The rebel was now reduced to
pitiable
devices.
Cambridge History of India - v4 - Mugul Period
who arrived in India in Sep-
tember, 1615. The effect of Downton's victory was by that time
evaporating, and peace was being arranged between the Mughuls
and the Portuguese. Prince Khurram, whose governorship included
Surat, was in their favour and actually issued an order that the English
should be allowed to trade for only a month and should have no
residence, while the draft terms with the Portuguese stipulated that
the English should be absolutely excluded. Roe's stout resistance
to indignities, and solicitations for bribes had some effect on the local
authorities, and he proceeded to the royal court at Ajmer. For nearly
three years he strove to obtain a trade treaty, following the court
in its progress to Mandu and to Ahmadabad. By the emperor he
was treated with the courtesy that was natural to him, but Jahangir
1 See vol. V, chap. IV.
? He mentions the use of a rarriage presented by Roe.
## p. 163 (#197) ############################################
NUR JAHAN'S INFLUENCE
163
had no inclination to deal on terms of equality with a nation of which
he knew nothing except that it desired Indian trade, and which was
represented to him by the Portuguese in the worst possible light.
Khurram was anxious that nothing should be done to detract from
his authority over the port, and Asaf Khan, who dealt with the draft
treaties put forward by Roe, showed himself greedy for gifts and
unreliable in every way. By September, 1618, Roe secured a farman
or grant from Khurram as viceroy of Gujarat which, though not so
complete as the draft treaty he had first tried to obtain from the
emperor, gave reasonable facilities for trade, but it did not allow any
building to be bought or built as a permanent residence. Beyond
this Roe's stay at the court and behaviour there did much to enhance
the respect with which the newcomers were regarded.
The chief power in the empire was now vested in the empress
Nur Jahan, who acted with her father I'timad-ud-daula, and brother
Asaf Khan. A legend grew up later that Jahangir had fallen in love
with her in childhood, and had treated her husband as David dealt
with Uriah. Contemporary history does not support this story,
which appears to have grown up long after her influence was estab-
lished. When Sher Afgan was killed in 1607 his widow who was then
styled Mihr-un-Nisa (Sun of womankind) was sent to court and
became an attendant on Salima Begam, the widow of Akbar. At the
spring ceremony in March, 1611, Jahangir was attracted by her and
married her two months later, changing her name to Nur Mahall
(Light of the palace). Her charm and beauty was equalled by her
devotion to Jahangir and by her capability and tact, and her own
influence over the emperor was immensely enhanced by the other
members of her family. Rapid promotion was given to her father
and brother, and her mother's discovery of the way to prepare attar
of roses won the admiration of the aesthetically-minded emperor.
A year after his own marriage Jahangir celebrated the wedding of
his son Khurram with Arjumand Banu, daughter of Asaf Khan,
thus cementing a link which bound Khurram to the leading spirits
for many years. As the emperor's intellect deteriorated through his
bodily indulgences and his concentration on pleasure, he was glad
to leave to his wife and her advisers the task of deciding most affairs
of state. His biographer records that he repeatedly said that he had
bestowed the sovereignty on Nur Jahan and for himself needed
nothing but a quart of wine and a pound of flesh. Within a month
of his arrival at the court at Ajmer, Roe discovered the power
exercised by her and her clique. When his draft of a treaty was
returned with alterations which he could not possibly accept he at
first supposed that the lower officials were responsible. He soon found
that Asai Khan was unreliable and had strong influence over
Khurram. He writes bitterly :
1 See Beni Prasad, Jahangir, chap. VIII.
## p. 164 (#198) ############################################
164
JAHANGIR
The King was my only refuge, from whom I was sure of justice if I com-
playned, but I feard I should draw upon me the hate of Normall the beloved
queene, ante to Sultan Corrons wife, sister of Asaph Chan, whose daughter the
Prince married, and all that powerfull faction, against whom, though I might
once prevayle, yet the advantage of tyme, language, and oppor unitye, the
power of a wife, sonne, and a favorite would produce revenge.
The power of the faction was not unchallenged, and its growth
was extended over a long period by the gradual appointment of its
nominees to offices of trust. Of the opponents Mahabat Khan was
the most notable and he was left without promotion for twelve years,
though he was one of the most capable men in the country. Per.
suasion rather than domination was the method first used with the
emperor. One element in the policy was the support of Khurram
as heir to the throne, and this led to opposition by those who preferred
the elder son Khusrav. In spite of the two rebellions of which Khusrav
was the nominal leader Jahangir never appears to have lost his
affection for him, and popular sympathy was strong in his favour.
Though his perpetual confinement gave him no opportunity of show-
ing his capability in administration, his disposition was admired
and his devotion to his only wife, the daughter of Khan A'zam,
was well known. In October, 1616, an attempt was made to get the
charge of Khusrav transferred from Ani Ray, a brave and faithful
Rajput attendant on the emperor, to Asaf Khan, and Roe narrates
that a verbal order was actually obtained late one night when
Jahangir was intoxicated. Ani Ray, who refused to comply, appeared
at court the next day and was commended. A few days later when
Khurram was about to proceed in person to conduct the Deccan
campaign his fear for his interests during his absence led him to
make another attempt which was successful, and caused great fears
for Khusrav's own life. Roe gives a vivid report of the conster-
nation in the women's quarters, where Khusrav's relations threatened
to burn themselves if he were killed, and of the rumours that Khurram
desired the death of his father as well as of his brother, and he com-
pares the state of India to that of Rome during the contest between
Otho and Vitellius related by Tacitus. It appeared to Roe that the
Company would do well to avoid siding in the quarrel, to make few
debts and to limit their establishments in the country.
During his seven years' tenure of the office of governor of the
Deccan prince Parviz and the officers under him had made no
progress in their campaigns. Like his father he was addicted to wine
and he was fonder of pleasures than of his business. Jahangir, anxious
to complete his conquest of the Deccan, transferred Parviz to the
easier charge of Allahabad in 1616 and sent in his place Khurram
on whom he conferred the title of Shah, while he himself moved his
court to Mandu so as to be nearer the scene of operations. A graphic
description of the luxury of his camp equipage, with the ladies of
1 Hist. I, 50.
## p. 165 (#199) ############################################
KHURRAM'S NEGOTIATIONS IN THE DECCAN 165
the court riding in gold howdahs on 50 elephants, is given by Roe,
whose meagre allowance from the Company did not permit him to
buy or hire reasonable equipment. The route lay through difficult
country where supplies were always, and water was sometimes,
scarce, while the straggling cortège was often liable to be plundered
by the inhabitants. In December, 1616, Roe saw a hundred corpses
of people who had been executed for robbery, and in January he
writes : "I am yet following this wandering King over mountaynes
and through woods, so strange and unused wayes that his own people
who almost know no other god, blaspheame his name and hers that
(it is said) conducts all his actions. " While he stayed at Ujjain the
emperor took pleasure in a visit to a celebrated faqir called Chid Rup1
who had met Akbar some 15 years earlier. In the sage's teaching
of Vedanta philosophy Jahangir thought he recognised the germ of
Sufi mysticism. The slow march through country which presented
many opportunities for the emperor's favourite pastime of hunting
ended in March, 1617, when he arrived at Mandu, the old capital
of the independent rulers of Malwa. ? The magnificent buildings of
the Malwa kings drew his admiration, while his disgust at the misdeeds
of one of the most infamous led him to desecrate the tomb and have
the remains cast in the Narbada river which flows a few miles away.
The difficulties of water supply on the rocky hill where the emperor
resided were so great that it had to be purchased, and Roe considered
himself lucky in finding a residence near an assured supply. Through-
out the summer intrigues continued regarding the succession, and at-
tempts were made to arrange a marriage between Khusrav and Nur
Jahan's daughter by her former husband Sher Afgan. The match would
have been generally popular, and might have secured Khusray's posi-
tion, but he declined to accept it, through devotion to his only wife.
Meanwhile Khurram had succeeded in a few months by negotia-
tion in settling the affairs of the Deccan more effectively than his
brother had done in as many years. The degenerate rulers of the
Deccan were weary of the struggle and some of their officials had
been corrupted by bribes. Khurram's success in Mewar had enhanced
his reputation. Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II the ruler of Bijapur agreed to
pay tribute and restore the conquered territory, including Ahmad-
nagar. Jahangir celebrated the peace by a magnificent reception in
Mandu of the Bijapur envoys and his son Khurram received the
unique privilege of a seat in his father's presence. He also received
the title of Shah Jahan (Sovereign of the world) which he retained
later when he succeeded his father on the throne. Roe, who was
present, was rather contemptuous of the whole affair, and rightly
1 Sometimes incorrectly transliterated Jadrup. For a contemporary picture
see J. R. A. S. 1919, p. 389.
2 See vol. II, chap. XIV, for a history of the dynasty, and G. Yazdani, Mandu,
1929, for a description of the place.
## p. 166 (#200) ############################################
166
JAHANGIR
guessed that the boasted victory was no more than the avoidance
of future loss. Some element of personal disappointment tinges his
comments, as he had hoped a few months earlier to sell Malik 'Ambar
a quantity of the Company's cloth and swords which were not in
demand elsewhere. But in fact the settlement advanced the Mughul
power no further than it had stood when Akbar left the Deccan,
and while the Muhammadan rulers were rapidly losing hold the
Marathas who formed the bulk of the population had begun to realise
their own strength. There was no longer any need for the emperor
to remain in the magnificent but uncomfortable surroundings of
Mandu, and he decided to visit Gujarat, where for the first time in
his life he saw the sea. Throughout the journey Roe was endeavouring
to negotiate with Asaf Khan, thwarted perpetually by Shah Jahan,
who was against the English and constantly feared that any grant
to them of rights of trade would derogate from his powers as viceroy.
Roe also attempted to get the Portuguese expelled from Gujarat,
but the emperor told him that he proposed to maintain the arrange-
ments with them that had been concluded by the former rulers of
Gujarat. A respect for the power of the Portuguese on the sea was
still the deciding factor. It was not until the late autumn of 1618
that Roe finally concluded an agreement with Shah Jahan, by which
he obtained better terms than had first been offered, but not the
complete freedom he desired. In particular the English were not
allowed to purchase or construct their own residences, though they
were allowed to hire, and either the disorderly conduct of the sailors
or fear of actual invasion led to restrictions on the carriage of arms.
Jahangir with his zest for the amenities of life was disgusted with
the climate and scenery of Ahmadabad. He records that he did not
know whether to call it Samumistan (the place of hot winds),
Bimaristan (the abode of sickness), Zaqqum zar (the thorn or cactus
bed) or Jahannumabad (the house of hell). His reference to disease
is illustrated by the descriptions of a mysterious pestilence at Ahma-
dabad the exact nature of which cannot be identified. It was charac-
terised by a very high temperature and the appearance on the body
of large dark-coloured blisters the matter from which produced
others. Death ensued in a few hours and even the small English
community lost seven members. Both the emperor and Shah Jahan
were attacked but recovered after a lengthy convalescence. There
was nothing to detain the court in western India. Two chiefs in Cutch,
the Jam of Nayanagar and a lesser chief on the borders of Sind,
had been reduced by Raja Bikramajit in 1617. Jahangir therefore
set out for Agra in the rainy season, and during the leisurely march
of the court, a son was born to Shah Jahan's wife, who was named
Aurangzib and later became emperor. Another epidemic now
1 The landing of a few bricks for recasting the broken bell of a ship caused
rumours that they had projected the building of a fort.
>
## p. 167 (#201) ############################################
JAHANGIR VISITS KASHMIR
167
threatened the court and prevented its entry into Delhi. This, from
the description given by contemporary writers, was clearly bubonic
plague, as they describe the characteristic mortality among rats and
the appearance of swellings in the neck and groin. It had broken
out in the Punjab in 1616 and had spread south and east as far as
Agra, where it was still causing 100 deaths a day early in 1619, so
that Jahangir on arriving at Fathpur Sikri remained there till April. 1
During the halt at that place Nur Jahan distinguished herself by
killing a tiger with one shot.
