziers, the book of
Sindibad, etc.
(
(See also Hanzæ Ispahanensis Annalium,' ed. Gott-
waldt, 1844, page 41. ) A similar statement is made by Abu Yakub
al-Nadim (987) in the 'Fihrist' (ed. Flügel, page 304): — "This book,
'Hezar Afsane,' is said to have been written by the Princess Homai
(or Homain), daughter of Bahman. It comprises a Thousand Nights,
but less than two hundred stories; for a night story often was related
in a number of nights. I have seen it many times complete; but it
is in truth a meagre and uninteresting publication. " A translation
of the 'Hezar Afsane' was made into Arabic, and it is again men-
tioned in the middle of the twelfth century by Abdulhec al-Házraji;
but neither it nor the original Pahlavi has yet been found. It thus
remains a matter of speculation as to how much of the 'Hezar
Afsane' has found its way into the 'Nights. ' It is evident that to it
they are indebted for the whole general idea, for many of the prin-
cipal names, and probably for the groundwork of a great many of the
stories. The change of the title from The Thousand' to 'The
Thousand and One' is due to the fact that the Arabs often expressed
11-40


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626
THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
"a large number" by this second cipher. But the 'Nights' cannot be
a translation from the Persian; for the other two books mentioned by
Masudi are in the Arabic collection. Lane supposes the relationship
to be that of the 'Æneid' to the 'Odyssey. ' But it is probably closer:
one fifth of the collection which, according to Payne, is common to
all manuscripts, will doubtless be found to be based on the Pahlavi
original. That the dependence is not greater is evident from the
absence of the great heroes of the Persian Epos - Feridun, Zer,
Isfandyar, etc. The heroes are all Arabs; the life depicted is wholly
Arabic.
The original Persian Nights' must be quite old. Homai, the
Persian Semiramis, is mentioned in the Avesta '; and in Firdausi
she is the daughter and the wife of Artaxerxes Longimanus (B. C.
465-425). Her mother was a Jewess, Shahrazaad, one of the captives
brought from Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar; she afterward delivered
her nation from captivity. Tabari calls Esther, of Old Testament
fame, the mother of Bahman; and Professor de Goeje (de Gids, 1886,
iii. 385) has cleverly identified the Homai of the old 'Nights,' not
only with Shahrazaad of the Arabian, but also with Esther of the
Bible. That his argument holds good is seen from its acceptance
by Kuenen ('Hist. Krit. Einleitung,' 1, 2, page 222), August Müller
(Deutsche Rundschau, 1887), and Darmesteter ('Actes du Huitième
Congrès des Orientalistes,' 1893, ii. 196).
The best translations of the 'Nights' have been made by Antoine
Galland in French (12 vols. , Paris, 1704-1712); by G. Weil in Ger-
man (4 vols. , 1838-1842); and in English by E. W. Lane (3 vols. ,
1839-1841), John Payne (13 vols. , 1882-1884), and Richard Burton (16
vols. , 1885-1888). Lane's and Burton's translations are enriched by
copious notes of great value.
Richard Gottheil
FROM THE STORY OF THE CITY OF BRASS'
Part of Nights 566 and 578: Translation of E. W. Lane
THE
HERE was in olden time, and in an ancient age and period, in
Damascus of Syria, a King, one of the Khaleefehs, named
Abd-El-Melik, the son of Marwán; and he was sitting, one
day, having with him the great men of his empire, consisting of
Kings and Sultans, when a discussion took place among them
respecting the traditions of former nations. They called to mind


