The Diurnal of Oc
currences
may be pointed to as containing the first
Newspaper reports of parliamentary proceedings.
Newspaper reports of parliamentary proceedings.
Hunt - Fourth Estate - History of Newspapers and Liberty of Press - v2
After his re turn Mr.
Stuart published an account of his travels in the United States; and, though not very profound, this work gives on the whole an extremely good, though
rather perhaps a little too flattering, account of our transatlantic kinsmen. Soon after the publication of this work, Mr. Stuart became the editor of The Courier, and, true to his principles, he gave in this capacity every support in his power to the Whig or Liberal party. He was appointed by Lord Melbourne to the situation of Factory Inspector, which he held till his death (in
And it redounds much to his credit, that in this difficult position he conducted himself so as to acquire the esteem not merely of the manufacturers, but of the great majority of the workmen. His too great sensibility, his impetuosity, and his obstinate adherence to the opinions and steps he had either avowed or taken, sometimes hurried Mr. Stuart into difficulties and embarrassments, which more dispas
1849).
THE COURIER. 231
sionate, though not abler or better men, would have avoided. But in his bearing and manner he was a perfect gentleman, and his many excellent qualities made him be highly esteemed and beloved by a wide circle of attached and intelligent friends. If ever the history should be written, as it well deserves to be, of the rise and progress of Liberal opinions in Scotland during the present century, the name of James Stuart
will occupy one of the most prominent and honourable places in its pages.
" Mr. Stuart was robust, active, and
capable of bearing fatigue. He died in his 74th year, of a disease of the heart, most probably induced by the excitement in which he passed the greater portion of his life. "
After Stuart had received the appointment, and had resigned his connexion with the press, Laman Blanchard became editor of The Courier, bringing to the task that versatility of talent, and ardour of poli tical feeling, for which he was distinguished. But the war was gone, and The Courier, like other evening Papers, was less profitable than of old ; and, in an evil hour, the proprietors determined to sell the Paper to the party they had so long opposed. The Paper took Tory politics ; Laman Blanchard, of course, at once resigned ; and a few short years were sufficient to destroy a Journal which had once been the most valuable Newspaper property in England. The loss of his post on the Paper must have given some annoyance to Blanchard, and it was not until after his unhappy death thatBulwer made known the fact that the Government had been asked, and asked in vain,
singularly
232 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to give this clever writer some trifling recompense for the service his pen had done for the Liberal cause. Blanchard's "political articles were of considerable value to the party he espoused ; although free from the acerbity and the personalities which the warfare of Journalism rarely fails to engender. The change of proprietorship and of politics in The Courier occasioned his retirement, and necessitated the loss of an income, for him considerable. His services to the Whigs, then in office, had been sufficient to justify a strong appeal in his behalf for some small appointment. The appeal, though urged with all zeal by one who had himself some claims on the Government, was unsuc cessful. The fact really is, that Governments, at pre sent, have little, among their subordinate patronage, to bestow upon men whose abilities are not devoted to a profession. The man of letters is like a stray
joint in a boy's puzzle ; he fits into no place. Let the partisan but have taken orders — let him but have eaten a sufficient number of dinners at the inns of court—and livings, and chapels, and stalls, and as- sistant-barristerships, and commissionerships, and colonial appointments, can reward his services and prevent his starving. But for the author there is nothing but his pen, till that and life are worn to the stump ; and then, with good fortune, perhaps on his death-bed he receives a pension —and equals, it may be, for a few months, the income of a retired butler ! And so, on the sudden loss of the situation in which
he had frittered away his higher and more delicate genius, in all the drudgery that a party exacts from its defender of the press, Laman Blanchard was thrown
THE GLOBE. 233
again upon the world, to shift as he might, and subsist as he could. "
Short as his days unhappily were, Blanchard lived to see the desertion of political principle by The Courier punished by the complete destruction of the Paper.
In Daniel Stuart's defence of himself and his Paper
the imputations of Coleridge and his biogra phers, he speaks incidentally of the establishment of some opposition Papers by the booksellers, and of the projectors of the new Journals having taken away from him his chief literary assistant, George Lane. This remark was published in the Gentleman's Maga zine, and in due time we find in the pages of that
publication* a reply from Lane, in which he gives his version of the foundation of The Globe, and, incident ally, some facts about other Papers. He says : — "Mr. Daniel Stuart states that the booksellers having de termined to set up two daily Newspapers, The British Press and The Globe, in direct opposition to his Papers, The Morning Post and The Courier, 'took' from his employment George Lane (meaning me), his chief assistant, supposing that when they got me ' they got
The Morning Post, and that he (Mr. Stuart) was nobody. ' To this charge of a combination against him, urged in several passages in his statement, I answer, that in my first interview with the booksellers on the subject of their Papers, I inquired the motives for their new undertaking, and, in answer, they stated their object was not pecuniary profit, but the protection of their trade, which suffered from the manner in which
* Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. , 1838.
against
234 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
the existing Newspapers were conducted ; that their advertisements were frequently thrown into the back of the Paper, and there mixed with others of a gross and offensive character; that frequently their adver tisements were refused insertion, or if received, their insertion was attended with injurious delay, as hap pened upon occasions of important Parliamentary debate or other interesting matter requiring consider able space, and this in cases of new literary works prepared at great expense ; and that, as a remedy for these grievances, they proposed to have a morning and evening Paper of their own, the columns of which they could command. These were the views and motives they professed, and I firmly believed them ; and I further declare, that I never had cause to suspect that they had any other, or that the Papers were in tended for the unworthy purpose alleged by Mr. Stuart ; nor did I ever conduct them in that spirit. Mr. Stuart refers to Sir Richard Phillips as a voucher for his statement; but, at the time the booksellers applied to me, the late Mr. Debett, of Piccadilly, was the only member of the trade with whom I had the slightest acquaintance. Sir Richard Phillips I did not know
until after I had made my engagement, when I found him a member of a committee for managing the finan cial affairs of the concern, with which, however, I had nothing to do, and I conducted the Papers entirely according to my own judgment, perfectly free from all undue influence. A new Newspaper is, I conceive, as legitimate a speculation as a new bank or a new insur ance office; and that the booksellers were perfectly justified in setting up their Papers for the purpose
THE GLOBE. 235
I have stated. A new Paper does not create new readers ; its circulation is derived from the existing stock, and must necessarily affect the whole, though, perhaps, not each individual in the same degree ; but that the new Papers were set up particularly in oppo sition to The Morning Post and The Courier I deny. If they were likely to affect any individual Paper, The Morning Chronicle would appear, on Mr. Stuart's own showing, to have the greatest cause for apprehension, for he says, ' Mr. Perry, who aimed at making The Morning Chronicle a very literary Paper, took pains to produce a striking display of book advertisements ; while horses and carriages constituted the particular class of advertisements in The Morning Post. ' This much may suffice in vindication of the booksellers. I now proceed to make some observations in vindica tion of myself. Mr. Stuart, while he gives me credit for merit of various kinds — which, without betraying excessive vanity, I could not arrogate to myself — says, I owned that I was indebted to him ' for all I knew of Newspapers/ that by his instruction, he might say education, I had become valuable in various ways, and that I was his chief assistant in his morning Paper. This I readily admit. His statement is perfectly cor rect and true. I was a total stranger to Newspapers when he accepted my proffered services, and any know ledge I possessed of Newspapers was acquired in his office. But I will go further than the bare admission of this part of Mr. Stuart's statement in its most extended sense. During my connexion with him he uniformly treated me with exceeding kindness and great liberality, of which the following particulars
236
THE FOURTH ESTATE.
may convey an idea. He proposed to me to enter into a written engagement with him, which I declined. My refusal appeared to surprise him, and he said if I felt any cause of dissatisfaction in the establishment it
should be removed. I answered there was none ; was pleased with every one in and everything about
it. He then said, did not consider
sufficient he was ready to increase it; to which answered, that was perfectly satisfied, and felt myself amply compensated as stood, but that wished to hold myself free man. This conversation took place at an early period of our connexion and upon that footing remained until its close, during which in terval he added more than once to my income, but not at my instance or request. The advance always came
my salary
I
and unsolicited, from his own will. may add, that never heard any member of the establishment complain of want of liberality on the
part of Mr. Stuart. He wished to have his business done diligently, but he was uniformly liberal in com
These are facts not now disclosed, or sen timents not now expressed by me for the first time. In every company in which ever heard his character and conduct alluded to, have uniformly born testi mony to his liberality, and expressed myself to the same effect. It will now occur to the reader to ask how happened that so highly favoured, should withdraw myself from an establishment in which had so much cause of content. Mr. Stuart had repeatedly communicated to me his intention to retire from con
ducting his Paper, and to confide the management of to me and the period was now approaching at
spontaneously
pensation.
it ;
it
I
a
I
I,
I
if II
I I
I
;
I
II
it,
THE GLOBE. 237
which he proposed to carry his intention into effect. About this time the project of the booksellers became
publicly known, and a proposal, totally unforeseen and unexpected, was made to me to become their editor, to which I gave a prompt and decided negative. On the very next day I learned that Mr. Stuart was desir ous to dispose of his Paper, and it may be conceived that the information produced in me surprise and dis appointment. I was not so unreasonable as to expect that Mr. Stuart should continue to carry on his Paper for my sake ; and his uniform kindness would justify
an expectation that in a negotiation for its sale he would endeavour to stipulate favourable terms for me : but this was not the position to which I had been
I have been too fastidious, but, taught to look ; may
whether the feeling was right or whether it was wrong, I did not relish the idea of being transferred like a fixture with the concern to strangers. This feeling was aggravated by a little occurrence not now neces sary to revive, but which Mr. Stuart probably remem bers, when just at this critical moment the proposal, which I had so recently rejected, was repeated and pressed upon me, and I, in a discontented frame of mind and with reluctance, consented to entertain it.
If, then, I left Mr. Stuart, it was not until after I found he was ready, if opportunity offered, to part with me ; as he charges, the booksellers took me from him,'
was not until he was ready to give me away. con tinued with him nearly two months after had ap prised him of the engagement had contracted, and during that time he never adverted to the subject, nor had cause to learn, except from his reserve and the coldness of his manner, that had excited his dis-
I
I
1
I
I
it if,
'
238 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
I could have had no mean, sordid, or un worthy motive for leaving Mr. Stuart. My terms with the booksellers were not, in a pecuniary point of view, more advantageous than those Mr. Stuart had pro posed for me. I was exchanging a life of comparative
pleasure.