Jahangir's intemperance had now begun to tell seriously on his
health, which had also suffered from the climate of the districts in
which he had spent the last five years. The advice of his physicians,
supported by the influence of his wife, induced him to reduce his
potations, but a permanent cure was not within his power. During
his journey to Kabul in 1606 the crossing of the Jhelum river had
reminded him of two visits he had paid to Kashmir in his father's
lifetime, and he had recorded a wish that he might visit that lovely
tract in the spring. Hoping that he might recover his health in more
pleasing conditions, he left Agra at the end of 1619 and spent the
whole of the following summer in the hills. The ascent by the rough
tracks which had to be followed was difficult, and on one day, after
a fall of snow, as many as twenty-five elephants were lost.
As the royal train penetrated higher into the mountains it had to
divide into parties, because supplies could not be brought together
for the whole retinue. Arrived in the vale of Kashmir Jahangir was
able to indulge his love of nature, and the journal is full of well-
phrased descriptions of the meadows abounding in wild flowers, the
stately trees, the springs, cascades and the brooks starting from these
and swelling into majestic rivers, or expanding into picturesque lakes.
On this and his many succeeding visits he planned and carried out
the construction of houses and gardens, some of which still exist.
While the emperor thus found new pleasures to distract his mind
from his failing health his court, from the highest nobles to the
meanest servant, suffered from bad lodging, from the inclemency of
the weather to which they were not accustomed, and from the
dearness and scarcity of food.
The emperor was met at Srinagar by the governor of Kashmir,
who had just succeeded after prolonged efforts in taking a small tract
in the south of Kashmir, known as Kishtwar, and who brought the
raja in chains. Misrule and oppression by the official in charge,
however, led to a revolt by the high-spirited inhabitants, who were
not finally subdued for a couple of years.
A greater triumph was the conquest of Kangra, a state protected
1 The disease, being carried as is now known by the flea which infests rats,
usually decreases as the hot season advances, because the people sleep outside
their houses.
## p. 168 (#202) ############################################
168
JAHANGIR
by many strong forts and containing the ancient shrine of Jwala-
mukhi with its natural fire. The temple, enriched by many precious
gifts from its devotees, had been plundered by Mahmud of Ghazni
in 1009, but in spite of many attempts by the later rulers of Delhi,
including Akbar, the fort of Kangra had still held out, though the
hill-country round it had been largely subdued. Efforts made under
the orders of Jahangir himself to subdue this stronghold had failed,
in some cases owing to the omission to press an attack by the com-
mander, who really sympathised with the holders and finally broke
into rebellion. Raja Bikramajit, who was then sent to command,
crushed the revolt and after a close siege for more than a year during
which the garrison was nearly starved, the fort surrendered towards
the end of 1620, just after the emperor had started for the plains.
Apart from the booty secured the capture had no political value,
but it gave Jahangir exquisite pleasure that his forces had succeeded
where so many of his predecessors had failed.
The failing health of the emperor, while it added to the influence
of Nur Jahan over the affairs of state, also increased her apprehension
of diminished power if he should die. Of all Jahangir's sons Shah
Jahan was most to be feared, as Khusrav though more popular was
still a prisoner and untried in public affairs. She now decided to
arrange a marriage between Ladli Begam, her daughter by her
former husband, Sher Afgan, and Jahangir's youngest surviving son,
Shahryar, whose mother had been a concubine, and who was then
an immature young man with dissolute inclinations. The formal
betrothal took place at Lahore, to be followed by a wedding at Agra.
While Jahangir had been seeking health in Kashmir the position
on the southern frontier had deteriorated. Malik 'Ambar, ever rest-
less and intriguing on behalf of his master, had again reconciled the
kings of Bijapur and Golconda and pursued his recruiting among the
Marathas. The Mughul governor was besieged in Ahmadnagar and
the high commanders were quarrelling. They might succeed in
pitched battles but lost ground after each and were so harried by
marauding bands that they were forced to fall back on Burhanpur,
which was beset, and even Mandu was not safe. The emperor, in
reply to the pressing demands for reinforcements, appointed Shah
Jahan to command them, but progress was delayed by the fact that
so many troops had been sent on the futile expedition against Kangra.
Shah Jahan, himself, realising the uncertainties of the position at
court, insisted on having charge of his elder brother Khusrav, and
when Jahangir had at last acceded to this the two brothers left their
father at Lahore (1620) and never saw him again. The expedition
was successful in its immediate objects. One division which was
detached to relieve Mandu soon scattered the Marathas who were
laying waste the country round, while Shah Jahan forced the armies
round Burhanpur to withdraw, and thus relieved the garrison which
>
## p. 169 (#203) ############################################
TREATIES WITH KINGDOMS IN THE DECCAN 169
had been practically beleaguered for two years and had been greatly
straitened for food and supplies. Before long the imperial troops had
penetrated as far south as Khirki, where the Nizamshahi rulers had
established their headquarters after Ahmadnagar had been incor-
porated in the imperial dominions. Here they demolished the new
buildings of the capital and set out to raise the siege of Ahmadnagar.
By this time Malik 'Ambar, who had removed his royal master and
his family for safety to Daulatabad, realised that his position was
insecure. He offered terms and Shah Jahan, already anxious about
arrangements for the supply of food for his large army in a tract
which had been devastated and plundered, agreed to treat. Besides
restoring the territory which had previously become Mughul, the
insurgents agreed to give a strip fourteen kos (25 to 28 miles) wide,
and a tribute of five million rupees from the three kingdoms of
Bijapur, Ahmadnagar and Golconda. The rainy season of 1621 being
now over he returned to Burhanpur and occupied himself with
reorganising the administration which had been dislocated by two
years' warfare. The rejoicing over this victory which delighted the
emperor, and prompted him to reward generously those who had
taken part in it, was marred by his illness. As he frankly admits in
his memoirs, he indulged more frequently in liquor, and suffered
for it, till the empress gradually persuaded him to reduce his pota-
tions and adapt his diet to his condition. In October he travelled
to the upper courses of the Ganges to seek a place with a suitable
climate where he might build a new city and avoid the trying heat
of Agra. He found Hardwar not pleasant, and decided to visit
Jammu and Kangra. Leaving the bulk of his great camp in the
plains he had started for the hills when he was recalled by grave
news about the health of I'timad-ud-daula, who was advanced in
years and had been left behind ill. Both the emperor and empress
returned and were present when he died. In spite of their earlier
disagreements reconciliation had been effected and Jahangir mourned
the loss of an able and faithful minister, and a wise and kind friend.
He was then free to visit Kangra and rejoice over his capture of that
ancient place. To celebrate the achievement he took with him per-
sons learned in the law of Islam and after prayers formally desecrated
the temple by sacrificing a cow.
Suddenly, however, great sorrow came upon him by receipt of
the news that Khusrav, who in spite of his two rebellions was still
his favourite son, had died at Burhanpur (January, 1622). The cause
of his death has never been established beyond doubt. 1 Shah Jahan,
in reporting it, said his brother had died of colic. It is significant that
the emperor, who usually added comments when recording deaths,
passes over this almost in silence. Local rumour, as recorded by the
1 H. Beveridge, J. R. A. S. 1907, p. 597, held that murder was not proved. Beni
Prasad, Jahangir, p. 336, after fully reviewing the evidence, thought it certain.
## p. 170 (#204) ############################################
170
JAHANGIR
English factors in the neighbourhood, definitely assigned the cause
to murder and the probability of this is strengthened by Shah Jahan's
later action.
Overshadowed by this event, the new year of the reign brought
news of trouble on the western frontier. Shah 'Abbas, king of Persia,
had from time to time sent ambassadors to Jahangir professing
friendship. One of these arrived at Ajmer in 1616 when Roe was
at the court. Although Roe thought this envoy's behaviour servile,
and not becoming the representative of an independent monarch, he
recognised the difference between the reception of the Persian and
his own treatment, and regretted that he himself was unable to offer
such magnificent gifts as had been sent from Isfahan. Jahangir's
estimate of the relative importance of the two envoys appears from
the elaborate account in the memoirs of the Persian and a full
transcription of the message which he brought, while the English
ambassador is not mentioned. Moreover, a Mughul representative
was sent to Persia in return and there received a gracious welcome.
This exchange of courtesies was a mere cloak to hide designs of
aggression by Shah 'Abbas, and after a fourth embassy arrived at the
end of 1620 the garrison of Qandahar fell to a few hundred soldiers,
the main forces of the empire being collected in the Deccan. The
city was important owing to its command of the land route to Persia
on which the bulk of the trade between that country and India was
still carried, and its possession was also a matter of pride since its
capture by Akbar. News of the collection of a Persian force had been
received and Shah Jahan, the only commander who had been suc.
cessful in recent years, was directed to take an army to defend the
frontier. Before anything could be done the fort was beleaguered
and it was reported that another army was marching on Sind. Great
preparations were made to collect troops and the vast quantity of
supplies required for an army in a tract the products of which barely
support a thin population. A proposal by the officer in immediate
command to take what forces were ready was not accepted as the
emperor hoped to collect an army which could advance as far as
Isfahan, the capital of Persia. His hopes had been stimulated by the
offer of help from Imam Quli, the ruler of Samarqand, who sent an
envoy suggesting the recapture of Qandahar and an expedition
against Khurasan. The project, however, was not immediately
accepted by Shah Jahan. He despatched part of his camp from
Burhanpur at once, but did not advance beyond Mandu, where he
proposed to stay during the rainy season, and he demanded that
when he took over charge of the campaign he should be allowed to
have the fort of Ranthambhor 1 for the residence of his family and
should be sole commander, and also governor of the Punjab. Jealousy
of the power of his stepmother Nur Jahan, and anticipations of her
1 In Rajputana, where Shah Jahan could count on strong support.
## p. 171 (#205) ############################################
SHAH JAHAN REBELS
171
probable support of Shahryar's claim to the throne if the emperor
died, were no doubt the cause of these requests, which were not
granted. Jahangir sent orders that as Shah Jahan did not wish to
move till after the rains he should at once despatch the principal
officers and the best of the troops including the Sayyids of Barha
and Bukhara, the Shaikhzadas, the Afghans and the Rajputs,
Almost immediately a fresh cause of dissension occurred owing to
a dispute about the grant of Dholpur as an assignment. It was
claimed by both Shah Jahan and Shahryar and a fight took place
between the officers of the brothers over its possession. Though
Jahangir with his usual patience again wrote to his son he was soon
persuaded not to accept his excuses. Shahryar was appointed to
command the Qandahar forces and a further indignity was inflicted
on Shah Jahan by the transfer of his jagirs in the Punjab to Shahryar.
Shah Jahan's humble submission, presented through his most trusted
officer, was rejected and he openly rebelled and marched towards
Agra, where the governor held back the treasure collected for the
expedition and prepared for a siege. Interest rather than loyalty
seems to have guided the action of the generals; thus the empress'
brother Asaf Khan abandoned the cause of his son-in-law the rebel
who was, however, supported by Khan Khanan just as he had once
sided with Jahangir in the rebellion against Akbar, and by many of
those who had held office in the Deccan and in Gujarat.
Mahabat Khan, the most capable soldier in the imperial forces,
had for some years been governor of Kabul and had kept order in
that difficult province. He was now summoned to take command,
and after some demur, owing to his suspicions of Asaf Khan whom
he rightly believed to be his enemy, was persuaded to accept the
post by the formal appointment of Asaf Khan to Bengal. "Shah
Jahan was unable to capture the fort of Agra with its treasure, but
plundered the city which had no walls. He then marched north to
meet his father's army, and though he was successful in detaching
'Abdullah Khan, who came over with a large force during the battle,
he was decisively beaten at Bilochpur (March, 1623), and lost Raja
Bikramajit, one of his best commanders.