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THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
627
the stories of our lord Suleyman the son of Daood (on both of
whom be peace! ) and the dominion and authority which God
(whose name be exalted! ) had bestowed upon him, over mankind.
and the Jinn and the birds and the wild beasts and other
things; and they said, We have heard from those who were be-
fore us, that God (whose perfection be extolled, and whose name
be exalted! ) bestowed not upon any one the like of that which
He bestowed upon our lord Suleymán, and that he attained to
that to which none other attained, so that he used to imprison
the Jinn and the Márids and the Devils in bottles of brass, and
pour molten lead over them, and seal this cover over them with
his signet.
And the Prince of the Faithful, Abd-El-Melik, the son of
Marwán, wondered at these words, and said, Extolled be the
perfection of God! Suleyman was endowed with a mighty domin-
ion! And among those who were present in that assembly was
En-Fábighah Edh-Dhubyánee; and he said, Tálib hath spoken
truth in that which he hath related, and the proof of his veracity
is the saying of the Wise, the First [thus versified ]:-
-
And [consider ] Suleymán, when the Deity said to him, Perform
the office of Khaleefeh, and govern with diligence;
And whoso obeyeth thee, honor him for doing so; and whoso
disobeyeth thee, imprison him forever.
He used to put them into bottles of brass, and to cast them into
the sea.
And the Prince of the Faithful approved of these words, and
said, By Allah, I desire to see some of these bottles! So Tálib
the son of Sahl replied, O Prince of the Faithful, thou art able
to do so and yet remain in thy country. Send to thy brother
Abd-El-Azeez, the son of Marwán, desiring him to bring them.
to thee from the Western Country, that he may write orders to
Moosà to journey from the Western Country, to this mountain
which we have mentioned, and to bring thee what thou desirest
of these bottles; for the furthest tract of his province is adjacent
to this mountain. And the Prince of the Faithful approved of
his advice, and said, O Tálib, thou has spoken truth in that
which thou hast said, and I desire that thou be my messenger to
Moosà the son of Nuseyr for this purpose, and thou shalt have a
white ensign, together with what thou shalt desire of wealth or
dignity or other things, and I will be thy substitute to take care
-


## p. 628 (#38) #############################################

628
THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
of thy family. To this Tálib replied, Most willingly, O Prince
of the Faithful. And the Khaleefeh said to him, Go, in depend-
ence on the blessing of God, and his aid.
and to
So Tálib went forth on his way to Egypt.
Upper Egypt, until they came to the Emeer Moosà, the son of
Nuseyr; and when he knew of his approach he went forth to
him and met him, and rejoiced at his arrival; and Tálib handed
to him the letter. So he took it and read it, and understood its
meaning; and he put it upon his head, saying, I hear and obey
the command of the Prince of the Faithful. He determined to
summon his great men; and they presented themselves; and he
inquired of them respecting that which had been made known.
to him by the letter; whereupon they said, O Emeer, if thou
desire him who will guide thee to that place, have recourse to
the sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad, the son of Abd-El-Kuddoos Es-Sa-
moodee; for he is a knowing man, and hath traveled much, and
he is acquainted with the deserts and wastes and the seas, and
their inhabitants and their wonders, and the countries of their
districts. Have recourse, therefore, to him, and he will direct
thee to the object of thy desire. — Accordingly he gave orders to
bring him, and he came before him; and lo, he was a very old
man, whom the vicissitudes of years and times had rendered
decrepit. The Emeer Moosà saluted him, and said to him, O
sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad, our lord the Prince of the Faithful, Abd-
El-Melik the son of Marwán, hath commanded us thus and thus,
and I possess little knowledge of that land, and it hath been told
me that thou art acquainted with that country and the routes.
Hast thou then a wish to accomplish the affair of the Prince of
the Faithful? -The sheykh replied, Know, O Emeer, that this
route is difficult, far extending, with few tracks. The Emeer said
to him, How long a period doth it require? He answered, It is a
journey of two years and some months going, and the like return-
ing; and on the way are difficulties and horrors, and extraordinary
and wonderful things. Moreover, thou art a warrior for the de-
fense of the faith, and our country is near unto the enemy; so
perhaps the Christians may come forth during our absence; it is
expedient, therefore, that thou leave in thy province one to govern
it. He replied, Well. And he left his son Hároon as his substi-
tute in his province, exacted an oath of fidelity to him, and
commanded the troops that they should not oppose him, but obey
him in all that he should order them to do. And they heard his