I was leaving friends to whom I was affectionately attached, to commit myself to strangers of whom I knew nothing.
ease for one of incessant labour and anxiety ;
I was leaving an established, flourishing Paper to em bark in a new speculation of uncertain issue. What mean, sordid, or selfish motive, then, could I have had to encounter so fearful a change ? Mr. Stuart exclaims, ' The booksellers being possessed of a general influence among literary men, could there be a doubt of suc cess? ' Mr. Stuart greatly overrates the literary sup port and patronage which the new Papers received. The actual sale at the commencement did not exceed two hundred each, and any literary contributions received and inserted were paid for. The booksellers almost immediately, from various causes, began to drop off. Mr. Murray, now of Albemarle Street, then a very young man, was the most active, liberal, and
valuable among them; but he, with Messrs. Longman, Clarke, of Portugal Street, Butterworth, and many others of the greatest influence and importance, after a short time withdrew ; and I was left to contend with difficulties and under the most discouraging circum stances, in which the fortune of the Papers appeared desperate, and their very existence hung, as it were, by a thread, before I succeeded in establishing the concern on safe grounds, at which time not more than two booksellers remained partners in it. "
Since the days of Lane. The Globe has had many
THE SUN. 239
editors, and was for years regarded as the Liberal Minis terial evening Paper. Mr. Gibbons Merle was one of its literary aides, and whilst engaged on The Globe wrote the articles on Newspapers which appeared in the early numbers of The Westminster Eeview. Another writer on The Globe was Colonel Torrens, a retired officer of Marines, who fought with much distinction during the war,* and on the return of peace became a News paper proprietor and writer. He had a share in The Traveller, which was afterwards united to The Globe—
as the heading of the Paper still bears witness.
The Sun has long had a reputation for late intel
ligence ; but is still more noticeable for the opposition it had to contend with. For some years the town was kept constantly aware of the fierce contest between The Sun and The True Sun, established by Patrick Grant, and conducted for a time with great spirit. Laman Blanchard was on this Paper as a principal writer ; Mr. William Carpenter being the sub-editor. Grant
getting into difficulties mortgaged the new speculation, and it was subsequently bought and conducted by Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey, who, however, did not succeed in making it profitable. One of its last editors was Mr. W. J. Fox, now M. P. for Oldham. One other fact must not pass unchronicled. Mr. Charles Dickens made his first Parliamentary campaign as a gallery reporter on The True Sun.
* Colonel Torrens was born in Ireland in 1783. He entered the marines at a very early age, and obtained a captain's commission in 1806. In March, 1811, when the Danes with a very superior force attacked the little island of Anholt, he commanded the marine garrison. He was rewarded with the rank of major, and he next served in th
Peninsula, and was appointed Colonel of a Spanish Legion.
r
240 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
The Standard is junior to both Sun and Globe, having been started to support the Conservative party during the Reform Bill excitement. It is said that Lord Lowther was one of the capitalists on the occa
sion ; Mr. Baldwin* being the other ; Dr. Maginn finding a title, a motto, and a prospectus. From the first number to the present time, The Standard has been edited by Dr. Gifford, a man well known for his talent and strong political bias. In the early days of The Standard Dr. Maginn was one of the staff, and
many anecdotes are current of the glorious sayings and doings of that time; but Maginn was, like greater
too irregular for the punctual duties of a daily Paper, and he gradually dropped off, leaving his post to be filled by Alaric Watts, who held it for a time.
Besides The Sun, Globe, and Standard, we have now two other daily evening Papers—The Express, an evening edition of The Daily News; and The Evening Chronicle — both offshoots from the more important morning Journals. The Times and
Herald also have evening Papers, but only thrice a-week. They are The Evening Mail and the St. James's Chronicle. The latter was at one time edited by a hardworking literary labourer named Stephen
Jones, a Londoner, born in 1763, and educated at St. Paul's school. He was originally intended for a
* In searching through old Newspaper files the names of particular families are found identified with this class of literary property. The Baldwins appear to have been one of these. Like the Walters, three generations seem to have been Newspaper printers, and proprietors. The name of Richard Baldwin stands in the imprint of a Newspaper as long ago as 1689.
geniuses,
WHITEHALL EVENING POST. 241
sculptor, and left stone for metal, and turned printer.
From composing types, he rose to correcting proofs, and then took still another step, in 1794, by becoming an author. His first publication was an abridgment of Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution, and this was followed by a variety of compilations and
In 1797 Jones became editor of The Whitehall Evening Post, but editing did not fully oc
cupy his time. Amongst his productions was one
entitled, The Spirit of the Public Journals, a volume
of which appeared annually for many years, com mencing with 1799. On the decline of The White hall Evening Post he became editor of The General Evening Post, which he conducted for a considerable period, until it passed into other hands and was united to The St. James's Chronicle. He was also connected with the Freemasons' Magazine; and, after the death of
Mr. Isaac Reid, he conducted the European Magazine. That gentleman, before his death, was engaged in pre paring a new edition of Baker's BiographiaDramatica; his papers were put into Mr. Jones's hands, who, in 1 8 12, published a new edition in 4 vols. , 4 to, much enlarged. This book was severely handled in the Quarterly Re view ; and Jones retorted in a pamphlet, called, " Hy- percriticism exposed. " He was not a man to be crushed by an adverse article, and continued to write and prepare food for printers till the close of his active and useful life.
VOL. II.
abridgments.
CHAPTEE X.
REPORTING AND REPORTERS.
The gallery in which the reporters sit has become a Fourth Estate of the realm. The publication of the debates, a practice which seemed to the most li beral statesmen of the old school full of danger to the great safeguards of public liberty, is now regarded by many persons as a safeguard, tantamount, and more than tantamount to all the rest together. —
Macaulay's Essay on Hallam's Constitutional History.
Early Parliamentary debates. —The Commonwealth. —The Revolution. — George the Second. — The Gentleman's Magazine. — Parliamentary History. — Guthrie. —Dr. Johnson. —Almon. —Woodfall. —Perry. — Sheridan. —Peter Finnerty. — Mark Supple. — Sketch of the Repor ter's Gallery. — O'Connel. — Sir R. Peel. — The Theory that no Re porters are in the House of Commons.
THERE were no satisfactory reports of parliamentary proceedings until Newspapers undertook the task of giving them. D'Ewes's Journals of Elizabeth's
Parliaments contain some curious specimens of parlia mentary speeches ; the first volume of the Commons' Journals also gives some reports of debates ; and a member of Parliament has left us a report of the debates of the session of 102. 1. Still these are only fragments. Rushworth gives a few discussions, and Gray, in his collection of debates, affords some more. Yet all these are disjointed and occasional efforts affording very incomplete results.
EARLY PARLIAMENTARY REPORTS. 243
In our sketch of the rise of Newspapers, we have seen that the first parliamentary debates allowed to be published in public Papers were those of the Par liament when the power of Charles I. began to wane before the growing democracy.
The Diurnal of Oc currences may be pointed to as containing the first
Newspaper reports of parliamentary proceedings. In 1641, we have, " The Passages in Parliament from 3 of Jan. to the 10, more fully and exactly taken then the ordinary one hath beene, as you will finde upon comparing. And although the weeke past doth yeeld many remarkable passages (as hath beene any weeke before) yet you shall expect no more expression either now or hereafter in the title then the passages in Par liament &c. London printed for Nath. Butter at St. Austin's Gate in Paul's Churchyard, at the signe of the Pyde Bull 1641. "
During the Commonwealth the reports were con tinued, but the Restoration stopped them entirely. * Cromwell promoted, but Charles forbade all parlia mentary reporting, and with occasional exceptions the debates of his reign are lost to history. The Revolu tion of 1 688 effected a partial freedom for the press, but still no one could safely print the debates. Boyer's Political State of Great Britain, however, gave a monthly record of Parliament, such as it was.
* July 9, 1662. —A very extraordinary question arose, about pre venting the publication of the debates of the Irish Parliament in an English Newspaper, called The Intelligencer ; and a letter was written from the Speaker to Sir Edward Nicholas, the English Secretary of State, to prevent these publications in those Diurnals, as they call them. — Ann. Beg. from Lord Mountmorres' s Hist, of Irish Pari. Vol. II.
Q2
244 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
After the accession of George I. , something like a regular account of the debates was given in a pub lication called The Historical Register, which continued to give them till 1737. * Here the thread was taken up by Cave, who thought them excellent matter for his Gentleman's Magazine. He had previously been in the habit of sending to friends in the country some of the written memoranda of debates, which in those days circulated through the coffee houses and in pri vate society ; and the interest which attached to these imperfect documents doubtless suggested to the enter prising mind of the bookseller the value that more perfect reports must give to a monthly Magazine. He did not dare, however, to print his reports till the session was over, and then he ventured only on stating
the initials of the speakers. In 1738 even this modest amount of publicity was objected to.
On the 13th of April in that year, the Speaker, Onslow, informed the House. f that it was with some concern he saw a practice prevailing, which a little reflected upon the dignity of that House : what he meant, he said, was the inserting an account of their deliberations in the Newspapers, by which means the
* It is told of Pelham that, being asked to take steps for stopping the publication of debates of the House of Commons in the News papers, ho replied, " Let them alone ; they make better speeches for us than we can for ourselves. " A similar answer is related of George II. Being informed that an impudent printer was to be punished for having published a spurious (King's) speech, he answered, he hoped the man's punishment would be of the mildest sort : because he had read both, and as far as he understood either of them, he liked the spurious speech better than his own. — Lord Waldegrave's Memoirs, p. 88.
t Pari. Hist. , vol. x. p. 800.