Shah Jahan then retreated to Mandu, and was followed by his
brother Parviz, who was in nominal command, while his nephew
Dawar Bakhsh, son of Khusrav, marched towards Ahmadabad, the
capital of Gujarat, which had been committed to his charge. The
emperor himself proceeded to Ajmer to be nearer the operations.
The hot weather was now advanced and rainy weather made
fighting difficult. Shah Jahan's attempts to use Maratha horse were
ineffective and Mahabat Khan successfully intrigued to detach sup-
port from him. In a battle near Kaliya Dih some of the prince's
soldiers deserted him, and he withdrew south across the Narbada,
An intercepted letter from the Khan Khanan to Mahabat Khan
## p. 172 (#206) ############################################
172
JAHANGIR
showed that treachery was everywhere. Though the strong fortress
of Asir yielded to him, his trusted officers in Gujarat failed him, and
'Abdullah Khan, who was sent to restore his power in Gujarat, was
defeated near Ahmadabad, and finally had to join Shah Jahan at
Burhanpur with the small amount of money he was able to raise
at Surat.
The rebel was now reduced to pitiable devices. Malik
'Ambar, whom he had twice defeated, refused aid as he was himself
gathering forces to attack Bijapur. An envoy sent to Golconda had
no greater success. In despair Shah Jahan decided to approach his
father, and sent Khan Khanan to Mahabat Khan after taking from
him the most solemn oath of faithfulness. A casual skirmish on the
banks of the Narbada led to further defections from the force guard-
ing the crossing, and Khan Khanan when he arrived at the imperial
camp, disregarding his solemn pledge, offered his own submission
to Parviz. Flight was inevitable and hotly pursued for some distance
in spite of the rainy season Shah Jahan escaped into the kingdom
of Golconda losing adherents on almost every march. From the
king he received no more help than was sufficient to enable him to
traverse the kingdom under a promise to leave it. The passage of his
force, though reduced in numbers, alarmed the people, and the
English factors at Masulipatam tried to get away. Better hopes were
held of success in Bengal and Shah Jahan marched into Orissa.
which was surrendered by the local authorities without a struggle.
Burdwan was taken by siege, but Ibrahim Khan (a brother of Nur
Jahan) refused to surrender his fort near Akbarnagar, backed by the
help of Portuguese gunners from Hugli who had rejected overtures
from the rebel after the fall of Burdwan as they had little hopes of
his success. In a battle outside the fort Ibrahim Khan was defeated
and killed and the fort was mined and stormed. Emboldened by
this success Shah Jahan advanced up the Ganges valley. Kunwar
Bhim Singh of Mewar, who had been his most faithful ally, entered
Patna without opposition and thus secured Bihar. When Shah Jahan
arrived the principal landholders, including the chief of the Ujjainiya
Rajputs, submitted to him, and the strong fortress of Rohtas was
surrendered. One division of the force now occupied Jaunpur and
advanced to Manikpur while 'Abdullah Khan laid siege to Allahabad
which was bravely defended by Mirza Rustam Beg, a Persian of
royal blood. Shah Jahan entered Benares and crossed the Ganges
to Kantit 2 on the south side. By this time, however, Parviz and
Mahabat Khan, after securing peace in the Deccan by an alliance
with Bijapur, had arrived in the Duab. They had difficulty in crossing
the river as Shah Jahan's forces had seized all boats, but were finally
helped by the Bais Rajputs. The rebels retreated and were defeated
1 Now represented by the Maharaja of Dumraon.
2 Sometimes wrongly transliterated as Kampat.
8 In what are now the Unao and Rae Bareli districts.
3
## p. 173 (#207) ############################################
SHAH JAHAN'S DEFEAT AND FLIGHT TO DECCAN 173
in a fiercely contested battle at Damdama? (1624) which completely
destroyed their hopes, though at one time Shah Jahan had nearly
won the day, when a wounded elephant threw his army into con
fusion. Bhim Singh was slain and Shah Jahan who was himself
present would in his despair have fought till killed if his followers
had not seized his bridle and turned his horse away. He rode hastily
to Rohtas where his wife had just borne a son (Murad Bakhsh) and
leaving her there retreated to Bengal. Darab Khan, son of Khan
Khanan, who had been left in command there, now failed him as
his father had done, but met the death his treachery had earned, on
the arrival of Mahabat Khan, though Khan Khanan himself was
forgiven by the emperor and restored to rank and office.
Shah Jahan, at the beginning of his rebellion, had been stigma-
tised by Jahangir as Be-daulat (infelix) and as he made his toilsome
journey back to the Deccan felt the truth of the epithet. On arriving
there he found conditions slightly more favourable. The alliance
between Bijapur and the Mughuls, concluded before Parviz proceeded
north to meet Shah Jahan, had stimulated Malik 'Ambar to fresh
intrigues with Golconda. A division of Bijapur troops had joined
the imperial headquarters at Burhanpur during the absence of
Parviz and Mahabat Khan, and Malik 'Ambar invaded Bijapur
territory, defeated the forces that tried to stop him and invested
Bijapur itself. Reinforced by part of the imperial army the Bijapur
division returned and forced Malik 'Ambar back to his own country.
His efforts to persuade the imperial troops to stand aside and
leave him to settle his own quarrels failed. He then made an un-
expected attack on the combined forces and scattering them com-
pletely laid siege at first to Ahmadnagar and then again to Bijapur,
overrunning the whole of the Balaghat. A year before he had
declined to help Shah Jahan, but now he offered him assistance and
was glad to use him as commander of a force to attack Burhanpur
itself, with 'Abdullah Khan as one of his chief officers. The fort was
actually penetrated but the defenders still held out till Parviz and
Mahabat Khan returned from the Duab, when the siege was raised.
Shah Jahan, sick in body and despairing of success after so many
failures, withdrew towards Berar. 'Abdullah Khan, the chief of the
captains who had survived the recent campaigns, became a religious
recluse at Indur (now Nizamabad) but retained sufficient interest
in worldly affairs to send his submission to court. His other allies
being dead or deserters Shah Jahan saw no alternative but to seek
pardon from his father. Nur Jahan, who had become practically
supreme, exacted terms which though rigorous were not excessive
either as a punishment for rebellion or to safeguard the emperor
1 A village in the Allahabad district near the junction of the Tons and Ganses.
2 A name given to several elevated tracts in central and southern India. Here
it refers to the hilly country in the western part of the present Hyderabad state.
2
## p. 174 (#208) ############################################
174
JAHANGIR
against further attempts. Shah Jahan was to give up the two forts
of Rohtas in Bihar and Asir in Khandesh, which were still held by his
adherents, and to send to court two of his sons, Dara and Aurangzib,
who were still boys. He accepted the terms and was formally
.
appointed governor of the Balaghat, a tract at a safe distance from
the capital, and one in which the proximity of dangerous enemies
might tend to keep him occupied.
Qandahar had been lost after a short siege at the beginning of the
rebellion (June, 1622) and there was no hope or even talk of regaining
it. Jahangir had become incapable of any mental exertion and by
the end of 1624 had even discontinued writing his memoirs. Most
of the elder generals were dead or in disgrace, and the only capable
member of the royal family was banished. No internal disturbances
threatened the crown, but the question of succession which could
not long be deferred was ever present in the mind of the empress.
Mahabat Khan with Parviz the eldest prince had established some
prestige by his successes against Shah Jahan, and the first desirable
object appeared to be to separate them. Parviz was destitute of
either ability or character and was easily induced to accept the
government of Gujarat, with Khan Jahan as his commander. Asaf
Khan's old enmity with Mahabat Khan prompted the appointment
of the latter to the undesirable post of governor in Bengal. TO
embarrass him still further demands were made that he should
despatch to court the elephants and treasure which he had captured
during the rebellion, and as he did not at once comply an envoy
was sent to recover them and to summon him to court. Of his
cruelty and excesses in that country there was much evidence
and complainants flocking to court had excited the emperor's com-
passion.
Early in March, 1626, Jahangir started for Kabul and Mahaba:
Khan arrived when the royal camp was on the banks of the Jhelum
river. He had come fully prepared to protect himself against hostile
designs, bringing with him four or five thousand loyal Rajput
soldiers, and to make even more certain of their allegiance he took
their wives and families whose honour and life would be at stake if
they failed him. A fresh charge was now brought that he had ar-
ranged for the marriage of his son without consulting the emperor,
and Jahangir was easily induced to order the treatment of the son
with gross indignity, while Mahabat Khan was directed to remain in
the camp but not to show himself at court unless specially summoned.
With incredible disregard of the consequences of such insults Asaf
Khan took across the river almost the whole camp, leaving the
emperor and empress with only a few attendants. Mahabat Khan,
feeling he had no ally in court, now made a desperate attempt to
secure the person of the emperor. He collected his Rajput troops,
and placed a couple of thousand at the head of the bridge of boats
## p. 175 (#209) ############################################
MAHABAT KHAN'S COUP D'ETAT
175
with orders to burn it rather than to allow any one to come back
across it.
Proceeding with a small body-guard to the royal tents he forced
his way into the state apartment and, brushing aside the chamberlain,
tried to enter the private tent. As his men were tearing down the
boards which protected it the emperor came out with a few servants,
and as the chronicle relates “twice placed his hand on his sword
to cleanse the world from the filthy existence of that foul dog". He
was dissuaded from using force and at Mahabat Khan's suggestion
mounted a horse, and later an elephant, as if to go hunting. Trusted
Rajputs were placed in the howdah with him, and he was taken to
Mahabat Khan's tents. The rebel had acted on sudden impulse and
in his distracted haste forgot to secure the empress also. He had
managed the abduction of the emperor so rapidly that Nur Jahan
crossed the river to the main camp believing that Jahangir had gone
hunting as usual. There she discovered what had happened and
reproached her brother Asaf Khan and the other nobles. They
decided to attack the traitor and release the emperor next day, though
a message was received from him that they should not attempt
it. Mahabat Khan, though he had missed seizing the empress,
secured Shahryar, burned the bridge and posted his Rajputs along
the bank. Next day, when the attack was launched it failed com-
pletely owing to the absence of leadership among the members of
the queen's faction.
One small party did indeed succeed in crossing and reached the
tents of Shahryar, where their arrows actually fell in the courtyard
near the apartments of the emperor himself, but this was an isolated
effort. Nur Jahan crossed a branch of the river, urging on the lag-
gards. Her elephant was wounded and an arrow pierced the arm
of either Shahryar's infant daughter or the nurse who was with her
in the howdah, and she was forced to withdraw. Asaf Khan filed
to his fort at Attock on the Indus and the other high oficials either
followed his example or made their peace with Mahabat Khan, who
now became dictator. A short siege of Attock and the promise of his
life effected the submission of Asaf Khan, who became nominally
reconciled, though many of his followers were executed.
In May, 1626, Kabul was reached, and Mahabat Khan's influence
soon began to wane. His ability was that of a soldier rather than
that of a statesman, and even during the excitement of his coup
d'état he had shown weaknesses and lapses of judgement. None of
the other officers of state really sided with him and he had neither
friend nor counsellor at court. Trouble arose over a petty scuabble
in a royal game reserve where some of the Rajput soldiers had taken
horses to graze. One of the guards was killed and the others were not
satisfied by the action taken in consequence. An attack was organised
on the Rajputs in which 800 or 900 of them were slain, and this was
## p. 176 (#210) ############################################
176
JAHANGIR
followed by a general rising of the Afghans which seriously depleted
Mahabat Khan's only reliable force. Nur Jahan's intrigues against
him increased though the emperor still continued, either through
guile or the foolish loquacity of a drunkard, to express confidence
in him.