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THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
629
words, and obeyed him. His son Hároon was of great courage,
an illustrious hero, and a bold champion; and the sheykh 'Abd-
Es-Samad pretended to him that the place in which were the
things that the Prince of the Faithful desired was four months'
journey distant, on the shore of the sea, and that throughout the
whole route were halting-places, adjacent one to another, and
grass and springs. And he said, God will assuredly make this
affair easy to us through the blessing attendant upon thee, O
Viceroy of the Prince of the Faithful. Then the Emeer Moosà
said, Knowest thou if any one of the Kings have trodden this
land before us? He answered him, Yes, O Emeer: this land
belonged to the King of Alexandria, Darius the Greek.
[The cavalcade fare on, and soon reach a first "extraordinary and wonder-
ful thing," the palace-tomb of great "Koosh, the son of Sheddad," full of
impressive mortuary inscriptions that set the party all a-weeping. Thence-]
-
The soldiers proceeded, with the sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad before
them showing them the way, until all the first day had passed,
and the second, and the third. They then came to a high hill,
at which they looked, and lo, upon it was a horseman of brass,
on the top of whose spear was a wide and glistening head that
almost deprived the beholder of sight, and on it was inscribed, O
thou who comest unto me, if thou know not the way that leadeth
to the City of Brass, rub the hand of the horseman, and he will
turn, and then will stop, and in whatsoever direction he stoppeth,
thither proceed, without fear and without difficulty; for it will
lead thee to the City of Brass. - And when the Emeer Moosà
had rubbed the hand of the horseman, it turned like the blinding
lightning, and faced a different direction from that in which they
were traveling.
The party therefore turned thither and journeyed on, and it
was the right way. They took that route, and continued their
course the same day and the next night until they had traversed
a wide tract of country. And as they were proceeding, one day,
they came to a pillar of black stone, wherein was a person sunk
to his arm-pits, and he had two huge wings, and four arms; two
of them like those of the sons of Adam, and two like the fore-
legs of lions, with claws. He had hair upon his head like the
tails of horses, and two eyes like two burning coals, and he had
a third eye, in his forehead, like the eye of the lynx, from which
there appeared sparks of fire. He was black and tall; and he


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630
THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
was crying out, Extolled be the perfection of my Lord, who hath
appointed me this severe affliction and painful torture until the
day of resurrection! When the party beheld him, their reason
fled from them, and they were stupefied at the sight of his form,
and retreated in flight; and the Emeer Moosà said to the sheykh
'Abd-Es-Samad, What is this? He answered, I know not what
he is. And the Emeer said, Draw near to him, and investigate
his case: perhaps he will discover it, and perhaps thou wilt learn
his history. The sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad replied, May God amend
the state of the Emeer! Verily we fear him. -Fear ye not,
rejoined the Emeer; for he is withheld from injuring you and
others by the state in which he is. So the sheykn 'Abd-Es-Samad
drew near to him, and said to him, O thou person, what is thy
name, and what is thy nature, and what hath placed thee here in
this manner? And he answered him, As to me, I am an 'Efreet
of the Jinn, and my name is Dáhish the son of El-Amash, and I
am restrained here by the majesty, confined by the power, [of
God,] tormented as long as God (to whom be ascribed might and
glory! ) willeth. Then the Emeer Moosà said, O sheykh 'Abd-
Es-Samad, ask him what is the cause of his confinement in this
pillar. He therefore asked respecting that, and the 'Efreet
answered him, Verily my story is wonderful, and it is this:-
[The Evil Spirit narrates to them his history, being part of the famous
war between Solomon and the Jinn. ]
The party therefore wondered at him, and at the horrible
nature of his form; and the Emeer Moosà said, There is no deity.
but God! Suleymán was endowed with a mighty dominion!
And the sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad said to the 'Efreet, O thou, I ask
thee concerning a thing of which do thou inform us. The
'Efreet replied, Ask concerning what thou wilt. And the sheykh
said, Are there in this place any of the 'Efreets confined in bot-
tles of brass from the time of Suleymán, on whom be peace?
He answered, Yes, in the Sea of El-Karkar, where are a people
of the descendants of Nooh (on whom be peace! ), whose country
the deluge reached not, and they are separated there from [the
rest of] the sons of Adam. —And where, said the sheykh, is the
way to the City of Brass, and the place, wherein are the bottles?
What distance is there between us and it? The 'Efreet answered,
It is near. So the party left him and proceeded; and there
appeared to them a great black object, with two [seeming] fires