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 245
proceedings of the House were liable to very great misrepresentations. That he had in his hands a
printed Newspaper, which contained His Majesty's answer to their late address, before the same had been reported from the Chair, the only way of communi cating it to the public. That he thought it his duty to inform the House of these practices, the rather because he had observed them of late to have run into very great abuses ; and therefore he hoped that gentle men would propose some method of stopping it. Sir W. Yonge continued the discussion, which deserves full quotation. He said : "
mentioned this affair. I have looked upon it as a prac tice very inconsistent with the forms and dignity which this House ought always to support ; but since you have been pleased to mention this from the Chair, I must beg leave to carry my observations a little farther. I have observed, sir, that not only an account of what you do, but of what you say, is regularly printed and circulated through all parts, both of the town and coun try. At the same time, sir, there are very often gross misrepresentations, both of the sense and language of gentlemen. This is very liable to give the public false impressions both of gentlemen's conduct and abilities. Therefore, sir, in my opinion, it is now high time to put a stop to it. Not that I should be for attacking the liberty of the press ; that is a point I would be as tender of as any gentleman in this House. Perhaps some gentlemen may think it indeed a hardship, not to be able to find their names in print, at the head of
a great many fine things, in the monthly magazines ; but this, sir, can never prevent gentlemen from send
I am have very glad you
246 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
they say, which, sir, I am sure is what every gentleman in this House will wish for. Therefore, I hope gentlemen will consider of some method of putting a stop to this abuse, more effectual than we have fallen upon yet. There is, indeed, a resolution on our journals, against printing or publishing any of the proceedings of this House, but by authority of the Chair ; but people had generally run away with the notion, that this prohibi tion is in force only during the time we are sitting, and that as soon as the session ends, they are at liberty to print and publish what they please ; therefore, I
ing their speeches, if they please ; it only prevents other gentlemen from being misrepresented as to what
will come into a resolution, for ex plaining that matter ; and if they do, I am very sure that if it is broke through, I myself will move the House, with the very first opportunity, next session. But the printers of the Papers, sir, which you have in your hands, cannot even plead the excuse of the
hope gentlemen
recess of Parliament ; therefore deserve to be punished ; and if you do not either punish them, or take some effectual method of checking them, you may soon ex pect to see your votes, your proceedings, and your speeches, printed and hawked about the streets, while we are sitting in this house.
" Sir W. Windham next spoke. Sir, he said : No gentleman can be more jealous and tender than I have always been of the rights and privileges of this House, nor more ready to concur with any measure for putting a stop to any abuses which may affect either of them. But at the same time, sir, I own, I think we ought to be very cautious how we form a resolution upon this
REPORTING. —ONSLOW S MOTION. 247
head ; and yet I think it is absolutely necessary that some question should be formed. I say, sir, we ought to be very cautious in what manner we form a resolu tion ; for it is a question so nearly connected with the liberty of the press, that it will require a great deal of tenderness to form a resolution which may preserve gentlemen from having their sense misrepresented to the public, and at the same time guard against all en croachments upon the liberty of the press. On the other hand, sir, I am sensible that there is a necessity of putting a stop to this practice of printing, what are called the speeches of this House, because I know that gentlemen's words in this House have been mistaken and misrepresented ; I do not know, sir, but I have some reason of complaint myself upon that head. I have, indeed, seen many speeches of gentlemen in this House that were fairly and accurately taken ; and no gentleman, when that is the case, ought to be ashamed that the world should know every word he speaks in this House : for my own part, I never shall, for I hope never to act or speak in this House, anything that I shall be ashamed to own to all the world. But of late, sir, I have seen such monstrous mistakes in some gen
tlemen's speeches, as they have been printed in our
Newspapers, that it is no wonder if gentlemen think
it high time to have a stop put to such a practice. Yet still, sir, there are two considerations, which I own weigh very much with me upon this occasion. That this House has a right to prohibit the publica tion of any of its proceedings during the time we are sitting, is past all doubt, and there is no question, but that, by the resolutions that now stand upon our votes,
248 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
and are renewed every session, the printers of the Papers you have in your hand are liable to the censure of this House. But I am not at all so clear as to the right we may have of preventing any of our proceed ings from being printed during our recess; at least, Sir, I am pretty sure that people without doors are strongly possessed with that notion, and therefore I should be against our inflicting any censure at present, for what is past of that kind. If gentlemen are of
which Ido own Iam not, that we have a
opinion,
power to prevent any of our proceedings and debates from being communicated to the public, even during our recess, then, as this affair has been mentioned, they will no doubt think it very proper to come to a resolution against this practice, and to punish it with a very severe penalty ; but, if we have no such power, sir, I own I do not see how you can form any reso lution upon this head, that will not be liable to very
great censure.
" The other consideration that weighs very much,
sir, with me upon this occasion, is the prejudice which the public will think they sustain, by being deprived of all knowledge of what passes in this House, other wise than by the printed votes, which are very lame
and imperfect, for satisfying their curiosity of knowing in what manner their representatives act within doors. They have been long used to be indulged in this, and they may possibly think it a hardship to be deprived of it now. Nay, sir, I must go farther; I do not know but they may have a right to know somewhat more of the proceedings of this House than what ap
pears upon your votes ; and if I were sure that the
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 249
sentiments of gentlemen were not misrepresented, I should be against our coming to any resolution that
could deprive them of a knowledge that is so necessary for their being able to judge of the merits of their representatives within doors. If gentlemen, however, are of opinion that they can frame a resolution which will put a stop to all impositions, and yet leave the public some room for having just information of what passes within these walls, I shall be extremely glad to give it my concurrence. But I am absolutely against our stretching our power farther than it will go con sistently with the just rights of Parliament; such stretches rather weaken than give any strength to the constitution ; and I am sure no gentleman will care to do what may not only look like our claiming powers unknown to our constitution, but what, in its conse quences, may greatly affect the liberty of the press. If we shall extend this resolution to the recess of Parliament, all political writing, if the authors shall touch upon anything that passed in the preceeding session, may be affected by it ; for I do not know that
anybody would venture to publish anything that might bring upon them the censure of this House.
" In the mean time, sir, I am as willing as any gentleman in this House, that a stop should be put to the practice you have taken notice of from the Chair. It has grown to such a pitch, that I remember some time ago there was a public dispute in the Newspapers
betwixt two printers or booksellers of two pamphlets, which of them contained the true copy of a certain hon. gentleman's speech in this House. It there fore, high time for gentlemen to think of somewhat
is,
250 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to be done for that purpose, and I make no doubt but that any resolution this House shall think fit to come
to, will put an effectual stop to it.
" Mr. Thomas Winnington next said :
I do not pretend to know the forms and the powers of this House so well as the honourable gentleman over the way, who has much more experience in both than I
can pretend to ; but it is very surprising to me, that any gentleman should seem to make a doubt of the power which this House has during the recess of Parliament. It is true, we have no power, but as a House, to make any commitment, or to pass any cen sure ; but then it is as true, that the orders and reso lutions of this House are, or ought to be, as binding during our recess, as during our sitting. The reason, sir, of this is plain ; because we are still the same House, and we have the same authority during our adjournment or prorogation, as when we sit; our privileges are the same, and for the same reason our acts ought to have the same force too. Can any gen tleman doubt, that if this House shall come to a re solution, that if any person should, during our recess, presume to print any of our proceedings, that we would not have a right to punish him next time we
shall presume to print any part of the proceedings of this House, during the recess of Parliament, will be equally liable to the censure of this House as if it were during the session.
met together as a House ?
not pretend that we have not ; therefore, sir, I hope you will come to some very strong resolution upon this occasion. I hope ye will declare, that whoever
I dare
say, gentlemen
will
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 251
" As to what the honourable gentlemen insinuated about the liberty of the press being in danger, it is a consideration I am in no manner of pain about. Our coming to a resolution, that we will not have what we say misrepresented, can never affect the liberty of the press. It is what every private gentleman has a right to re quire, though he were out of Parliament ; for I believe no gentleman would wish to see his sentiments mis represented in print, even though they regarded a private affair ; but when such a thing happens in a debate, to fix a gentleman's public character, the con sequences are much worse. For my own part, sir, I am not afraid of speaking my mind in this House ;
but I should be very sorry to see anything I say in this House misrepresented in a public Newspaper; and I should think I had a very good title to redress, even though I were not a member of this House.
" But, sir, setting aside the case of these gentlemen being misrepresented in what they say in these public Papers, I think it is a very great injury done us, as a House of Parliament. I do not see why we ought to be less jealous of our rights and privileges, than the other House is. I know of no right we have given up, with regard to our power to regulate our own pro ceedings that the other House enjoys; and I am sure there have been some late instances, wherein they have, I believe, pretty severely punished some printers for presuming to publish some of their protests. They did this, sir, not because their words or meaning were misrepresented, but because they conceived it to be an indignity done to them as a House of Parliament, to print any proceeding of theirs whatsoever, without
252 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
their consent and authority. That of itself, sir, is a reason why we ought to put a stop to this scandalous practice of printing our proceedings ; because if we should appear less jealous of our rights and privileges, than the other House are of theirs, it may be after wards told us, that we do not enjoy such rights and privileges, because at such a time, when we had the same reason as the other House had, we did not exer cise them. Therefore, if we do not put a speedy stop
to this practice, it will be looked upon without doors, that we have no power to do for the public will very justly think that we had such power we would exercise it. And then, sir, what will be the conse quence why, sir, you will have every word that spoken here by gentlemen, misrepresented by fellows who thrust themselves into our gallery. You will have the speeches of this House every day printed, even during your session. And we shall be looked upon as the most contemptible assembly on the face of the
earth. agree with the honourable gentleman over the way, that may not be quite so right, to punish those
printers for what they have done already for really, sir, we have been so very remiss in putting stop to this practice, that by this time they may think they are in the right in what they do. But can see no manner of
we can be under, to come to some very vigorous resolution to prevent the like for the future.
would have this resolution, sir, extended not only to
difficulty
the time of our sitting, but of our recess. If the printers of the monthly magazines, and the other Newspapers, are not more cautious for the future, think we shall be wanting to that regard, which we
comprehend
I
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I
it,
; a
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if
a
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 253
owe ourselves as a House of Parliament, if we do not
proceed against them with severity. Therefore, sir, I hope gentlemen will think of a proper resolution with regard to this matter of complaint.
"Mr. Pulteney said: Sir, I agree entirely with the gentleman who has already spoken, that it is ab solutely necessary a stop should be put to the practice which has been so justly complained of; I think no appeals should be made to the public with regard to what is said in this assembly, and to print or pub lish the speeches of gentlemen in this House, even
though they were not misrepresented, looks very like making them accountable without doors, for what they say within. Besides, sir, we know very well that no man can be so guarded in his expressions, as to wish to see everything he says in this House in print. I remember the time when this House was so jealous,
so cautious of doing anything that might look like an appeal to their constituents, that not even the votes
were printed without leave. A gentleman
rose in his place, and desired the Chair to ask leave of the House, that their votes for that day should be printed. How this custom came to be dropped I cannot so well account for, but I think it high time for us to prevent any further encroachment upon our privileges ; and I hope gentlemen will enter into a proper resolution for the purpose.