In November, 1626, the court moved from Kabul and on the way
plans were perfected to break the power of the dictator. Orders were
still issued in the name of Jahangir, who sent word to Mahabat
Khan, a day's march from Rohtas, that he was going to hold a
review of the imperial troops and Mahabat Khan would be well
advised to take his own forces a stage ahead to avoid the possibility
of a collision. He had now realised that his influence had faded
beyond the hope of revival, and he marched hurriedly towards
Lahore, being careful to take with him as hostages Asaf Khan with
a son and two nephews of Jahangir. Under pressure from Nur Jahan
Mahabat sent back first the princes, then Asaf Khan and later the
son, and he marched east hoping to secure a large remittance of
treasure which was on its way from Bengal.
The growth of the intrigue against Mahabat Khan had been
fostered by news of the death of Malik 'Ambar about the time that
Jahangir reached Kabul. He was the ablest man of the period,
distinguished alike in the strategic conduct of a campaign, in the
tactics of a battle, or during times of peace in the administration of a
kingdom. His death appeared to free the emperor from menaces
in the south. One of his officers who succeeded him as commander
soon offered allegiance to the empire through Khan Jahan, the
governor who was now in sole charge at Burhanpur, as Parviz had
died from the effects of constant intoxication (October, 1626). The
titular king of Ahmadnagar had, however, come under the influence
of a woman employed in his harem who pandered to his depraved
passions, and obtained great influence over him. Her husband
Hamid Khan, like Malik 'Ambar, was a capable Abyssinian slave.
When the king assumed a hostile attitude and drew the imperial
forces to attack him, Hamid Khan offered a large bribe which Khan
Jahan accepted. The commandants in the territory of Balaghat (see
p. 173) were ordered to evacuate their posts and most of them com-
plied and withdrew to Burhanpur, but the garrison at Ahmadnagar
still held out in the absence of orders from the emperor.
Shah Jahan, after his submission, had remained in the Deccan 1
till he heard of Mahabat Khan's seizure of the emperor. He suggested
to Khan Jahan his intention of proceeding to the assistance of his
father, but received no support. Collecting a small force he marched
north, avoiding Burhanpur where Parviz still lay ill. When he reached
1 The disease, being carried as is now known by the fiea which infests rats,
the beautiful marble residence constructed for him still exists. The tradition is
confirmed by an inscription dated A. D. 1675 (Annual Report, Rajputana Museum,
P. 2).
## p. 177 (#211) ############################################
JAHANGIR'S LAST ILLNESS
177
Ajmer Kishan Singh, son of his old ally Raja Bhim Singh, died
and the small body of Rajput horse commanded by Kishan Singh
fell back to their homes. As no reinforcements joined him he turned
north-west through the desert country and made for Tatta in
Sind.
In spite of the Persian capture of Qandahar, Shah Jahan had
retained friendly relations with the Shah and he now hoped that if
he could get to Persia he might be well received. His progress was
delayed by the governor of Tatta, who was a partisan of Shahryar
and collected a large force to resist him. Shah Jahan's followers,
however, attacked the fort against his orders and were easily re-
pulsed. A letter from Nur Jahan now warned him that Mahabat
Khan's influence had been broken. He himself was in poor health, and
the news of Parviz's serious illness and his own want of troops induced
him to fall back. Borne in a litter he withdrew through Gujarat to
Nasik, hearing of his brother's death on the way. Mahabat Khan
had, in fact, been ordered to proceed to Tatta to repel Shah Jahan's
designs on that place, and had omitted to comply as he wished to
intercept the Bengal treasure. Failing in this design he took refuge
in Mewar and offered his services to Shah Jahan, whom he joined
at Junnar with about 2000 troops. Though these two were the most
competent commanders in the empire their resources were for the
time being exhausted and during the few months that remained of
the emperor's life they were content to await the course of events.
Khan Jahan, who had already betrayed his trust, was not disposed
to take any action against them, though warned by Nur Jahan to
be on his guard.
Early in the spring of 1627 Jahangir left Lahore to spend his last
summer in Kashmir, the part of India which was his favourite place
of residence. This year its invigorating climate failed to restore him,
and the rarefied atmosphere at a high altitude increased the sufferings
of one affected by asthma. He grew weaker daily, and was unable
to ride. As his infirmities increased he lost his appetite for food and
even his taste for opium, in which he had indulged for many years.
Instead of the heavy daily drinking which had been his practice
he now took only a few cups of wine with no spirits. Shahryar also
suffered from a disease which caused complete loss of hair, and his
unsightly appearance was regarded as a mark of dishonour so that
he took advantage of the physicians' suggestion that he might be
better in the warmer climate of Lahore.
As autumn approached the sick emperor moved slowly down
through the mountains. At one place his love of sport revived and
he sat with his gun resting on a wall while the beaters drove the
game up to him. He wounded a stag and a soldier who followed it
slipped and was dashed to pieces at the foot of a precipice. This
accident greatly shocked the dying ruler. who felt that he had seen
12
## p. 178 (#212) ############################################
178
JAHANGIR
the angel of death. He could get no rest or ease and though he was
carried two stages further the attempt to make a third march
exhausted him and he died early next morning (7 November, 1627).
His body was then taken to Lahore and buried in the garden outside
the city where a noble tomb was built later by his widow.
During the first seventeen years of his reign Jahangir himself
maintained a record of events, and when failing health prevented
him from still writing this, it was carried on under his direct super-
vision. Although the memoirs are not a confidential record of human
aspirations, fears and hopes, and are not remarkable for the shrewd-
ness of their assessment of passing events, they are of great value in
estimating the character of their author. Jahangir shows himself a
man of wide interests, but these are devoted more to material objects
and to the rare, novel or curious element, than to the intellectual.
He thus presents a marked contrast to his father, who though entirely
illiterate, and occupied throughout his reign with great enterprises
and administrative reforms, was constantly engaged in discussing
the basis of religion and took more pleasure in hearing the debates
of learned men than in the beauties of nature or art.
Jahangir's love of natural beauty was genuine and his aesthetic
sense sometimes widens and almost expands into a spirit of scientific
enquiry, which was, however, cramped by the empirical doctrines
of his time and country. He made an arduous journey through the
mountain passes to Kashmir to enjoy a view of the spring flowers
there and during repeated visits recorded the names of the animals,
birds and flowers he saw, distinguishing those which are not found
in the plains of India. Occasionally he would have a bird or animal
dissected and note the peculiarities observed. But when it was found
that the gall bladder of a lion was enclosed in the liver his deduction
was that the courage of the lion might be due to this cause. More
wisdom appears in his suggestion that the sweetness of camel's milk
might be due to the nature of its food, and he made experiments
in breeding wild birds in captivity. In art his favourite branch was
painting, which rose during his reign, owing to his patronage, to its
highest state. Mughul pictures were developed from the Safavid
type of Persian art, modified by Indian influence and to some extent
by the study of European pictures. Jahangir constantly notes that
he had rare birds or animals painted, and his remarks about his own
excellence as a connoisseur are valuable not only for the light they
throw on his tastes and character, but also for their explanation of
the composite work performed by Indian artists:
As regards myself, my liking for painting and my practice in judging it have
arrived at such a point that when any work is brought before me, either of
deceased artists or of the present day, without the names being told me, I say on
the spur of the moment that it is the work of such and such a man. And if there
1 V. A. Smith, History of Fine Art in India, 1930, p. 215.
## p. 179 (#213) ############################################
JAHANGIR'S ARTISTIC TASTE
179
be a picture containing many portraits, and each face be the work of a differ-
ent master, I can discover which face is the work of each. If any other per-
son has put in the eye and eyebrow of a face I can perceive whose work the
original face is and who has painted the eye and eyebrows. 1
When Sir Thomas Roe presented to him an English miniature,
the emperor offered to wager that a court painter would copy it so
exactly that Roe would be unable to distinguish the original, and
the ambassador had in fact to scrutinise the pictures carefully. ?
Jahangir had less interest in architecture, and though he would
admire a beautiful building he was usually content to order a con-
struction and leave the execution to his architect, unlike his son who
busied himself with every detail. He did, however, alter the design
of Akbar's magnificent tomb at Sikandra, which he rebuilt after three
years' work had already been done on it. This lofty building of red
stone, composed of five square terraces relieved by cupolas, resembles
a pavilion in Akbar's palace at Fathpur Sikri. While the stone of the
fabric is varied only by coloured tiles and some marble inlay, the
top story is an open court of white marble, in the centre of which is
a cenotaph richly carved and bearing Akbar's religious formula and
the ninety-nine attributes of God.
The tomb of I'timad-ud-daula near Agra, built under the direction
of his daughter the empress, is of a totally different style, being
constructed entirely of white marble, adorned with mosaic work out-
side and richly painted inner walls and ceilings. At Lahore Jahangir
directed the construction of a great mosque, which rivals that built
by his son at Delhi, and he also adorned the fort with palace buildings
which have recently been restored after suffering much dilapidation
during Sikh and early British rule. The enamelled tile panelling on
the walls of the fort which covers about 8000 square yards and on a
mosque built by Vazir Khan is very remarkable. While the memoirs
indicate that Jahangir left others to plan the buildings he required,
they show that he took great delight in the arrangement of gardens
in Kashmir and elsewhere.
His artistic tastes led him to adorn the currency with the finest
calligraphic designs which have appeared on Indian coins. Akbar
had introduced new denominations, and Jahangir went further and
raised the standard weight of the gold and silver units immediately
after his succession. This change, which had no economic basis, was
no improvement and was cancelled after five years. The ilahi system
of reckoning which had been started by Akbar was maintained in the
records of the reign, though the lunar system was partly restored in
the coinage. In spite of the prohibitions of Islam against the repre-
sentation of human or animal life the emperor was bold enough to
1 Memoirs, translated by Rogers and Beveridge, I, 20.
2 A beautiful
copy by an Indian painter of a picture by Bihzad the celebrated Persian artist,
certified by the autograph of Jahangir, was lent by the Gulistan Museum.
Teheran, to the Persian exhibition in London, 1931. See Catalogue No. 498.
## p. 180 (#214) ############################################
180
JAHANGIR
strike medals and coins on which his portrait was stamped. Roe tells
us that one of these was presented to him and he was instructed by
Asaf Khan to wear it round his neck, while Austin of Bordeaux wore
one on his hat. One type of this coin even shows the emperor with
a drinking cup in his hand. 1 In 1618 Jahangir decided to substitute
the figure of the zodiacal sign for the name of the month in which a
coin was struck, and with his usual naïve conceit adds in his memoirs :
“This usage is my own, and has never been practised until now. ” 2
A further innovation was the issue of coins bearing the name of the
empress Nur Jahan, and various legends grew up that she was re-
sponsible for the beautiful zodiacal issue. The coinage of Nur Jahan
is, however, limited to only a few years, during which she was at
the zenith of her power, and it was struck only at places where her
adherents in the struggle for power were in authority. 3 Jahangir
had called his gold coins of the heavy standard nur-jahani, and this
probably added to the confusion of thought.
Jahangir was well versed in Persian literature and occasionally
composed himself. His memoirs contain many references to verses
he admired for their beauty, wit or aptness to a special occasion. An
attendant at court who discovered that the numerical values in
Arabic notation of the letters in the name of the emperor and in the
phrase Allahu Akbar were equal was rewarded and a couplet recording
the fact was placed on the coins with a bacchanalian effigy. A poet,
Nasiri of Nishapur, "who excelled other men in the art of poetry",
was attracted to the Indian court. Jahangir's love of nature led him
to admire the description by Hindu poets of the bee as an attendant
on flowers, and he calls their account of it sublime, as recalling the
Persian poets on the subject of the nightingale. As in the case of
architecture, however, Jahangir's taste for literature was dilettante
and had less effect on the progress of culture than his successor's.
Fastidious in matters of art and literature he was also particular
in his dress and critical of the pleasures of the table. He chose
certain fashions and stuffs for his own clothing and forbade other
people to use them. He records the number of the delicious cherries
of Kabul he ate in one day, and recognises the excellence of figs
picked and eaten at once, but notes a warning against too many at
a time. Regarding his own intemperance he is entirely frank and
relates that he began to drink wine at the age of 18 and increased
his potations until wine ceased to intoxicate him, when he changed
to spirits. The time came when his hand shook so much that he could
not drink from his own cup; and then under the influence of Nur
1R. B. Whitehead, “The portrait medals of the emperor Jahangir", Numis-
matic Chronicle, 1929, p. 1.