## p. 631 (#41) #############################################

THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
631
corresponding with each other in position, in the distance, in
that black object; whereupon the Emeer Moosà said to the
sheykh, What is this great black object, and what are these two
corresponding fires? The guide answered him, Be rejoiced, O
Emeer; for this is the City of Brass, and this is the appearance
of it that I find described in the Book of Hidden Treasures;
that its wall is of black stones, and it hath two towers of brass
of El-Andalus, which the beholder seeth resembling two corre-
sponding fires; and thence it is named the City of Brass. They
ceased not to proceed until they arrived at it; and lo, it was
lofty, strongly fortified, rising high into the air, impenetrable:
the height of its walls was eighty cubits, and it had five and
twenty gates, none of which would open but by means of some
artifice; and there was not one gate to it that had not, within
the city, one like it: such was the beauty of the construction and
architecture of the city. They stopped before it, and endeavored
to discover one of its gates; but they could not; and the Emeer
Moosà said to the sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad, O sheykh, I see not
to this city any gate. The sheykh replied, O Emeer, thus do I
find it described in the Book of Hidden Treasures; that it hath
five and twenty gates, and that none of its gates may be opened
but from within the city. And how, said the Emeer, can
contrive to enter it, and divert ourselves with a view of its
wonders?
we
Then the Emeer Moosà ordered one of his young men to
mount a camel, and ride round the city, in the hope that he
might discover a trace of a gate, or a place lower than that to
which they were opposite. So one of his young men mounted,
and proceeded around it for two days with their nights, prose-
cuting his journey with diligence, and not resting; and when the
third day arrived, he came in sight of his companions, and he
was astounded at that which he beheld of the extent of the city,
and its height. Then he said, O Emeer, the easiest place in it
is this place at which ye have alighted. And thereupon the
Emeer Moosà took Tálib the son of Sahl, and the sheykh 'Abd-
Es-Samad, and they ascended a mountain opposite the city, and
overlooking it; and when they had ascended that mountain, they
saw a city than which eyes had not beheld any greater. Its
pavilions were lofty, and its domes were shining; its mansions.
were in good condition, and its rivers were running; its trees were
fruitful, and its gardens bore ripe produce. It was a city with


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632
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impenetrable gates, empty, still, without a voice or a cheering
inhabitant, but the owl hooting in its quarters, and birds skim-
ming in circles in its areas, and the raven croaking in its districts
and its great thoroughfare-streets, and bewailing those who had
been in it. The Emeer Moosà paused, sorrowing for its being
devoid of inhabitants, and its being despoiled of people and dwell-
ers; and he said, Extolled be the perfection of Him whom ages
and times change not, the Creator of the creation by his power!
And while he was extolling the perfection of God, (to whom be
ascribed might and glory! ) he happened to look aside, and lo,
there were seven tablets of white marble, appearing from a dis-
tance. So he approached them, and behold, they were sculptured
and inscribed; and he ordered that their writing should be read:
therefore the sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad advanced and examined them
and read them; and they contained admonition, and matter for
example and restraint, unto those endowed with faculties of dis-
cernment. Upon the first tablet was inscribed, in the ancient
Greek character,-
O son of Adam, how heedless art thou of the case of him who
hath been before thee! Thy years and age have diverted thee from
considering him. Knowest thou not that the cup of death will be
filled for thee, and that in a short time thou wilt drink it? Look
then to thyself before entering thy grave. Where are those who pos-
sessed the countries and abased the servants of God and led armies?
Death hath come upon them; and God is the terminator of delights
and the separator of companions and the devastator of flourishing
dwellings; so He hath transported them from the amplitude of pal-
aces to the straightness of the graves.
And in the lower part of the tablet were inscribed these
verses:
Where are the Kings and the peoplers of the earth? They have
quitted that which they have built and peopled;
And in the grave they are pledged for their past actions: there
after destruction, they have become putrid corpses.
Where are the troops? They repelled not, nor profited. And
where is that which they collected and hoarded?
The decree of the Lord of the Throne surprised them. Neither
riches nor refuge saved them from it.
And the Emeer Moosà fainted; his tears ran down upon his
cheeks, and he said, By Allah, indifference to the world is the