" But, though I am as much as any gentleman can be for putting a stop to this scandalous practice, I should be very tender of doing it in such a manner as
may either affect the Liberty of the Press, or make it seem as if we claim a privilege to which we have no
every day
254
THE FOURTH ESTATE.
title. An honourable gentleman near me was pleased
to mention the powers which the other House had of
calling printers to an account for printing their pro tests. It is very true, Sir, they have such a power, and they have exercised it very lately ; but we have no such power; they may punish a printer for print ing any part of the proceedings of their House, for twenty, thirty, or forty years back ; but then, gentle men are to consider that the House of Peers is a court of record, and, as such, its rights and privileges never die. Whereas, this House never pretended to be a court of record ; our privileges expire at the end of every Parliament ; and the next House of Commons
is quite different from the last. As to the question whether we have a right to punish any printer, who
shall publish our proceedings, or any part of them, during our recess, which I take to be the only question at present, it may be worthy consideration ; for my own part, I am apt to think that we may ; because our privileges as a House of Parliament exist during the whole continuance of Parliament; and our not sitting never makes any violation of these privileges committed during a recess less liable to censure, the next time we meet as a House. However, sir, as it has been long the practice to print some account of our proceedings during our recess, I am against punishing any person for what is past, because very possibly they did not know they were doing amiss ; and if gentlemen think fit to enter into any resolution for the time to come, I dare say it will be sufficient to deter all offenders in that way. But that resolution, sir, cannot affect any person who shall print an
reporting. —onslow's motion. 255
account of your proceedings when this Parliament shall be dissolved. There is an honourable gentle man* near me, who knows that the history of a whole Parliament was once published in a sixpenny pamphlet, and their transactions set in no very favourable light, for the gentlemen who composed it. I never heard, sir, that any succeeding House of Commons took that amiss, nor that the honourable gentleman who was generally looked upon as the author of was ever called to account by either House of Parliament. Parliaments, sir, when they do amiss, will be talked of with the same freedom as any other set of men whatsoever. This Parliament, hope, will never de serve but, did, should be very sorry that any resolutions were entered into in order to prevent its being represented in the present or the next age, in its proper colours. am sure the honourable gentle
* "Meaning Sir Robert Walpole, who in the year 1713, wrote pamphlet entitled A Short History of the Last Parliament. ' "
" While the new elections were depending, was the opinion of Somers and the Whig Lords, that to state to the people, in strong and perspicuous manner, the proceedings of the late Parliament with
view to expose the measures of the Ministry, and to guide the electors in the choice of the new representatives, would be highly ad vantageous to their party. As no one seemed better calculated for this office than Walpole, he undertook pamphlet, at their desire, on the Thursday, and published on the Tuesday following, under the title of Short History of the Last Parliament, with the motto
Venalis Populus, venalis Curia Patrum. '
To this publication prefixed Dedication by Pulteney, then his coadjutor, composed in strain of irony and humour peculiarly his own, and in which, though addressed to an anonymous peer, easy to perceive that the Earl of Oxford was the object of allusion. " — Coxe's Memoirs Sir Rohert Walpole.
of
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if it
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it : is
it,
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256 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
man who sits near me, will agree with me in this ; and whatever the other House may do, sir, I hope we never shall stretch our privilege, so as to cramp the freedom of writing on public affairs.
" But this consideration, sir, can never affect the resolutions which gentlemen propose to come to now. We have rather been too remiss in not putting a stop
to this scandalous practice that has been complained of. I always thought that these pamphlets contain ing our debates, were circulated by the Government's
encouragement, and at their expense ; for till the honourable gentleman who spoke last save one in the debate, mentioned the magazines in the manner he did, I have been still used to look on the publishing them as a ministerial project; for I imagined that it being found unpracticable to make the people buy and read The Gazetteer by itself, it was contrived so as that the writings of the other party, being printed in the same pamphlet, it might be some invitation to the public to look into The Gazetteer, and I dare say, sir, the great run which the magazines have had has been entirely owing to this stratagem. The good and the bad are printed together, and people are by that means drawn in to read both. But I think it is now high time, to put a stop to the effects they may have by coming to a resolution that may at least prevent anything being published, during the time of our sit ting as a House, which may be imposed upon the world as the language and words of gentlemen who perhaps never spoke them. "
You have with great justice," he said, "punished some
Sir Robert Walpole was the next speaker.
REPORTING —ONSLOW S MOTION. 257
persons, for forging the names of gentlemen upon the backs of letters ; but the abuse now complained of is, I conceive, a forgery of a worse kind ; for it tends to misrepresent the sense of Parliament, and impose upon the understanding of the whole nation. It is but a petty damage that can arise from a forged frank, when compared to the infinite mischiefs that may come from this practice. I have read some debates of this House, sir, in which I have been made to speak the very reverse of what I meant. I have read others of them wherein all the wit, the learning, and the argu
ment has been thrown into one side, and on the other nothing but what was low, mean, and ridiculous ; and yet when it comes to the question, the division has
the side which, upon the face of the debate, had reason and justice to support it. So that, sir, had I been a stranger to the proceedings and to the nature of the arguments themselves, I must have thought this to have been one of the most contemptible assemblies on the face of the earth. What notion
then, sir, can the public, who have no other means of being informed of the debates of this House, than what they have from these Papers, entertain of the wisdom and abilities of an assembly, who are repre sented therein to carry almost every point against the
strongest and the plainest argument and appearances. However, sir, as I believe gentlemen are by this time pretty sensible of the necessity of putting a stop to this practice, it will be quite unnecessary for me to argue a point wherein we are all agreed. But I can not help taking notice of one thing mentioned by the
hon. gentleman who spoke last, since I was the person VOL. II. R
gone against
258 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to whom he was pleased to appeal. He mentioned that the history of a whole Parliament had been printed, and seemed to insinuate from this, that people might make very free with Parliaments. Really, sir, I will be so free as to own that I do know of such a pamphlet being printed ; nay, I believe I know a little of the author, and the publication. But at the same time I know, sir, that that was one of the worst Houses of Commons that ever this nation saw ; that they had a design to introduce the Pretender ; that they had approved of a scandalous peace, after the most glorious war that was ever carried on ; and had it not been for some very favourable circumstances that fell out, they would have set aside the present happy establishment in His Majesty's person and fa mily. I hope, sir, no gentleman will find fault with any reflections that could be thrown out against such
I
tleman will pretend to draw any parallels betwixt their
conduct and ours. But, sir, besides these consider ations, gentlemen are to reflect, that the Parliament which was described in that history, had been dissolved before the history itself was published. And not only so, sir, but there is a noble lord in the other House,* who can, if he pleases, inform gentlemen, that the author of that history was so apprehensive of the
a House of Commons ;
likewise, that no hope gen
consequence of printing that the press was carried to his house, and the copies printed off there.
" This, think, sir, will be sufficient to show, that the author did not think himself quite out of danger, even though the Parliament was dissolved. But
* Probably Lord Cobham.
I
I
it,
REPORTING — ONSLOW S MOTION. 259
am not at all for carrying things to such a length at present ; it may be sufficient, if we come to a resolu tion to prevent the publication of any part of our
proceedings during the recess, as well as the sitting of the Parliament. As to what the honourable gentleman said, with regard to the magazines being published and distributed by order, and at the expense of the Government, I do not know if he was serious or not. If he was serious, he must have a very contemptible opinion of the understanding of those gentlemen who have the honour to serve His Majesty, if he imagines that they would be so weak as to propagate papers, every page almost of which hath a direct tendency against their own interest. If any gentleman will take the trouble, which I own I very seldom do, to look into one of these magazines, he will find four pages wrote against the Government for one that is in its favour ; and generally the subject is of such a nature as would be severely punished under any other Govern ment than our own. If the hon. gentleman was not serious, I think a more proper time might have been chosen for showing his wit, than while we are con sidering of the means of putting a stop to a practice, which he himself, and every gentleman who spoke in this debate, allows so nearly to affect the dignity and privileges of this House. For my own part, sir, I am ex tremely indifferent what opinion some gentlemen may
form of the writers in favour of the Government : but, sir, I shall never have the worse opinion of them for that : there is nothing more easy than to raise a laugh ; it has been the common practice of all minorities when
they were driven out of every other argument. I r2
260 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
never shall be afraid, sir, to do what I think right, and for the service of His Majesty and my country, because I may be laughed at. But, really, sir, I will be so free as to say, that if the want of wit, learning, good manners, and truth, is a proper object of contempt and ridicule, the writers in the opposition seem to me to have a much better title to both than those for the Government. No Government, I will venture to say, ever punished so few libels, and no Government ever had provocation to punish so many. I could name a Government in this country, sir, under which those writings, which are now cried up, as founded upon the laws, and in the constitution, would have been punished as libels, even by gentlemen who are now the warmest advocates for the liberty of the press, and for suffering the authors of those daily libels that appear in print to pass with impunity. But I ask pardon for what I have said that may appear foreign
I was led to it
had been thrown out by the gentleman who spoke
to the present consideration ; by
what
before. "
With this the debate closed, and Mr. Speaker
Onslow " having drawn up the question," the House of Commons resolved unanimously : — " That it is an high indignity to, and a notorious breach of the privilege of, this House, for any News-writer, in letters or other papers (as minutes, or under any other denomination), or for any printer or publisher of any printed Newspaper of any denomination, to presume to insert in the said letters or papers, or to give therein any account of the debates, or other proceedings of this House, or any committee thereof, as well during the recess, as the
REPORTERS CAVE AND GUTHRIE. 261
sitting of Parliament ; and that this House will pro ceed with the utmost severity against such offenders. " After this all reports of Parliament were still further
disguised by being given in the Gentleman's Magazine, as Debates in the Senate of Great Lilliput, and even with this precaution, the publication was thought so hazardous that Cave did not dare issue them in his own name, but put that of his nephew, E. Cave, Junior, in the imprint.
In the London Magazine the speeches were
given, the speakers enjoying Roman appellations. Sir John Hawkins describes Cave's mode of obtaining his notes : " Taking with him a friend or two, he found means to procure for them and himself ad mission to the Gallery of the House of Commons, or to some concealed station in the other House ; and there they privately took down notes of the several speeches, and the general tendency and substance of the arguments. Thus furnished, Cave and his asso ciates would adjourn to a neighbouring tavern, and compare and adjust their notes; by means whereof, and the help of their memories, they became enabled to fix at least the substance of what they had so lately heard and remarked. The reducing this crude matter
into form, was the work of a future day and an abler hand. Guthrie, the historian, a writer for the book sellers, Cave retained for the purpose. "
The editor of the Parliamentary History,* after complaining of the carelessness with which Chandler had completed his collection of Debates, goes on to say that from the year 1735, when the Debates were
* Preface to Vol. IX. A. D. , 1733—1737.