2 Memoirs, translated by Rogers and Beveridge, II, p. 6. His congratulation of
his own originality is misplaced, vide B. V. Head, Historia Numorum, p. 863.
tember, 1615. The effect of Downton's victory was by that time
evaporating, and peace was being arranged between the Mughuls
and the Portuguese. Prince Khurram, whose governorship included
Surat, was in their favour and actually issued an order that the English
should be allowed to trade for only a month and should have no
residence, while the draft terms with the Portuguese stipulated that
the English should be absolutely excluded. Roe's stout resistance
to indignities, and solicitations for bribes had some effect on the local
authorities, and he proceeded to the royal court at Ajmer. For nearly
three years he strove to obtain a trade treaty, following the court
in its progress to Mandu and to Ahmadabad. By the emperor he
was treated with the courtesy that was natural to him, but Jahangir
1 See vol. V, chap. IV.
? He mentions the use of a rarriage presented by Roe.
## p. 163 (#197) ############################################
NUR JAHAN'S INFLUENCE
163
had no inclination to deal on terms of equality with a nation of which
he knew nothing except that it desired Indian trade, and which was
represented to him by the Portuguese in the worst possible light.
Khurram was anxious that nothing should be done to detract from
his authority over the port, and Asaf Khan, who dealt with the draft
treaties put forward by Roe, showed himself greedy for gifts and
unreliable in every way. By September, 1618, Roe secured a farman
or grant from Khurram as viceroy of Gujarat which, though not so
complete as the draft treaty he had first tried to obtain from the
emperor, gave reasonable facilities for trade, but it did not allow any
building to be bought or built as a permanent residence. Beyond
this Roe's stay at the court and behaviour there did much to enhance
the respect with which the newcomers were regarded.
The chief power in the empire was now vested in the empress
Nur Jahan, who acted with her father I'timad-ud-daula, and brother
Asaf Khan. A legend grew up later that Jahangir had fallen in love
with her in childhood, and had treated her husband as David dealt
with Uriah. Contemporary history does not support this story,
which appears to have grown up long after her influence was estab-
lished. When Sher Afgan was killed in 1607 his widow who was then
styled Mihr-un-Nisa (Sun of womankind) was sent to court and
became an attendant on Salima Begam, the widow of Akbar. At the
spring ceremony in March, 1611, Jahangir was attracted by her and
married her two months later, changing her name to Nur Mahall
(Light of the palace). Her charm and beauty was equalled by her
devotion to Jahangir and by her capability and tact, and her own
influence over the emperor was immensely enhanced by the other
members of her family. Rapid promotion was given to her father
and brother, and her mother's discovery of the way to prepare attar
of roses won the admiration of the aesthetically-minded emperor.
A year after his own marriage Jahangir celebrated the wedding of
his son Khurram with Arjumand Banu, daughter of Asaf Khan,
thus cementing a link which bound Khurram to the leading spirits
for many years. As the emperor's intellect deteriorated through his
bodily indulgences and his concentration on pleasure, he was glad
to leave to his wife and her advisers the task of deciding most affairs
of state. His biographer records that he repeatedly said that he had
bestowed the sovereignty on Nur Jahan and for himself needed
nothing but a quart of wine and a pound of flesh. Within a month
of his arrival at the court at Ajmer, Roe discovered the power
exercised by her and her clique. When his draft of a treaty was
returned with alterations which he could not possibly accept he at
first supposed that the lower officials were responsible. He soon found
that Asai Khan was unreliable and had strong influence over
Khurram. He writes bitterly :
1 See Beni Prasad, Jahangir, chap. VIII.
## p. 164 (#198) ############################################
164
JAHANGIR
The King was my only refuge, from whom I was sure of justice if I com-
playned, but I feard I should draw upon me the hate of Normall the beloved
queene, ante to Sultan Corrons wife, sister of Asaph Chan, whose daughter the
Prince married, and all that powerfull faction, against whom, though I might
once prevayle, yet the advantage of tyme, language, and oppor unitye, the
power of a wife, sonne, and a favorite would produce revenge.
The power of the faction was not unchallenged, and its growth
was extended over a long period by the gradual appointment of its
nominees to offices of trust. Of the opponents Mahabat Khan was
the most notable and he was left without promotion for twelve years,
though he was one of the most capable men in the country. Per.
suasion rather than domination was the method first used with the
emperor. One element in the policy was the support of Khurram
as heir to the throne, and this led to opposition by those who preferred
the elder son Khusrav. In spite of the two rebellions of which Khusrav
was the nominal leader Jahangir never appears to have lost his
affection for him, and popular sympathy was strong in his favour.
Though his perpetual confinement gave him no opportunity of show-
ing his capability in administration, his disposition was admired
and his devotion to his only wife, the daughter of Khan A'zam,
was well known. In October, 1616, an attempt was made to get the
charge of Khusrav transferred from Ani Ray, a brave and faithful
Rajput attendant on the emperor, to Asaf Khan, and Roe narrates
that a verbal order was actually obtained late one night when
Jahangir was intoxicated. Ani Ray, who refused to comply, appeared
at court the next day and was commended. A few days later when
Khurram was about to proceed in person to conduct the Deccan
campaign his fear for his interests during his absence led him to
make another attempt which was successful, and caused great fears
for Khusrav's own life. Roe gives a vivid report of the conster-
nation in the women's quarters, where Khusrav's relations threatened
to burn themselves if he were killed, and of the rumours that Khurram
desired the death of his father as well as of his brother, and he com-
pares the state of India to that of Rome during the contest between
Otho and Vitellius related by Tacitus. It appeared to Roe that the
Company would do well to avoid siding in the quarrel, to make few
debts and to limit their establishments in the country.
During his seven years' tenure of the office of governor of the
Deccan prince Parviz and the officers under him had made no
progress in their campaigns. Like his father he was addicted to wine
and he was fonder of pleasures than of his business. Jahangir, anxious
to complete his conquest of the Deccan, transferred Parviz to the
easier charge of Allahabad in 1616 and sent in his place Khurram
on whom he conferred the title of Shah, while he himself moved his
court to Mandu so as to be nearer the scene of operations. A graphic
description of the luxury of his camp equipage, with the ladies of
1 Hist. I, 50.
## p. 165 (#199) ############################################
KHURRAM'S NEGOTIATIONS IN THE DECCAN 165
the court riding in gold howdahs on 50 elephants, is given by Roe,
whose meagre allowance from the Company did not permit him to
buy or hire reasonable equipment. The route lay through difficult
country where supplies were always, and water was sometimes,
scarce, while the straggling cortège was often liable to be plundered
by the inhabitants. In December, 1616, Roe saw a hundred corpses
of people who had been executed for robbery, and in January he
writes : "I am yet following this wandering King over mountaynes
and through woods, so strange and unused wayes that his own people
who almost know no other god, blaspheame his name and hers that
(it is said) conducts all his actions. " While he stayed at Ujjain the
emperor took pleasure in a visit to a celebrated faqir called Chid Rup1
who had met Akbar some 15 years earlier. In the sage's teaching
of Vedanta philosophy Jahangir thought he recognised the germ of
Sufi mysticism. The slow march through country which presented
many opportunities for the emperor's favourite pastime of hunting
ended in March, 1617, when he arrived at Mandu, the old capital
of the independent rulers of Malwa. ? The magnificent buildings of
the Malwa kings drew his admiration, while his disgust at the misdeeds
of one of the most infamous led him to desecrate the tomb and have
the remains cast in the Narbada river which flows a few miles away.
The difficulties of water supply on the rocky hill where the emperor
resided were so great that it had to be purchased, and Roe considered
himself lucky in finding a residence near an assured supply. Through-
out the summer intrigues continued regarding the succession, and at-
tempts were made to arrange a marriage between Khusrav and Nur
Jahan's daughter by her former husband Sher Afgan. The match would
have been generally popular, and might have secured Khusray's posi-
tion, but he declined to accept it, through devotion to his only wife.
Meanwhile Khurram had succeeded in a few months by negotia-
tion in settling the affairs of the Deccan more effectively than his
brother had done in as many years. The degenerate rulers of the
Deccan were weary of the struggle and some of their officials had
been corrupted by bribes. Khurram's success in Mewar had enhanced
his reputation. Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II the ruler of Bijapur agreed to
pay tribute and restore the conquered territory, including Ahmad-
nagar. Jahangir celebrated the peace by a magnificent reception in
Mandu of the Bijapur envoys and his son Khurram received the
unique privilege of a seat in his father's presence. He also received
the title of Shah Jahan (Sovereign of the world) which he retained
later when he succeeded his father on the throne. Roe, who was
present, was rather contemptuous of the whole affair, and rightly
1 Sometimes incorrectly transliterated Jadrup. For a contemporary picture
see J. R. A. S. 1919, p. 389.
2 See vol. II, chap. XIV, for a history of the dynasty, and G. Yazdani, Mandu,
1929, for a description of the place.
## p. 166 (#200) ############################################
166
JAHANGIR
guessed that the boasted victory was no more than the avoidance
of future loss. Some element of personal disappointment tinges his
comments, as he had hoped a few months earlier to sell Malik 'Ambar
a quantity of the Company's cloth and swords which were not in
demand elsewhere. But in fact the settlement advanced the Mughul
power no further than it had stood when Akbar left the Deccan,
and while the Muhammadan rulers were rapidly losing hold the
Marathas who formed the bulk of the population had begun to realise
their own strength. There was no longer any need for the emperor
to remain in the magnificent but uncomfortable surroundings of
Mandu, and he decided to visit Gujarat, where for the first time in
his life he saw the sea. Throughout the journey Roe was endeavouring
to negotiate with Asaf Khan, thwarted perpetually by Shah Jahan,
who was against the English and constantly feared that any grant
to them of rights of trade would derogate from his powers as viceroy.
Roe also attempted to get the Portuguese expelled from Gujarat,
but the emperor told him that he proposed to maintain the arrange-
ments with them that had been concluded by the former rulers of
Gujarat. A respect for the power of the Portuguese on the sea was
still the deciding factor. It was not until the late autumn of 1618
that Roe finally concluded an agreement with Shah Jahan, by which
he obtained better terms than had first been offered, but not the
complete freedom he desired. In particular the English were not
allowed to purchase or construct their own residences, though they
were allowed to hire, and either the disorderly conduct of the sailors
or fear of actual invasion led to restrictions on the carriage of arms.
Jahangir with his zest for the amenities of life was disgusted with
the climate and scenery of Ahmadabad. He records that he did not
know whether to call it Samumistan (the place of hot winds),
Bimaristan (the abode of sickness), Zaqqum zar (the thorn or cactus
bed) or Jahannumabad (the house of hell). His reference to disease
is illustrated by the descriptions of a mysterious pestilence at Ahma-
dabad the exact nature of which cannot be identified. It was charac-
terised by a very high temperature and the appearance on the body
of large dark-coloured blisters the matter from which produced
others. Death ensued in a few hours and even the small English
community lost seven members. Both the emperor and Shah Jahan
were attacked but recovered after a lengthy convalescence. There
was nothing to detain the court in western India. Two chiefs in Cutch,
the Jam of Nayanagar and a lesser chief on the borders of Sind,
had been reduced by Raja Bikramajit in 1617. Jahangir therefore
set out for Agra in the rainy season, and during the leisurely march
of the court, a son was born to Shah Jahan's wife, who was named
Aurangzib and later became emperor. Another epidemic now
1 The landing of a few bricks for recasting the broken bell of a ship caused
rumours that they had projected the building of a fort.