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THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
633
most appropriate and the most sure course! Then he caused an
inkhorn and a paper to be brought, and he wrote the inscription
of the first tablet; after which he drew near to the second tablet,
and the third, and the fourth; and having copied what was
inscribed on them, he descended from the mountain; and the
world had been pictured before his eyes.
And when he came back to the troops, they passed the day
devising means of entering the city; and the Emeer Moosà said
to his Wezeer, Tálib the son of Sahl, and to those of his chief
officers who were around him, How shall we contrive to enter
the city, that we may see its wonders? Perhaps we shall find in
it something by which we may ingratiate ourselves with the
Prince of the Faithful. - Tálib the son of Sahl replied, May God
continue the prosperity of the Emeer! Let us make a ladder,
and mount upon it, and perhaps we shall gain access to the gate
from within. -And the Emeer said, This is what occurred to
my mind, and excellent is the advice. Then he called to the
carpenters and blacksmiths, and ordered them to make straight
some pieces of wood, and to construct a ladder covered with
plates of iron. And they did so, and made it strong. They
employed themselves in constructing it a whole month, and
many men were occupied in making it. And they set it up and
fixed it against the wall, and it proved to be equal to the wall
in height, as though it had been made for it before that day.
So the Emeer Moosà wondered at it, and said, God bless you!
It seemeth, from the excellence of your work, as though ye had
adapted it by measurement to the wall. He then said to the
people, Which of you will ascend this ladder, and mount upon
the wall, and walk along it, and contrive means of descending
into the city, that he may see how the case is, and then inform
us of the mode of opening the gate? And one of them
answered, I will ascend it, O Emeer, and descend and open the
gate. The Emeer therefore replied, Mount. God bless thee! -
Accordingly, the man ascended the ladder until he reached the
top of it; when he stood, and fixed his eyes towards the city,
clapped his hands, and cried out with his loudest voice, saying,
Thou art beautiful! Then he cast himself down into the city, and
his flesh became mashed with his bones. So the Emeer Moosà
said, This is the action of the rational. How then will the insane
act? If we do thus with all our companions, there will not
remain of them one; and we shall be unable to accomplish our


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THE ARABIAN NIGHTS
affair, and the affair of the Prince of the Faithful. Depart ye;
for we have no concern with this city. But one of them said,
Perhaps another than this may be more steady than he. And a
second ascended, and a third, and a fourth, and a fifth; and they
ceased not to ascend by that ladder to the top of the wall, one
after another, until twelve men of them had gone, acting as
acted the first. Therefore the sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad said, There
is none for this affair but myself, and the experienced is not like
the inexperienced. But the Emeer Moosà said to him, Thou
shalt not do that, nor will I allow thee to ascend to the top of
this wall; for shouldst thou die, thou wouldst be the cause of the
death of us all, and there would not remain of us one; since
thou art the guide of the party. The sheykh however replied,
Perhaps the object will be accomplished by my means, through
the will of God, whose name be exalted! And thereupon all the
people agreed to his ascending.
Then the sheykh 'Abd-Es-Samad arose, and encouraged him-
self, and having said, In the name of God, the Compassionate,
the Merciful! -he ascended the ladder, repeating the praises of
God (whose name be exalted! ) and reciting the Verses of Safety,
until he reached the top of the wall; when he clapped his hands,
and fixed his eyes.