262 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
no longer published in the Political State of Great Britain, the speeches were given by Guthrie in the Gentleman's, and by Gordon in the London Maga zine, both those reporters attending in the gallery, and receiving notes and assistance from different members. From November 19, 1740, to February, 1743, the debates in both Houses were compiled by
Dr. Johnson, and from such slender materials that great doubts of their authenticity have been entertained.
rather perhaps a little too flattering, account of our transatlantic kinsmen. Soon after the publication of this work, Mr. Stuart became the editor of The Courier, and, true to his principles, he gave in this capacity every support in his power to the Whig or Liberal party. He was appointed by Lord Melbourne to the situation of Factory Inspector, which he held till his death (in
And it redounds much to his credit, that in this difficult position he conducted himself so as to acquire the esteem not merely of the manufacturers, but of the great majority of the workmen. His too great sensibility, his impetuosity, and his obstinate adherence to the opinions and steps he had either avowed or taken, sometimes hurried Mr. Stuart into difficulties and embarrassments, which more dispas
1849).
THE COURIER. 231
sionate, though not abler or better men, would have avoided. But in his bearing and manner he was a perfect gentleman, and his many excellent qualities made him be highly esteemed and beloved by a wide circle of attached and intelligent friends. If ever the history should be written, as it well deserves to be, of the rise and progress of Liberal opinions in Scotland during the present century, the name of James Stuart
will occupy one of the most prominent and honourable places in its pages.
" Mr. Stuart was robust, active, and
capable of bearing fatigue. He died in his 74th year, of a disease of the heart, most probably induced by the excitement in which he passed the greater portion of his life. "
After Stuart had received the appointment, and had resigned his connexion with the press, Laman Blanchard became editor of The Courier, bringing to the task that versatility of talent, and ardour of poli tical feeling, for which he was distinguished. But the war was gone, and The Courier, like other evening Papers, was less profitable than of old ; and, in an evil hour, the proprietors determined to sell the Paper to the party they had so long opposed. The Paper took Tory politics ; Laman Blanchard, of course, at once resigned ; and a few short years were sufficient to destroy a Journal which had once been the most valuable Newspaper property in England. The loss of his post on the Paper must have given some annoyance to Blanchard, and it was not until after his unhappy death thatBulwer made known the fact that the Government had been asked, and asked in vain,
singularly
232 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to give this clever writer some trifling recompense for the service his pen had done for the Liberal cause. Blanchard's "political articles were of considerable value to the party he espoused ; although free from the acerbity and the personalities which the warfare of Journalism rarely fails to engender. The change of proprietorship and of politics in The Courier occasioned his retirement, and necessitated the loss of an income, for him considerable. His services to the Whigs, then in office, had been sufficient to justify a strong appeal in his behalf for some small appointment. The appeal, though urged with all zeal by one who had himself some claims on the Government, was unsuc cessful. The fact really is, that Governments, at pre sent, have little, among their subordinate patronage, to bestow upon men whose abilities are not devoted to a profession. The man of letters is like a stray
joint in a boy's puzzle ; he fits into no place. Let the partisan but have taken orders — let him but have eaten a sufficient number of dinners at the inns of court—and livings, and chapels, and stalls, and as- sistant-barristerships, and commissionerships, and colonial appointments, can reward his services and prevent his starving. But for the author there is nothing but his pen, till that and life are worn to the stump ; and then, with good fortune, perhaps on his death-bed he receives a pension —and equals, it may be, for a few months, the income of a retired butler ! And so, on the sudden loss of the situation in which
he had frittered away his higher and more delicate genius, in all the drudgery that a party exacts from its defender of the press, Laman Blanchard was thrown
THE GLOBE. 233
again upon the world, to shift as he might, and subsist as he could. "
Short as his days unhappily were, Blanchard lived to see the desertion of political principle by The Courier punished by the complete destruction of the Paper.
In Daniel Stuart's defence of himself and his Paper
the imputations of Coleridge and his biogra phers, he speaks incidentally of the establishment of some opposition Papers by the booksellers, and of the projectors of the new Journals having taken away from him his chief literary assistant, George Lane. This remark was published in the Gentleman's Maga zine, and in due time we find in the pages of that
publication* a reply from Lane, in which he gives his version of the foundation of The Globe, and, incident ally, some facts about other Papers. He says : — "Mr. Daniel Stuart states that the booksellers having de termined to set up two daily Newspapers, The British Press and The Globe, in direct opposition to his Papers, The Morning Post and The Courier, 'took' from his employment George Lane (meaning me), his chief assistant, supposing that when they got me ' they got
The Morning Post, and that he (Mr. Stuart) was nobody. ' To this charge of a combination against him, urged in several passages in his statement, I answer, that in my first interview with the booksellers on the subject of their Papers, I inquired the motives for their new undertaking, and, in answer, they stated their object was not pecuniary profit, but the protection of their trade, which suffered from the manner in which
* Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. , 1838.
against
234 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
the existing Newspapers were conducted ; that their advertisements were frequently thrown into the back of the Paper, and there mixed with others of a gross and offensive character; that frequently their adver tisements were refused insertion, or if received, their insertion was attended with injurious delay, as hap pened upon occasions of important Parliamentary debate or other interesting matter requiring consider able space, and this in cases of new literary works prepared at great expense ; and that, as a remedy for these grievances, they proposed to have a morning and evening Paper of their own, the columns of which they could command. These were the views and motives they professed, and I firmly believed them ; and I further declare, that I never had cause to suspect that they had any other, or that the Papers were in tended for the unworthy purpose alleged by Mr. Stuart ; nor did I ever conduct them in that spirit. Mr. Stuart refers to Sir Richard Phillips as a voucher for his statement; but, at the time the booksellers applied to me, the late Mr. Debett, of Piccadilly, was the only member of the trade with whom I had the slightest acquaintance. Sir Richard Phillips I did not know
until after I had made my engagement, when I found him a member of a committee for managing the finan cial affairs of the concern, with which, however, I had nothing to do, and I conducted the Papers entirely according to my own judgment, perfectly free from all undue influence. A new Newspaper is, I conceive, as legitimate a speculation as a new bank or a new insur ance office; and that the booksellers were perfectly justified in setting up their Papers for the purpose
THE GLOBE. 235
I have stated. A new Paper does not create new readers ; its circulation is derived from the existing stock, and must necessarily affect the whole, though, perhaps, not each individual in the same degree ; but that the new Papers were set up particularly in oppo sition to The Morning Post and The Courier I deny. If they were likely to affect any individual Paper, The Morning Chronicle would appear, on Mr. Stuart's own showing, to have the greatest cause for apprehension, for he says, ' Mr. Perry, who aimed at making The Morning Chronicle a very literary Paper, took pains to produce a striking display of book advertisements ; while horses and carriages constituted the particular class of advertisements in The Morning Post. ' This much may suffice in vindication of the booksellers. I now proceed to make some observations in vindica tion of myself. Mr. Stuart, while he gives me credit for merit of various kinds — which, without betraying excessive vanity, I could not arrogate to myself — says, I owned that I was indebted to him ' for all I knew of Newspapers/ that by his instruction, he might say education, I had become valuable in various ways, and that I was his chief assistant in his morning Paper. This I readily admit. His statement is perfectly cor rect and true. I was a total stranger to Newspapers when he accepted my proffered services, and any know ledge I possessed of Newspapers was acquired in his office. But I will go further than the bare admission of this part of Mr. Stuart's statement in its most extended sense. During my connexion with him he uniformly treated me with exceeding kindness and great liberality, of which the following particulars
236
THE FOURTH ESTATE.
may convey an idea. He proposed to me to enter into a written engagement with him, which I declined. My refusal appeared to surprise him, and he said if I felt any cause of dissatisfaction in the establishment it
should be removed. I answered there was none ; was pleased with every one in and everything about
it. He then said, did not consider
sufficient he was ready to increase it; to which answered, that was perfectly satisfied, and felt myself amply compensated as stood, but that wished to hold myself free man. This conversation took place at an early period of our connexion and upon that footing remained until its close, during which in terval he added more than once to my income, but not at my instance or request. The advance always came
my salary
I
and unsolicited, from his own will. may add, that never heard any member of the establishment complain of want of liberality on the
part of Mr. Stuart. He wished to have his business done diligently, but he was uniformly liberal in com
These are facts not now disclosed, or sen timents not now expressed by me for the first time. In every company in which ever heard his character and conduct alluded to, have uniformly born testi mony to his liberality, and expressed myself to the same effect. It will now occur to the reader to ask how happened that so highly favoured, should withdraw myself from an establishment in which had so much cause of content. Mr. Stuart had repeatedly communicated to me his intention to retire from con
ducting his Paper, and to confide the management of to me and the period was now approaching at
spontaneously
pensation.
it ;
it
I
a
I
I,
I
if II
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I
;
I
II
it,
THE GLOBE. 237
which he proposed to carry his intention into effect. About this time the project of the booksellers became
publicly known, and a proposal, totally unforeseen and unexpected, was made to me to become their editor, to which I gave a prompt and decided negative. On the very next day I learned that Mr. Stuart was desir ous to dispose of his Paper, and it may be conceived that the information produced in me surprise and dis appointment. I was not so unreasonable as to expect that Mr. Stuart should continue to carry on his Paper for my sake ; and his uniform kindness would justify
an expectation that in a negotiation for its sale he would endeavour to stipulate favourable terms for me : but this was not the position to which I had been
I have been too fastidious, but, taught to look ; may
whether the feeling was right or whether it was wrong, I did not relish the idea of being transferred like a fixture with the concern to strangers. This feeling was aggravated by a little occurrence not now neces sary to revive, but which Mr. Stuart probably remem bers, when just at this critical moment the proposal, which I had so recently rejected, was repeated and pressed upon me, and I, in a discontented frame of mind and with reluctance, consented to entertain it.
If, then, I left Mr. Stuart, it was not until after I found he was ready, if opportunity offered, to part with me ; as he charges, the booksellers took me from him,'
was not until he was ready to give me away. con tinued with him nearly two months after had ap prised him of the engagement had contracted, and during that time he never adverted to the subject, nor had cause to learn, except from his reserve and the coldness of his manner, that had excited his dis-
I
I
1
I
I
it if,
'
238 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
I could have had no mean, sordid, or un worthy motive for leaving Mr. Stuart. My terms with the booksellers were not, in a pecuniary point of view, more advantageous than those Mr. Stuart had pro posed for me. I was exchanging a life of comparative
pleasure.