>
## p. 167 (#201) ############################################
JAHANGIR VISITS KASHMIR
167
threatened the court and prevented its entry into Delhi. This, from
the description given by contemporary writers, was clearly bubonic
plague, as they describe the characteristic mortality among rats and
the appearance of swellings in the neck and groin. It had broken
out in the Punjab in 1616 and had spread south and east as far as
Agra, where it was still causing 100 deaths a day early in 1619, so
that Jahangir on arriving at Fathpur Sikri remained there till April. 1
During the halt at that place Nur Jahan distinguished herself by
killing a tiger with one shot.
Jahangir's intemperance had now begun to tell seriously on his
health, which had also suffered from the climate of the districts in
which he had spent the last five years. The advice of his physicians,
supported by the influence of his wife, induced him to reduce his
potations, but a permanent cure was not within his power. During
his journey to Kabul in 1606 the crossing of the Jhelum river had
reminded him of two visits he had paid to Kashmir in his father's
lifetime, and he had recorded a wish that he might visit that lovely
tract in the spring. Hoping that he might recover his health in more
pleasing conditions, he left Agra at the end of 1619 and spent the
whole of the following summer in the hills. The ascent by the rough
tracks which had to be followed was difficult, and on one day, after
a fall of snow, as many as twenty-five elephants were lost.
As the royal train penetrated higher into the mountains it had to
divide into parties, because supplies could not be brought together
for the whole retinue. Arrived in the vale of Kashmir Jahangir was
able to indulge his love of nature, and the journal is full of well-
phrased descriptions of the meadows abounding in wild flowers, the
stately trees, the springs, cascades and the brooks starting from these
and swelling into majestic rivers, or expanding into picturesque lakes.
On this and his many succeeding visits he planned and carried out
the construction of houses and gardens, some of which still exist.
While the emperor thus found new pleasures to distract his mind
from his failing health his court, from the highest nobles to the
meanest servant, suffered from bad lodging, from the inclemency of
the weather to which they were not accustomed, and from the
dearness and scarcity of food.
The emperor was met at Srinagar by the governor of Kashmir,
who had just succeeded after prolonged efforts in taking a small tract
in the south of Kashmir, known as Kishtwar, and who brought the
raja in chains. Misrule and oppression by the official in charge,
however, led to a revolt by the high-spirited inhabitants, who were
not finally subdued for a couple of years.
A greater triumph was the conquest of Kangra, a state protected
1 The disease, being carried as is now known by the flea which infests rats,
usually decreases as the hot season advances, because the people sleep outside
their houses.
## p. 168 (#202) ############################################
168
JAHANGIR
by many strong forts and containing the ancient shrine of Jwala-
mukhi with its natural fire. The temple, enriched by many precious
gifts from its devotees, had been plundered by Mahmud of Ghazni
in 1009, but in spite of many attempts by the later rulers of Delhi,
including Akbar, the fort of Kangra had still held out, though the
hill-country round it had been largely subdued. Efforts made under
the orders of Jahangir himself to subdue this stronghold had failed,
in some cases owing to the omission to press an attack by the com-
mander, who really sympathised with the holders and finally broke
into rebellion. Raja Bikramajit, who was then sent to command,
crushed the revolt and after a close siege for more than a year during
which the garrison was nearly starved, the fort surrendered towards
the end of 1620, just after the emperor had started for the plains.
Apart from the booty secured the capture had no political value,
but it gave Jahangir exquisite pleasure that his forces had succeeded
where so many of his predecessors had failed.
The failing health of the emperor, while it added to the influence
of Nur Jahan over the affairs of state, also increased her apprehension
of diminished power if he should die. Of all Jahangir's sons Shah
Jahan was most to be feared, as Khusrav though more popular was
still a prisoner and untried in public affairs. She now decided to
arrange a marriage between Ladli Begam, her daughter by her
former husband, Sher Afgan, and Jahangir's youngest surviving son,
Shahryar, whose mother had been a concubine, and who was then
an immature young man with dissolute inclinations. The formal
betrothal took place at Lahore, to be followed by a wedding at Agra.
While Jahangir had been seeking health in Kashmir the position
on the southern frontier had deteriorated. Malik 'Ambar, ever rest-
less and intriguing on behalf of his master, had again reconciled the
kings of Bijapur and Golconda and pursued his recruiting among the
Marathas. The Mughul governor was besieged in Ahmadnagar and
the high commanders were quarrelling. They might succeed in
pitched battles but lost ground after each and were so harried by
marauding bands that they were forced to fall back on Burhanpur,
which was beset, and even Mandu was not safe. The emperor, in
reply to the pressing demands for reinforcements, appointed Shah
Jahan to command them, but progress was delayed by the fact that
so many troops had been sent on the futile expedition against Kangra.
Shah Jahan, himself, realising the uncertainties of the position at
court, insisted on having charge of his elder brother Khusrav, and
when Jahangir had at last acceded to this the two brothers left their
father at Lahore (1620) and never saw him again. The expedition
was successful in its immediate objects. One division which was
detached to relieve Mandu soon scattered the Marathas who were
laying waste the country round, while Shah Jahan forced the armies
round Burhanpur to withdraw, and thus relieved the garrison which
>
## p. 169 (#203) ############################################
TREATIES WITH KINGDOMS IN THE DECCAN 169
had been practically beleaguered for two years and had been greatly
straitened for food and supplies. Before long the imperial troops had
penetrated as far south as Khirki, where the Nizamshahi rulers had
established their headquarters after Ahmadnagar had been incor-
porated in the imperial dominions. Here they demolished the new
buildings of the capital and set out to raise the siege of Ahmadnagar.
By this time Malik 'Ambar, who had removed his royal master and
his family for safety to Daulatabad, realised that his position was
insecure. He offered terms and Shah Jahan, already anxious about
arrangements for the supply of food for his large army in a tract
which had been devastated and plundered, agreed to treat. Besides
restoring the territory which had previously become Mughul, the
insurgents agreed to give a strip fourteen kos (25 to 28 miles) wide,
and a tribute of five million rupees from the three kingdoms of
Bijapur, Ahmadnagar and Golconda. The rainy season of 1621 being
now over he returned to Burhanpur and occupied himself with
reorganising the administration which had been dislocated by two
years' warfare. The rejoicing over this victory which delighted the
emperor, and prompted him to reward generously those who had
taken part in it, was marred by his illness. As he frankly admits in
his memoirs, he indulged more frequently in liquor, and suffered
for it, till the empress gradually persuaded him to reduce his pota-
tions and adapt his diet to his condition. In October he travelled
to the upper courses of the Ganges to seek a place with a suitable
climate where he might build a new city and avoid the trying heat
of Agra. He found Hardwar not pleasant, and decided to visit
Jammu and Kangra. Leaving the bulk of his great camp in the
plains he had started for the hills when he was recalled by grave
news about the health of I'timad-ud-daula, who was advanced in
years and had been left behind ill. Both the emperor and empress
returned and were present when he died. In spite of their earlier
disagreements reconciliation had been effected and Jahangir mourned
the loss of an able and faithful minister, and a wise and kind friend.
He was then free to visit Kangra and rejoice over his capture of that
ancient place. To celebrate the achievement he took with him per-
sons learned in the law of Islam and after prayers formally desecrated
the temple by sacrificing a cow.
Suddenly, however, great sorrow came upon him by receipt of
the news that Khusrav, who in spite of his two rebellions was still
his favourite son, had died at Burhanpur (January, 1622). The cause
of his death has never been established beyond doubt. 1 Shah Jahan,
in reporting it, said his brother had died of colic. It is significant that
the emperor, who usually added comments when recording deaths,
passes over this almost in silence. Local rumour, as recorded by the
1 H. Beveridge, J. R. A. S. 1907, p. 597, held that murder was not proved. Beni
Prasad, Jahangir, p. 336, after fully reviewing the evidence, thought it certain.
## p. 170 (#204) ############################################
170
JAHANGIR
English factors in the neighbourhood, definitely assigned the cause
to murder and the probability of this is strengthened by Shah Jahan's
later action.
Overshadowed by this event, the new year of the reign brought
news of trouble on the western frontier. Shah 'Abbas, king of Persia,
had from time to time sent ambassadors to Jahangir professing
friendship. One of these arrived at Ajmer in 1616 when Roe was
at the court. Although Roe thought this envoy's behaviour servile,
and not becoming the representative of an independent monarch, he
recognised the difference between the reception of the Persian and
his own treatment, and regretted that he himself was unable to offer
such magnificent gifts as had been sent from Isfahan. Jahangir's
estimate of the relative importance of the two envoys appears from
the elaborate account in the memoirs of the Persian and a full
transcription of the message which he brought, while the English
ambassador is not mentioned. Moreover, a Mughul representative
was sent to Persia in return and there received a gracious welcome.
This exchange of courtesies was a mere cloak to hide designs of
aggression by Shah 'Abbas, and after a fourth embassy arrived at the
end of 1620 the garrison of Qandahar fell to a few hundred soldiers,
the main forces of the empire being collected in the Deccan. The
city was important owing to its command of the land route to Persia
on which the bulk of the trade between that country and India was
still carried, and its possession was also a matter of pride since its
capture by Akbar. News of the collection of a Persian force had been
received and Shah Jahan, the only commander who had been suc.
cessful in recent years, was directed to take an army to defend the
frontier. Before anything could be done the fort was beleaguered
and it was reported that another army was marching on Sind. Great
preparations were made to collect troops and the vast quantity of
supplies required for an army in a tract the products of which barely
support a thin population. A proposal by the officer in immediate
command to take what forces were ready was not accepted as the
emperor hoped to collect an army which could advance as far as
Isfahan, the capital of Persia. His hopes had been stimulated by the
offer of help from Imam Quli, the ruler of Samarqand, who sent an
envoy suggesting the recapture of Qandahar and an expedition
against Khurasan. The project, however, was not immediately
accepted by Shah Jahan. He despatched part of his camp from
Burhanpur at once, but did not advance beyond Mandu, where he
proposed to stay during the rainy season, and he demanded that
when he took over charge of the campaign he should be allowed to
have the fort of Ranthambhor 1 for the residence of his family and
should be sole commander, and also governor of the Punjab. Jealousy
of the power of his stepmother Nur Jahan, and anticipations of her
1 In Rajputana, where Shah Jahan could count on strong support.
## p. 171 (#205) ############################################
SHAH JAHAN REBELS
171
probable support of Shahryar's claim to the throne if the emperor
died, were no doubt the cause of these requests, which were not
granted. Jahangir sent orders that as Shah Jahan did not wish to
move till after the rains he should at once despatch the principal
officers and the best of the troops including the Sayyids of Barha
and Bukhara, the Shaikhzadas, the Afghans and the Rajputs,
Almost immediately a fresh cause of dissension occurred owing to
a dispute about the grant of Dholpur as an assignment. It was
claimed by both Shah Jahan and Shahryar and a fight took place
between the officers of the brothers over its possession. Though
Jahangir with his usual patience again wrote to his son he was soon
persuaded not to accept his excuses. Shahryar was appointed to
command the Qandahar forces and a further indignity was inflicted
on Shah Jahan by the transfer of his jagirs in the Punjab to Shahryar.
Shah Jahan's humble submission, presented through his most trusted
officer, was rejected and he openly rebelled and marched towards
Agra, where the governor held back the treasure collected for the
expedition and prepared for a siege. Interest rather than loyalty
seems to have guided the action of the generals; thus the empress'
brother Asaf Khan abandoned the cause of his son-in-law the rebel
who was, however, supported by Khan Khanan just as he had once
sided with Jahangir in the rebellion against Akbar, and by many of
those who had held office in the Deccan and in Gujarat.
Mahabat Khan, the most capable soldier in the imperial forces,
had for some years been governor of Kabul and had kept order in
that difficult province. He was now summoned to take command,
and after some demur, owing to his suspicions of Asaf Khan whom
he rightly believed to be his enemy, was persuaded to accept the
post by the formal appointment of Asaf Khan to Bengal. "Shah
Jahan was unable to capture the fort of Agra with its treasure, but
plundered the city which had no walls. He then marched north to
meet his father's army, and though he was successful in detaching
'Abdullah Khan, who came over with a large force during the battle,
he was decisively beaten at Bilochpur (March, 1623), and lost Raja
Bikramajit, one of his best commanders.