I was leaving friends to whom I was affectionately attached, to commit myself to strangers of whom I knew nothing.
ease for one of incessant labour and anxiety ;
I was leaving an established, flourishing Paper to em bark in a new speculation of uncertain issue. What mean, sordid, or selfish motive, then, could I have had to encounter so fearful a change ? Mr. Stuart exclaims, ' The booksellers being possessed of a general influence among literary men, could there be a doubt of suc cess? ' Mr. Stuart greatly overrates the literary sup port and patronage which the new Papers received. The actual sale at the commencement did not exceed two hundred each, and any literary contributions received and inserted were paid for. The booksellers almost immediately, from various causes, began to drop off. Mr. Murray, now of Albemarle Street, then a very young man, was the most active, liberal, and
valuable among them; but he, with Messrs. Longman, Clarke, of Portugal Street, Butterworth, and many others of the greatest influence and importance, after a short time withdrew ; and I was left to contend with difficulties and under the most discouraging circum stances, in which the fortune of the Papers appeared desperate, and their very existence hung, as it were, by a thread, before I succeeded in establishing the concern on safe grounds, at which time not more than two booksellers remained partners in it. "
Since the days of Lane. The Globe has had many
THE SUN. 239
editors, and was for years regarded as the Liberal Minis terial evening Paper. Mr. Gibbons Merle was one of its literary aides, and whilst engaged on The Globe wrote the articles on Newspapers which appeared in the early numbers of The Westminster Eeview. Another writer on The Globe was Colonel Torrens, a retired officer of Marines, who fought with much distinction during the war,* and on the return of peace became a News paper proprietor and writer. He had a share in The Traveller, which was afterwards united to The Globe—
as the heading of the Paper still bears witness.
The Sun has long had a reputation for late intel
ligence ; but is still more noticeable for the opposition it had to contend with. For some years the town was kept constantly aware of the fierce contest between The Sun and The True Sun, established by Patrick Grant, and conducted for a time with great spirit. Laman Blanchard was on this Paper as a principal writer ; Mr. William Carpenter being the sub-editor. Grant
getting into difficulties mortgaged the new speculation, and it was subsequently bought and conducted by Mr. Daniel Whittle Harvey, who, however, did not succeed in making it profitable. One of its last editors was Mr. W. J. Fox, now M. P. for Oldham. One other fact must not pass unchronicled. Mr. Charles Dickens made his first Parliamentary campaign as a gallery reporter on The True Sun.
* Colonel Torrens was born in Ireland in 1783. He entered the marines at a very early age, and obtained a captain's commission in 1806. In March, 1811, when the Danes with a very superior force attacked the little island of Anholt, he commanded the marine garrison. He was rewarded with the rank of major, and he next served in th
Peninsula, and was appointed Colonel of a Spanish Legion.
r
240 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
The Standard is junior to both Sun and Globe, having been started to support the Conservative party during the Reform Bill excitement. It is said that Lord Lowther was one of the capitalists on the occa
sion ; Mr. Baldwin* being the other ; Dr. Maginn finding a title, a motto, and a prospectus. From the first number to the present time, The Standard has been edited by Dr. Gifford, a man well known for his talent and strong political bias. In the early days of The Standard Dr. Maginn was one of the staff, and
many anecdotes are current of the glorious sayings and doings of that time; but Maginn was, like greater
too irregular for the punctual duties of a daily Paper, and he gradually dropped off, leaving his post to be filled by Alaric Watts, who held it for a time.
Besides The Sun, Globe, and Standard, we have now two other daily evening Papers—The Express, an evening edition of The Daily News; and The Evening Chronicle — both offshoots from the more important morning Journals. The Times and
Herald also have evening Papers, but only thrice a-week. They are The Evening Mail and the St. James's Chronicle. The latter was at one time edited by a hardworking literary labourer named Stephen
Jones, a Londoner, born in 1763, and educated at St. Paul's school. He was originally intended for a
* In searching through old Newspaper files the names of particular families are found identified with this class of literary property. The Baldwins appear to have been one of these. Like the Walters, three generations seem to have been Newspaper printers, and proprietors. The name of Richard Baldwin stands in the imprint of a Newspaper as long ago as 1689.
geniuses,
WHITEHALL EVENING POST. 241
sculptor, and left stone for metal, and turned printer.
From composing types, he rose to correcting proofs, and then took still another step, in 1794, by becoming an author. His first publication was an abridgment of Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution, and this was followed by a variety of compilations and
In 1797 Jones became editor of The Whitehall Evening Post, but editing did not fully oc
cupy his time. Amongst his productions was one
entitled, The Spirit of the Public Journals, a volume
of which appeared annually for many years, com mencing with 1799. On the decline of The White hall Evening Post he became editor of The General Evening Post, which he conducted for a considerable period, until it passed into other hands and was united to The St. James's Chronicle. He was also connected with the Freemasons' Magazine; and, after the death of
Mr. Isaac Reid, he conducted the European Magazine. That gentleman, before his death, was engaged in pre paring a new edition of Baker's BiographiaDramatica; his papers were put into Mr. Jones's hands, who, in 1 8 12, published a new edition in 4 vols. , 4 to, much enlarged. This book was severely handled in the Quarterly Re view ; and Jones retorted in a pamphlet, called, " Hy- percriticism exposed. " He was not a man to be crushed by an adverse article, and continued to write and prepare food for printers till the close of his active and useful life.
VOL. II.
abridgments.
CHAPTEE X.
REPORTING AND REPORTERS.
The gallery in which the reporters sit has become a Fourth Estate of the realm. The publication of the debates, a practice which seemed to the most li beral statesmen of the old school full of danger to the great safeguards of public liberty, is now regarded by many persons as a safeguard, tantamount, and more than tantamount to all the rest together. —
Macaulay's Essay on Hallam's Constitutional History.
Early Parliamentary debates. —The Commonwealth. —The Revolution. — George the Second. — The Gentleman's Magazine. — Parliamentary History. — Guthrie. —Dr. Johnson. —Almon. —Woodfall. —Perry. — Sheridan. —Peter Finnerty. — Mark Supple. — Sketch of the Repor ter's Gallery. — O'Connel. — Sir R. Peel. — The Theory that no Re porters are in the House of Commons.
THERE were no satisfactory reports of parliamentary proceedings until Newspapers undertook the task of giving them. D'Ewes's Journals of Elizabeth's
Parliaments contain some curious specimens of parlia mentary speeches ; the first volume of the Commons' Journals also gives some reports of debates ; and a member of Parliament has left us a report of the debates of the session of 102. 1. Still these are only fragments. Rushworth gives a few discussions, and Gray, in his collection of debates, affords some more. Yet all these are disjointed and occasional efforts affording very incomplete results.
EARLY PARLIAMENTARY REPORTS. 243
In our sketch of the rise of Newspapers, we have seen that the first parliamentary debates allowed to be published in public Papers were those of the Par liament when the power of Charles I. began to wane before the growing democracy.
The Diurnal of Oc currences may be pointed to as containing the first
Newspaper reports of parliamentary proceedings. In 1641, we have, " The Passages in Parliament from 3 of Jan. to the 10, more fully and exactly taken then the ordinary one hath beene, as you will finde upon comparing. And although the weeke past doth yeeld many remarkable passages (as hath beene any weeke before) yet you shall expect no more expression either now or hereafter in the title then the passages in Par liament &c. London printed for Nath. Butter at St. Austin's Gate in Paul's Churchyard, at the signe of the Pyde Bull 1641. "
During the Commonwealth the reports were con tinued, but the Restoration stopped them entirely. * Cromwell promoted, but Charles forbade all parlia mentary reporting, and with occasional exceptions the debates of his reign are lost to history. The Revolu tion of 1 688 effected a partial freedom for the press, but still no one could safely print the debates. Boyer's Political State of Great Britain, however, gave a monthly record of Parliament, such as it was.
* July 9, 1662. —A very extraordinary question arose, about pre venting the publication of the debates of the Irish Parliament in an English Newspaper, called The Intelligencer ; and a letter was written from the Speaker to Sir Edward Nicholas, the English Secretary of State, to prevent these publications in those Diurnals, as they call them. — Ann. Beg. from Lord Mountmorres' s Hist, of Irish Pari. Vol. II.
Q2
244 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
After the accession of George I. , something like a regular account of the debates was given in a pub lication called The Historical Register, which continued to give them till 1737. * Here the thread was taken up by Cave, who thought them excellent matter for his Gentleman's Magazine. He had previously been in the habit of sending to friends in the country some of the written memoranda of debates, which in those days circulated through the coffee houses and in pri vate society ; and the interest which attached to these imperfect documents doubtless suggested to the enter prising mind of the bookseller the value that more perfect reports must give to a monthly Magazine. He did not dare, however, to print his reports till the session was over, and then he ventured only on stating
the initials of the speakers. In 1738 even this modest amount of publicity was objected to.
On the 13th of April in that year, the Speaker, Onslow, informed the House. f that it was with some concern he saw a practice prevailing, which a little reflected upon the dignity of that House : what he meant, he said, was the inserting an account of their deliberations in the Newspapers, by which means the
* It is told of Pelham that, being asked to take steps for stopping the publication of debates of the House of Commons in the News papers, ho replied, " Let them alone ; they make better speeches for us than we can for ourselves. " A similar answer is related of George II. Being informed that an impudent printer was to be punished for having published a spurious (King's) speech, he answered, he hoped the man's punishment would be of the mildest sort : because he had read both, and as far as he understood either of them, he liked the spurious speech better than his own. — Lord Waldegrave's Memoirs, p. 88.
t Pari. Hist. , vol. x. p. 800.
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 245
proceedings of the House were liable to very great misrepresentations. That he had in his hands a
printed Newspaper, which contained His Majesty's answer to their late address, before the same had been reported from the Chair, the only way of communi cating it to the public. That he thought it his duty to inform the House of these practices, the rather because he had observed them of late to have run into very great abuses ; and therefore he hoped that gentle men would propose some method of stopping it. Sir W. Yonge continued the discussion, which deserves full quotation. He said : "
mentioned this affair. I have looked upon it as a prac tice very inconsistent with the forms and dignity which this House ought always to support ; but since you have been pleased to mention this from the Chair, I must beg leave to carry my observations a little farther. I have observed, sir, that not only an account of what you do, but of what you say, is regularly printed and circulated through all parts, both of the town and coun try. At the same time, sir, there are very often gross misrepresentations, both of the sense and language of gentlemen. This is very liable to give the public false impressions both of gentlemen's conduct and abilities. Therefore, sir, in my opinion, it is now high time to put a stop to it. Not that I should be for attacking the liberty of the press ; that is a point I would be as tender of as any gentleman in this House. Perhaps some gentlemen may think it indeed a hardship, not to be able to find their names in print, at the head of
a great many fine things, in the monthly magazines ; but this, sir, can never prevent gentlemen from send
I am have very glad you
246 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
they say, which, sir, I am sure is what every gentleman in this House will wish for. Therefore, I hope gentlemen will consider of some method of putting a stop to this abuse, more effectual than we have fallen upon yet. There is, indeed, a resolution on our journals, against printing or publishing any of the proceedings of this House, but by authority of the Chair ; but people had generally run away with the notion, that this prohibi tion is in force only during the time we are sitting, and that as soon as the session ends, they are at liberty to print and publish what they please ; therefore, I
ing their speeches, if they please ; it only prevents other gentlemen from being misrepresented as to what
will come into a resolution, for ex plaining that matter ; and if they do, I am very sure that if it is broke through, I myself will move the House, with the very first opportunity, next session. But the printers of the Papers, sir, which you have in your hands, cannot even plead the excuse of the
hope gentlemen
recess of Parliament ; therefore deserve to be punished ; and if you do not either punish them, or take some effectual method of checking them, you may soon ex pect to see your votes, your proceedings, and your speeches, printed and hawked about the streets, while we are sitting in this house.