Shah Jahan then retreated to Mandu, and was followed by his
brother Parviz, who was in nominal command, while his nephew
Dawar Bakhsh, son of Khusrav, marched towards Ahmadabad, the
capital of Gujarat, which had been committed to his charge. The
emperor himself proceeded to Ajmer to be nearer the operations.
The hot weather was now advanced and rainy weather made
fighting difficult. Shah Jahan's attempts to use Maratha horse were
ineffective and Mahabat Khan successfully intrigued to detach sup-
port from him. In a battle near Kaliya Dih some of the prince's
soldiers deserted him, and he withdrew south across the Narbada,
An intercepted letter from the Khan Khanan to Mahabat Khan
## p. 172 (#206) ############################################
172
JAHANGIR
showed that treachery was everywhere. Though the strong fortress
of Asir yielded to him, his trusted officers in Gujarat failed him, and
'Abdullah Khan, who was sent to restore his power in Gujarat, was
defeated near Ahmadabad, and finally had to join Shah Jahan at
Burhanpur with the small amount of money he was able to raise
at Surat.
The rebel was now reduced to pitiable devices. Malik
'Ambar, whom he had twice defeated, refused aid as he was himself
gathering forces to attack Bijapur. An envoy sent to Golconda had
no greater success. In despair Shah Jahan decided to approach his
father, and sent Khan Khanan to Mahabat Khan after taking from
him the most solemn oath of faithfulness. A casual skirmish on the
banks of the Narbada led to further defections from the force guard-
ing the crossing, and Khan Khanan when he arrived at the imperial
camp, disregarding his solemn pledge, offered his own submission
to Parviz. Flight was inevitable and hotly pursued for some distance
in spite of the rainy season Shah Jahan escaped into the kingdom
of Golconda losing adherents on almost every march. From the
king he received no more help than was sufficient to enable him to
traverse the kingdom under a promise to leave it. The passage of his
force, though reduced in numbers, alarmed the people, and the
English factors at Masulipatam tried to get away. Better hopes were
held of success in Bengal and Shah Jahan marched into Orissa.
which was surrendered by the local authorities without a struggle.
Burdwan was taken by siege, but Ibrahim Khan (a brother of Nur
Jahan) refused to surrender his fort near Akbarnagar, backed by the
help of Portuguese gunners from Hugli who had rejected overtures
from the rebel after the fall of Burdwan as they had little hopes of
his success. In a battle outside the fort Ibrahim Khan was defeated
and killed and the fort was mined and stormed. Emboldened by
this success Shah Jahan advanced up the Ganges valley. Kunwar
Bhim Singh of Mewar, who had been his most faithful ally, entered
Patna without opposition and thus secured Bihar. When Shah Jahan
arrived the principal landholders, including the chief of the Ujjainiya
Rajputs, submitted to him, and the strong fortress of Rohtas was
surrendered. One division of the force now occupied Jaunpur and
advanced to Manikpur while 'Abdullah Khan laid siege to Allahabad
which was bravely defended by Mirza Rustam Beg, a Persian of
royal blood. Shah Jahan entered Benares and crossed the Ganges
to Kantit 2 on the south side. By this time, however, Parviz and
Mahabat Khan, after securing peace in the Deccan by an alliance
with Bijapur, had arrived in the Duab. They had difficulty in crossing
the river as Shah Jahan's forces had seized all boats, but were finally
helped by the Bais Rajputs. The rebels retreated and were defeated
1 Now represented by the Maharaja of Dumraon.
2 Sometimes wrongly transliterated as Kampat.
8 In what are now the Unao and Rae Bareli districts.
3
## p. 173 (#207) ############################################
SHAH JAHAN'S DEFEAT AND FLIGHT TO DECCAN 173
in a fiercely contested battle at Damdama? (1624) which completely
destroyed their hopes, though at one time Shah Jahan had nearly
won the day, when a wounded elephant threw his army into con
fusion. Bhim Singh was slain and Shah Jahan who was himself
present would in his despair have fought till killed if his followers
had not seized his bridle and turned his horse away. He rode hastily
to Rohtas where his wife had just borne a son (Murad Bakhsh) and
leaving her there retreated to Bengal. Darab Khan, son of Khan
Khanan, who had been left in command there, now failed him as
his father had done, but met the death his treachery had earned, on
the arrival of Mahabat Khan, though Khan Khanan himself was
forgiven by the emperor and restored to rank and office.
Shah Jahan, at the beginning of his rebellion, had been stigma-
tised by Jahangir as Be-daulat (infelix) and as he made his toilsome
journey back to the Deccan felt the truth of the epithet. On arriving
there he found conditions slightly more favourable. The alliance
between Bijapur and the Mughuls, concluded before Parviz proceeded
north to meet Shah Jahan, had stimulated Malik 'Ambar to fresh
intrigues with Golconda. A division of Bijapur troops had joined
the imperial headquarters at Burhanpur during the absence of
Parviz and Mahabat Khan, and Malik 'Ambar invaded Bijapur
territory, defeated the forces that tried to stop him and invested
Bijapur itself. Reinforced by part of the imperial army the Bijapur
division returned and forced Malik 'Ambar back to his own country.
His efforts to persuade the imperial troops to stand aside and
leave him to settle his own quarrels failed. He then made an un-
expected attack on the combined forces and scattering them com-
pletely laid siege at first to Ahmadnagar and then again to Bijapur,
overrunning the whole of the Balaghat. A year before he had
declined to help Shah Jahan, but now he offered him assistance and
was glad to use him as commander of a force to attack Burhanpur
itself, with 'Abdullah Khan as one of his chief officers. The fort was
actually penetrated but the defenders still held out till Parviz and
Mahabat Khan returned from the Duab, when the siege was raised.
Shah Jahan, sick in body and despairing of success after so many
failures, withdrew towards Berar. 'Abdullah Khan, the chief of the
captains who had survived the recent campaigns, became a religious
recluse at Indur (now Nizamabad) but retained sufficient interest
in worldly affairs to send his submission to court. His other allies
being dead or deserters Shah Jahan saw no alternative but to seek
pardon from his father. Nur Jahan, who had become practically
supreme, exacted terms which though rigorous were not excessive
either as a punishment for rebellion or to safeguard the emperor
1 A village in the Allahabad district near the junction of the Tons and Ganses.
2 A name given to several elevated tracts in central and southern India. Here
it refers to the hilly country in the western part of the present Hyderabad state.
2
## p. 174 (#208) ############################################
174
JAHANGIR
against further attempts. Shah Jahan was to give up the two forts
of Rohtas in Bihar and Asir in Khandesh, which were still held by his
adherents, and to send to court two of his sons, Dara and Aurangzib,
who were still boys. He accepted the terms and was formally
.
appointed governor of the Balaghat, a tract at a safe distance from
the capital, and one in which the proximity of dangerous enemies
might tend to keep him occupied.
Qandahar had been lost after a short siege at the beginning of the
rebellion (June, 1622) and there was no hope or even talk of regaining
it. Jahangir had become incapable of any mental exertion and by
the end of 1624 had even discontinued writing his memoirs. Most
of the elder generals were dead or in disgrace, and the only capable
member of the royal family was banished. No internal disturbances
threatened the crown, but the question of succession which could
not long be deferred was ever present in the mind of the empress.
Mahabat Khan with Parviz the eldest prince had established some
prestige by his successes against Shah Jahan, and the first desirable
object appeared to be to separate them. Parviz was destitute of
either ability or character and was easily induced to accept the
government of Gujarat, with Khan Jahan as his commander. Asaf
Khan's old enmity with Mahabat Khan prompted the appointment
of the latter to the undesirable post of governor in Bengal. TO
embarrass him still further demands were made that he should
despatch to court the elephants and treasure which he had captured
during the rebellion, and as he did not at once comply an envoy
was sent to recover them and to summon him to court. Of his
cruelty and excesses in that country there was much evidence
and complainants flocking to court had excited the emperor's com-
passion.
Early in March, 1626, Jahangir started for Kabul and Mahaba:
Khan arrived when the royal camp was on the banks of the Jhelum
river. He had come fully prepared to protect himself against hostile
designs, bringing with him four or five thousand loyal Rajput
soldiers, and to make even more certain of their allegiance he took
their wives and families whose honour and life would be at stake if
they failed him. A fresh charge was now brought that he had ar-
ranged for the marriage of his son without consulting the emperor,
and Jahangir was easily induced to order the treatment of the son
with gross indignity, while Mahabat Khan was directed to remain in
the camp but not to show himself at court unless specially summoned.
With incredible disregard of the consequences of such insults Asaf
Khan took across the river almost the whole camp, leaving the
emperor and empress with only a few attendants. Mahabat Khan,
feeling he had no ally in court, now made a desperate attempt to
secure the person of the emperor. He collected his Rajput troops,
and placed a couple of thousand at the head of the bridge of boats
## p. 175 (#209) ############################################
MAHABAT KHAN'S COUP D'ETAT
175
with orders to burn it rather than to allow any one to come back
across it.
Proceeding with a small body-guard to the royal tents he forced
his way into the state apartment and, brushing aside the chamberlain,
tried to enter the private tent. As his men were tearing down the
boards which protected it the emperor came out with a few servants,
and as the chronicle relates “twice placed his hand on his sword
to cleanse the world from the filthy existence of that foul dog". He
was dissuaded from using force and at Mahabat Khan's suggestion
mounted a horse, and later an elephant, as if to go hunting. Trusted
Rajputs were placed in the howdah with him, and he was taken to
Mahabat Khan's tents. The rebel had acted on sudden impulse and
in his distracted haste forgot to secure the empress also. He had
managed the abduction of the emperor so rapidly that Nur Jahan
crossed the river to the main camp believing that Jahangir had gone
hunting as usual. There she discovered what had happened and
reproached her brother Asaf Khan and the other nobles. They
decided to attack the traitor and release the emperor next day, though
a message was received from him that they should not attempt
it. Mahabat Khan, though he had missed seizing the empress,
secured Shahryar, burned the bridge and posted his Rajputs along
the bank. Next day, when the attack was launched it failed com-
pletely owing to the absence of leadership among the members of
the queen's faction.
One small party did indeed succeed in crossing and reached the
tents of Shahryar, where their arrows actually fell in the courtyard
near the apartments of the emperor himself, but this was an isolated
effort. Nur Jahan crossed a branch of the river, urging on the lag-
gards. Her elephant was wounded and an arrow pierced the arm
of either Shahryar's infant daughter or the nurse who was with her
in the howdah, and she was forced to withdraw. Asaf Khan filed
to his fort at Attock on the Indus and the other high oficials either
followed his example or made their peace with Mahabat Khan, who
now became dictator. A short siege of Attock and the promise of his
life effected the submission of Asaf Khan, who became nominally
reconciled, though many of his followers were executed.
In May, 1626, Kabul was reached, and Mahabat Khan's influence
soon began to wane. His ability was that of a soldier rather than
that of a statesman, and even during the excitement of his coup
d'état he had shown weaknesses and lapses of judgement. None of
the other officers of state really sided with him and he had neither
friend nor counsellor at court. Trouble arose over a petty scuabble
in a royal game reserve where some of the Rajput soldiers had taken
horses to graze. One of the guards was killed and the others were not
satisfied by the action taken in consequence. An attack was organised
on the Rajputs in which 800 or 900 of them were slain, and this was
## p. 176 (#210) ############################################
176
JAHANGIR
followed by a general rising of the Afghans which seriously depleted
Mahabat Khan's only reliable force. Nur Jahan's intrigues against
him increased though the emperor still continued, either through
guile or the foolish loquacity of a drunkard, to express confidence
in him.