" Sir W. Windham next spoke. Sir, he said : No gentleman can be more jealous and tender than I have always been of the rights and privileges of this House, nor more ready to concur with any measure for putting a stop to any abuses which may affect either of them. But at the same time, sir, I own, I think we ought to be very cautious how we form a resolution upon this
REPORTING. —ONSLOW S MOTION. 247
head ; and yet I think it is absolutely necessary that some question should be formed. I say, sir, we ought to be very cautious in what manner we form a resolu tion ; for it is a question so nearly connected with the liberty of the press, that it will require a great deal of tenderness to form a resolution which may preserve gentlemen from having their sense misrepresented to the public, and at the same time guard against all en croachments upon the liberty of the press. On the other hand, sir, I am sensible that there is a necessity of putting a stop to this practice of printing, what are called the speeches of this House, because I know that gentlemen's words in this House have been mistaken and misrepresented ; I do not know, sir, but I have some reason of complaint myself upon that head. I have, indeed, seen many speeches of gentlemen in this House that were fairly and accurately taken ; and no gentleman, when that is the case, ought to be ashamed that the world should know every word he speaks in this House : for my own part, I never shall, for I hope never to act or speak in this House, anything that I shall be ashamed to own to all the world. But of late, sir, I have seen such monstrous mistakes in some gen
tlemen's speeches, as they have been printed in our
Newspapers, that it is no wonder if gentlemen think
it high time to have a stop put to such a practice. Yet still, sir, there are two considerations, which I own weigh very much with me upon this occasion. That this House has a right to prohibit the publica tion of any of its proceedings during the time we are sitting, is past all doubt, and there is no question, but that, by the resolutions that now stand upon our votes,
248 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
and are renewed every session, the printers of the Papers you have in your hand are liable to the censure of this House. But I am not at all so clear as to the right we may have of preventing any of our proceed ings from being printed during our recess; at least, Sir, I am pretty sure that people without doors are strongly possessed with that notion, and therefore I should be against our inflicting any censure at present, for what is past of that kind. If gentlemen are of
which Ido own Iam not, that we have a
opinion,
power to prevent any of our proceedings and debates from being communicated to the public, even during our recess, then, as this affair has been mentioned, they will no doubt think it very proper to come to a resolution against this practice, and to punish it with a very severe penalty ; but, if we have no such power, sir, I own I do not see how you can form any reso lution upon this head, that will not be liable to very
great censure.
" The other consideration that weighs very much,
sir, with me upon this occasion, is the prejudice which the public will think they sustain, by being deprived of all knowledge of what passes in this House, other wise than by the printed votes, which are very lame
and imperfect, for satisfying their curiosity of knowing in what manner their representatives act within doors. They have been long used to be indulged in this, and they may possibly think it a hardship to be deprived of it now. Nay, sir, I must go farther; I do not know but they may have a right to know somewhat more of the proceedings of this House than what ap
pears upon your votes ; and if I were sure that the
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 249
sentiments of gentlemen were not misrepresented, I should be against our coming to any resolution that
could deprive them of a knowledge that is so necessary for their being able to judge of the merits of their representatives within doors. If gentlemen, however, are of opinion that they can frame a resolution which will put a stop to all impositions, and yet leave the public some room for having just information of what passes within these walls, I shall be extremely glad to give it my concurrence. But I am absolutely against our stretching our power farther than it will go con sistently with the just rights of Parliament; such stretches rather weaken than give any strength to the constitution ; and I am sure no gentleman will care to do what may not only look like our claiming powers unknown to our constitution, but what, in its conse quences, may greatly affect the liberty of the press. If we shall extend this resolution to the recess of Parliament, all political writing, if the authors shall touch upon anything that passed in the preceeding session, may be affected by it ; for I do not know that
anybody would venture to publish anything that might bring upon them the censure of this House.
" In the mean time, sir, I am as willing as any gentleman in this House, that a stop should be put to the practice you have taken notice of from the Chair. It has grown to such a pitch, that I remember some time ago there was a public dispute in the Newspapers
betwixt two printers or booksellers of two pamphlets, which of them contained the true copy of a certain hon. gentleman's speech in this House. It there fore, high time for gentlemen to think of somewhat
is,
250 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to be done for that purpose, and I make no doubt but that any resolution this House shall think fit to come
to, will put an effectual stop to it.
" Mr. Thomas Winnington next said :
I do not pretend to know the forms and the powers of this House so well as the honourable gentleman over the way, who has much more experience in both than I
can pretend to ; but it is very surprising to me, that any gentleman should seem to make a doubt of the power which this House has during the recess of Parliament. It is true, we have no power, but as a House, to make any commitment, or to pass any cen sure ; but then it is as true, that the orders and reso lutions of this House are, or ought to be, as binding during our recess, as during our sitting. The reason, sir, of this is plain ; because we are still the same House, and we have the same authority during our adjournment or prorogation, as when we sit; our privileges are the same, and for the same reason our acts ought to have the same force too. Can any gen tleman doubt, that if this House shall come to a re solution, that if any person should, during our recess, presume to print any of our proceedings, that we would not have a right to punish him next time we
shall presume to print any part of the proceedings of this House, during the recess of Parliament, will be equally liable to the censure of this House as if it were during the session.
met together as a House ?
not pretend that we have not ; therefore, sir, I hope you will come to some very strong resolution upon this occasion. I hope ye will declare, that whoever
I dare
say, gentlemen
will
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 251
" As to what the honourable gentlemen insinuated about the liberty of the press being in danger, it is a consideration I am in no manner of pain about. Our coming to a resolution, that we will not have what we say misrepresented, can never affect the liberty of the press. It is what every private gentleman has a right to re quire, though he were out of Parliament ; for I believe no gentleman would wish to see his sentiments mis represented in print, even though they regarded a private affair ; but when such a thing happens in a debate, to fix a gentleman's public character, the con sequences are much worse. For my own part, sir, I am not afraid of speaking my mind in this House ;
but I should be very sorry to see anything I say in this House misrepresented in a public Newspaper; and I should think I had a very good title to redress, even though I were not a member of this House.
" But, sir, setting aside the case of these gentlemen being misrepresented in what they say in these public Papers, I think it is a very great injury done us, as a House of Parliament. I do not see why we ought to be less jealous of our rights and privileges, than the other House is. I know of no right we have given up, with regard to our power to regulate our own pro ceedings that the other House enjoys; and I am sure there have been some late instances, wherein they have, I believe, pretty severely punished some printers for presuming to publish some of their protests. They did this, sir, not because their words or meaning were misrepresented, but because they conceived it to be an indignity done to them as a House of Parliament, to print any proceeding of theirs whatsoever, without
252 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
their consent and authority. That of itself, sir, is a reason why we ought to put a stop to this scandalous practice of printing our proceedings ; because if we should appear less jealous of our rights and privileges, than the other House are of theirs, it may be after wards told us, that we do not enjoy such rights and privileges, because at such a time, when we had the same reason as the other House had, we did not exer cise them. Therefore, if we do not put a speedy stop
to this practice, it will be looked upon without doors, that we have no power to do for the public will very justly think that we had such power we would exercise it. And then, sir, what will be the conse quence why, sir, you will have every word that spoken here by gentlemen, misrepresented by fellows who thrust themselves into our gallery. You will have the speeches of this House every day printed, even during your session. And we shall be looked upon as the most contemptible assembly on the face of the
earth. agree with the honourable gentleman over the way, that may not be quite so right, to punish those
printers for what they have done already for really, sir, we have been so very remiss in putting stop to this practice, that by this time they may think they are in the right in what they do. But can see no manner of
we can be under, to come to some very vigorous resolution to prevent the like for the future.
would have this resolution, sir, extended not only to
difficulty
the time of our sitting, but of our recess. If the printers of the monthly magazines, and the other Newspapers, are not more cautious for the future, think we shall be wanting to that regard, which we
comprehend
I
is
I
I
it,
; a
I; it
if
a
REPORTING. ONSLOW S MOTION. 253
owe ourselves as a House of Parliament, if we do not
proceed against them with severity. Therefore, sir, I hope gentlemen will think of a proper resolution with regard to this matter of complaint.
"Mr. Pulteney said: Sir, I agree entirely with the gentleman who has already spoken, that it is ab solutely necessary a stop should be put to the practice which has been so justly complained of; I think no appeals should be made to the public with regard to what is said in this assembly, and to print or pub lish the speeches of gentlemen in this House, even
though they were not misrepresented, looks very like making them accountable without doors, for what they say within. Besides, sir, we know very well that no man can be so guarded in his expressions, as to wish to see everything he says in this House in print. I remember the time when this House was so jealous,
so cautious of doing anything that might look like an appeal to their constituents, that not even the votes
were printed without leave. A gentleman
rose in his place, and desired the Chair to ask leave of the House, that their votes for that day should be printed. How this custom came to be dropped I cannot so well account for, but I think it high time for us to prevent any further encroachment upon our privileges ; and I hope gentlemen will enter into a proper resolution for the purpose.
" But, though I am as much as any gentleman can be for putting a stop to this scandalous practice, I should be very tender of doing it in such a manner as
may either affect the Liberty of the Press, or make it seem as if we claim a privilege to which we have no
every day
254
THE FOURTH ESTATE.
title. An honourable gentleman near me was pleased
to mention the powers which the other House had of
calling printers to an account for printing their pro tests. It is very true, Sir, they have such a power, and they have exercised it very lately ; but we have no such power; they may punish a printer for print ing any part of the proceedings of their House, for twenty, thirty, or forty years back ; but then, gentle men are to consider that the House of Peers is a court of record, and, as such, its rights and privileges never die. Whereas, this House never pretended to be a court of record ; our privileges expire at the end of every Parliament ; and the next House of Commons
is quite different from the last. As to the question whether we have a right to punish any printer, who
shall publish our proceedings, or any part of them, during our recess, which I take to be the only question at present, it may be worthy consideration ; for my own part, I am apt to think that we may ; because our privileges as a House of Parliament exist during the whole continuance of Parliament; and our not sitting never makes any violation of these privileges committed during a recess less liable to censure, the next time we meet as a House. However, sir, as it has been long the practice to print some account of our proceedings during our recess, I am against punishing any person for what is past, because very possibly they did not know they were doing amiss ; and if gentlemen think fit to enter into any resolution for the time to come, I dare say it will be sufficient to deter all offenders in that way. But that resolution, sir, cannot affect any person who shall print an
reporting. —onslow's motion. 255
account of your proceedings when this Parliament shall be dissolved. There is an honourable gentle man* near me, who knows that the history of a whole Parliament was once published in a sixpenny pamphlet, and their transactions set in no very favourable light, for the gentlemen who composed it. I never heard, sir, that any succeeding House of Commons took that amiss, nor that the honourable gentleman who was generally looked upon as the author of was ever called to account by either House of Parliament. Parliaments, sir, when they do amiss, will be talked of with the same freedom as any other set of men whatsoever. This Parliament, hope, will never de serve but, did, should be very sorry that any resolutions were entered into in order to prevent its being represented in the present or the next age, in its proper colours. am sure the honourable gentle
* "Meaning Sir Robert Walpole, who in the year 1713, wrote pamphlet entitled A Short History of the Last Parliament. ' "
" While the new elections were depending, was the opinion of Somers and the Whig Lords, that to state to the people, in strong and perspicuous manner, the proceedings of the late Parliament with
view to expose the measures of the Ministry, and to guide the electors in the choice of the new representatives, would be highly ad vantageous to their party. As no one seemed better calculated for this office than Walpole, he undertook pamphlet, at their desire, on the Thursday, and published on the Tuesday following, under the title of Short History of the Last Parliament, with the motto
Venalis Populus, venalis Curia Patrum. '
To this publication prefixed Dedication by Pulteney, then his coadjutor, composed in strain of irony and humour peculiarly his own, and in which, though addressed to an anonymous peer, easy to perceive that the Earl of Oxford was the object of allusion. " — Coxe's Memoirs Sir Rohert Walpole.
of
it ;
a
I
' is
'
if it
it a
a
I
I
it : is
it,
A
a
it
a
a
256 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
man who sits near me, will agree with me in this ; and whatever the other House may do, sir, I hope we never shall stretch our privilege, so as to cramp the freedom of writing on public affairs.
" But this consideration, sir, can never affect the resolutions which gentlemen propose to come to now. We have rather been too remiss in not putting a stop
to this scandalous practice that has been complained of. I always thought that these pamphlets contain ing our debates, were circulated by the Government's
encouragement, and at their expense ; for till the honourable gentleman who spoke last save one in the debate, mentioned the magazines in the manner he did, I have been still used to look on the publishing them as a ministerial project; for I imagined that it being found unpracticable to make the people buy and read The Gazetteer by itself, it was contrived so as that the writings of the other party, being printed in the same pamphlet, it might be some invitation to the public to look into The Gazetteer, and I dare say, sir, the great run which the magazines have had has been entirely owing to this stratagem. The good and the bad are printed together, and people are by that means drawn in to read both. But I think it is now high time, to put a stop to the effects they may have by coming to a resolution that may at least prevent anything being published, during the time of our sit ting as a House, which may be imposed upon the world as the language and words of gentlemen who perhaps never spoke them. "
You have with great justice," he said, "punished some
Sir Robert Walpole was the next speaker.
REPORTING —ONSLOW S MOTION. 257
persons, for forging the names of gentlemen upon the backs of letters ; but the abuse now complained of is, I conceive, a forgery of a worse kind ; for it tends to misrepresent the sense of Parliament, and impose upon the understanding of the whole nation. It is but a petty damage that can arise from a forged frank, when compared to the infinite mischiefs that may come from this practice. I have read some debates of this House, sir, in which I have been made to speak the very reverse of what I meant. I have read others of them wherein all the wit, the learning, and the argu
ment has been thrown into one side, and on the other nothing but what was low, mean, and ridiculous ; and yet when it comes to the question, the division has
the side which, upon the face of the debate, had reason and justice to support it. So that, sir, had I been a stranger to the proceedings and to the nature of the arguments themselves, I must have thought this to have been one of the most contemptible assemblies on the face of the earth. What notion
then, sir, can the public, who have no other means of being informed of the debates of this House, than what they have from these Papers, entertain of the wisdom and abilities of an assembly, who are repre sented therein to carry almost every point against the
strongest and the plainest argument and appearances. However, sir, as I believe gentlemen are by this time pretty sensible of the necessity of putting a stop to this practice, it will be quite unnecessary for me to argue a point wherein we are all agreed. But I can not help taking notice of one thing mentioned by the
hon. gentleman who spoke last, since I was the person VOL. II. R
gone against
258 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
to whom he was pleased to appeal. He mentioned that the history of a whole Parliament had been printed, and seemed to insinuate from this, that people might make very free with Parliaments. Really, sir, I will be so free as to own that I do know of such a pamphlet being printed ; nay, I believe I know a little of the author, and the publication. But at the same time I know, sir, that that was one of the worst Houses of Commons that ever this nation saw ; that they had a design to introduce the Pretender ; that they had approved of a scandalous peace, after the most glorious war that was ever carried on ; and had it not been for some very favourable circumstances that fell out, they would have set aside the present happy establishment in His Majesty's person and fa mily. I hope, sir, no gentleman will find fault with any reflections that could be thrown out against such
I
tleman will pretend to draw any parallels betwixt their
conduct and ours. But, sir, besides these consider ations, gentlemen are to reflect, that the Parliament which was described in that history, had been dissolved before the history itself was published. And not only so, sir, but there is a noble lord in the other House,* who can, if he pleases, inform gentlemen, that the author of that history was so apprehensive of the
a House of Commons ;
likewise, that no hope gen
consequence of printing that the press was carried to his house, and the copies printed off there.
" This, think, sir, will be sufficient to show, that the author did not think himself quite out of danger, even though the Parliament was dissolved. But
* Probably Lord Cobham.
I
I
it,
REPORTING — ONSLOW S MOTION. 259
am not at all for carrying things to such a length at present ; it may be sufficient, if we come to a resolu tion to prevent the publication of any part of our
proceedings during the recess, as well as the sitting of the Parliament. As to what the honourable gentleman said, with regard to the magazines being published and distributed by order, and at the expense of the Government, I do not know if he was serious or not. If he was serious, he must have a very contemptible opinion of the understanding of those gentlemen who have the honour to serve His Majesty, if he imagines that they would be so weak as to propagate papers, every page almost of which hath a direct tendency against their own interest. If any gentleman will take the trouble, which I own I very seldom do, to look into one of these magazines, he will find four pages wrote against the Government for one that is in its favour ; and generally the subject is of such a nature as would be severely punished under any other Govern ment than our own. If the hon. gentleman was not serious, I think a more proper time might have been chosen for showing his wit, than while we are con sidering of the means of putting a stop to a practice, which he himself, and every gentleman who spoke in this debate, allows so nearly to affect the dignity and privileges of this House. For my own part, sir, I am ex tremely indifferent what opinion some gentlemen may
form of the writers in favour of the Government : but, sir, I shall never have the worse opinion of them for that : there is nothing more easy than to raise a laugh ; it has been the common practice of all minorities when
they were driven out of every other argument. I r2
260 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
never shall be afraid, sir, to do what I think right, and for the service of His Majesty and my country, because I may be laughed at. But, really, sir, I will be so free as to say, that if the want of wit, learning, good manners, and truth, is a proper object of contempt and ridicule, the writers in the opposition seem to me to have a much better title to both than those for the Government. No Government, I will venture to say, ever punished so few libels, and no Government ever had provocation to punish so many. I could name a Government in this country, sir, under which those writings, which are now cried up, as founded upon the laws, and in the constitution, would have been punished as libels, even by gentlemen who are now the warmest advocates for the liberty of the press, and for suffering the authors of those daily libels that appear in print to pass with impunity. But I ask pardon for what I have said that may appear foreign
I was led to it
had been thrown out by the gentleman who spoke
to the present consideration ; by
what
before. "
With this the debate closed, and Mr. Speaker
Onslow " having drawn up the question," the House of Commons resolved unanimously : — " That it is an high indignity to, and a notorious breach of the privilege of, this House, for any News-writer, in letters or other papers (as minutes, or under any other denomination), or for any printer or publisher of any printed Newspaper of any denomination, to presume to insert in the said letters or papers, or to give therein any account of the debates, or other proceedings of this House, or any committee thereof, as well during the recess, as the
REPORTERS CAVE AND GUTHRIE. 261
sitting of Parliament ; and that this House will pro ceed with the utmost severity against such offenders. " After this all reports of Parliament were still further
disguised by being given in the Gentleman's Magazine, as Debates in the Senate of Great Lilliput, and even with this precaution, the publication was thought so hazardous that Cave did not dare issue them in his own name, but put that of his nephew, E. Cave, Junior, in the imprint.
In the London Magazine the speeches were
given, the speakers enjoying Roman appellations. Sir John Hawkins describes Cave's mode of obtaining his notes : " Taking with him a friend or two, he found means to procure for them and himself ad mission to the Gallery of the House of Commons, or to some concealed station in the other House ; and there they privately took down notes of the several speeches, and the general tendency and substance of the arguments. Thus furnished, Cave and his asso ciates would adjourn to a neighbouring tavern, and compare and adjust their notes; by means whereof, and the help of their memories, they became enabled to fix at least the substance of what they had so lately heard and remarked. The reducing this crude matter
into form, was the work of a future day and an abler hand. Guthrie, the historian, a writer for the book sellers, Cave retained for the purpose. "
The editor of the Parliamentary History,* after complaining of the carelessness with which Chandler had completed his collection of Debates, goes on to say that from the year 1735, when the Debates were
* Preface to Vol. IX. A. D. , 1733—1737.
262 THE FOURTH ESTATE.
no longer published in the Political State of Great Britain, the speeches were given by Guthrie in the Gentleman's, and by Gordon in the London Maga zine, both those reporters attending in the gallery, and receiving notes and assistance from different members. From November 19, 1740, to February, 1743, the debates in both Houses were compiled by
Dr. Johnson, and from such slender materials that great doubts of their authenticity have been entertained.