In November, 1626, the court moved from Kabul and on the way
plans were perfected to break the power of the dictator. Orders were
still issued in the name of Jahangir, who sent word to Mahabat
Khan, a day's march from Rohtas, that he was going to hold a
review of the imperial troops and Mahabat Khan would be well
advised to take his own forces a stage ahead to avoid the possibility
of a collision. He had now realised that his influence had faded
beyond the hope of revival, and he marched hurriedly towards
Lahore, being careful to take with him as hostages Asaf Khan with
a son and two nephews of Jahangir. Under pressure from Nur Jahan
Mahabat sent back first the princes, then Asaf Khan and later the
son, and he marched east hoping to secure a large remittance of
treasure which was on its way from Bengal.
The growth of the intrigue against Mahabat Khan had been
fostered by news of the death of Malik 'Ambar about the time that
Jahangir reached Kabul. He was the ablest man of the period,
distinguished alike in the strategic conduct of a campaign, in the
tactics of a battle, or during times of peace in the administration of a
kingdom. His death appeared to free the emperor from menaces
in the south. One of his officers who succeeded him as commander
soon offered allegiance to the empire through Khan Jahan, the
governor who was now in sole charge at Burhanpur, as Parviz had
died from the effects of constant intoxication (October, 1626). The
titular king of Ahmadnagar had, however, come under the influence
of a woman employed in his harem who pandered to his depraved
passions, and obtained great influence over him. Her husband
Hamid Khan, like Malik 'Ambar, was a capable Abyssinian slave.
When the king assumed a hostile attitude and drew the imperial
forces to attack him, Hamid Khan offered a large bribe which Khan
Jahan accepted. The commandants in the territory of Balaghat (see
p. 173) were ordered to evacuate their posts and most of them com-
plied and withdrew to Burhanpur, but the garrison at Ahmadnagar
still held out in the absence of orders from the emperor.
Shah Jahan, after his submission, had remained in the Deccan 1
till he heard of Mahabat Khan's seizure of the emperor. He suggested
to Khan Jahan his intention of proceeding to the assistance of his
father, but received no support. Collecting a small force he marched
north, avoiding Burhanpur where Parviz still lay ill. When he reached
1 The disease, being carried as is now known by the fiea which infests rats,
the beautiful marble residence constructed for him still exists. The tradition is
confirmed by an inscription dated A. D. 1675 (Annual Report, Rajputana Museum,
P. 2).
## p. 177 (#211) ############################################
JAHANGIR'S LAST ILLNESS
177
Ajmer Kishan Singh, son of his old ally Raja Bhim Singh, died
and the small body of Rajput horse commanded by Kishan Singh
fell back to their homes. As no reinforcements joined him he turned
north-west through the desert country and made for Tatta in
Sind.
In spite of the Persian capture of Qandahar, Shah Jahan had
retained friendly relations with the Shah and he now hoped that if
he could get to Persia he might be well received. His progress was
delayed by the governor of Tatta, who was a partisan of Shahryar
and collected a large force to resist him. Shah Jahan's followers,
however, attacked the fort against his orders and were easily re-
pulsed. A letter from Nur Jahan now warned him that Mahabat
Khan's influence had been broken. He himself was in poor health, and
the news of Parviz's serious illness and his own want of troops induced
him to fall back. Borne in a litter he withdrew through Gujarat to
Nasik, hearing of his brother's death on the way. Mahabat Khan
had, in fact, been ordered to proceed to Tatta to repel Shah Jahan's
designs on that place, and had omitted to comply as he wished to
intercept the Bengal treasure. Failing in this design he took refuge
in Mewar and offered his services to Shah Jahan, whom he joined
at Junnar with about 2000 troops. Though these two were the most
competent commanders in the empire their resources were for the
time being exhausted and during the few months that remained of
the emperor's life they were content to await the course of events.
Khan Jahan, who had already betrayed his trust, was not disposed
to take any action against them, though warned by Nur Jahan to
be on his guard.
Early in the spring of 1627 Jahangir left Lahore to spend his last
summer in Kashmir, the part of India which was his favourite place
of residence. This year its invigorating climate failed to restore him,
and the rarefied atmosphere at a high altitude increased the sufferings
of one affected by asthma. He grew weaker daily, and was unable
to ride. As his infirmities increased he lost his appetite for food and
even his taste for opium, in which he had indulged for many years.
Instead of the heavy daily drinking which had been his practice
he now took only a few cups of wine with no spirits. Shahryar also
suffered from a disease which caused complete loss of hair, and his
unsightly appearance was regarded as a mark of dishonour so that
he took advantage of the physicians' suggestion that he might be
better in the warmer climate of Lahore.
As autumn approached the sick emperor moved slowly down
through the mountains. At one place his love of sport revived and
he sat with his gun resting on a wall while the beaters drove the
game up to him. He wounded a stag and a soldier who followed it
slipped and was dashed to pieces at the foot of a precipice. This
accident greatly shocked the dying ruler. who felt that he had seen
12
## p. 178 (#212) ############################################
178
JAHANGIR
the angel of death. He could get no rest or ease and though he was
carried two stages further the attempt to make a third march
exhausted him and he died early next morning (7 November, 1627).
His body was then taken to Lahore and buried in the garden outside
the city where a noble tomb was built later by his widow.
During the first seventeen years of his reign Jahangir himself
maintained a record of events, and when failing health prevented
him from still writing this, it was carried on under his direct super-
vision. Although the memoirs are not a confidential record of human
aspirations, fears and hopes, and are not remarkable for the shrewd-
ness of their assessment of passing events, they are of great value in
estimating the character of their author. Jahangir shows himself a
man of wide interests, but these are devoted more to material objects
and to the rare, novel or curious element, than to the intellectual.
He thus presents a marked contrast to his father, who though entirely
illiterate, and occupied throughout his reign with great enterprises
and administrative reforms, was constantly engaged in discussing
the basis of religion and took more pleasure in hearing the debates
of learned men than in the beauties of nature or art.
Jahangir's love of natural beauty was genuine and his aesthetic
sense sometimes widens and almost expands into a spirit of scientific
enquiry, which was, however, cramped by the empirical doctrines
of his time and country. He made an arduous journey through the
mountain passes to Kashmir to enjoy a view of the spring flowers
there and during repeated visits recorded the names of the animals,
birds and flowers he saw, distinguishing those which are not found
in the plains of India. Occasionally he would have a bird or animal
dissected and note the peculiarities observed. But when it was found
that the gall bladder of a lion was enclosed in the liver his deduction
was that the courage of the lion might be due to this cause. More
wisdom appears in his suggestion that the sweetness of camel's milk
might be due to the nature of its food, and he made experiments
in breeding wild birds in captivity. In art his favourite branch was
painting, which rose during his reign, owing to his patronage, to its
highest state. Mughul pictures were developed from the Safavid
type of Persian art, modified by Indian influence and to some extent
by the study of European pictures. Jahangir constantly notes that
he had rare birds or animals painted, and his remarks about his own
excellence as a connoisseur are valuable not only for the light they
throw on his tastes and character, but also for their explanation of
the composite work performed by Indian artists:
As regards myself, my liking for painting and my practice in judging it have
arrived at such a point that when any work is brought before me, either of
deceased artists or of the present day, without the names being told me, I say on
the spur of the moment that it is the work of such and such a man. And if there
1 V. A. Smith, History of Fine Art in India, 1930, p. 215.
## p. 179 (#213) ############################################
JAHANGIR'S ARTISTIC TASTE
179
be a picture containing many portraits, and each face be the work of a differ-
ent master, I can discover which face is the work of each. If any other per-
son has put in the eye and eyebrow of a face I can perceive whose work the
original face is and who has painted the eye and eyebrows. 1
When Sir Thomas Roe presented to him an English miniature,
the emperor offered to wager that a court painter would copy it so
exactly that Roe would be unable to distinguish the original, and
the ambassador had in fact to scrutinise the pictures carefully. ?
Jahangir had less interest in architecture, and though he would
admire a beautiful building he was usually content to order a con-
struction and leave the execution to his architect, unlike his son who
busied himself with every detail. He did, however, alter the design
of Akbar's magnificent tomb at Sikandra, which he rebuilt after three
years' work had already been done on it. This lofty building of red
stone, composed of five square terraces relieved by cupolas, resembles
a pavilion in Akbar's palace at Fathpur Sikri. While the stone of the
fabric is varied only by coloured tiles and some marble inlay, the
top story is an open court of white marble, in the centre of which is
a cenotaph richly carved and bearing Akbar's religious formula and
the ninety-nine attributes of God.
The tomb of I'timad-ud-daula near Agra, built under the direction
of his daughter the empress, is of a totally different style, being
constructed entirely of white marble, adorned with mosaic work out-
side and richly painted inner walls and ceilings. At Lahore Jahangir
directed the construction of a great mosque, which rivals that built
by his son at Delhi, and he also adorned the fort with palace buildings
which have recently been restored after suffering much dilapidation
during Sikh and early British rule. The enamelled tile panelling on
the walls of the fort which covers about 8000 square yards and on a
mosque built by Vazir Khan is very remarkable. While the memoirs
indicate that Jahangir left others to plan the buildings he required,
they show that he took great delight in the arrangement of gardens
in Kashmir and elsewhere.
His artistic tastes led him to adorn the currency with the finest
calligraphic designs which have appeared on Indian coins. Akbar
had introduced new denominations, and Jahangir went further and
raised the standard weight of the gold and silver units immediately
after his succession. This change, which had no economic basis, was
no improvement and was cancelled after five years. The ilahi system
of reckoning which had been started by Akbar was maintained in the
records of the reign, though the lunar system was partly restored in
the coinage. In spite of the prohibitions of Islam against the repre-
sentation of human or animal life the emperor was bold enough to
1 Memoirs, translated by Rogers and Beveridge, I, 20.
2 A beautiful
copy by an Indian painter of a picture by Bihzad the celebrated Persian artist,
certified by the autograph of Jahangir, was lent by the Gulistan Museum.
Teheran, to the Persian exhibition in London, 1931. See Catalogue No. 498.
## p. 180 (#214) ############################################
180
JAHANGIR
strike medals and coins on which his portrait was stamped. Roe tells
us that one of these was presented to him and he was instructed by
Asaf Khan to wear it round his neck, while Austin of Bordeaux wore
one on his hat. One type of this coin even shows the emperor with
a drinking cup in his hand. 1 In 1618 Jahangir decided to substitute
the figure of the zodiacal sign for the name of the month in which a
coin was struck, and with his usual naïve conceit adds in his memoirs :
“This usage is my own, and has never been practised until now. ” 2
A further innovation was the issue of coins bearing the name of the
empress Nur Jahan, and various legends grew up that she was re-
sponsible for the beautiful zodiacal issue. The coinage of Nur Jahan
is, however, limited to only a few years, during which she was at
the zenith of her power, and it was struck only at places where her
adherents in the struggle for power were in authority. 3 Jahangir
had called his gold coins of the heavy standard nur-jahani, and this
probably added to the confusion of thought.
Jahangir was well versed in Persian literature and occasionally
composed himself. His memoirs contain many references to verses
he admired for their beauty, wit or aptness to a special occasion. An
attendant at court who discovered that the numerical values in
Arabic notation of the letters in the name of the emperor and in the
phrase Allahu Akbar were equal was rewarded and a couplet recording
the fact was placed on the coins with a bacchanalian effigy. A poet,
Nasiri of Nishapur, "who excelled other men in the art of poetry",
was attracted to the Indian court. Jahangir's love of nature led him
to admire the description by Hindu poets of the bee as an attendant
on flowers, and he calls their account of it sublime, as recalling the
Persian poets on the subject of the nightingale. As in the case of
architecture, however, Jahangir's taste for literature was dilettante
and had less effect on the progress of culture than his successor's.
Fastidious in matters of art and literature he was also particular
in his dress and critical of the pleasures of the table. He chose
certain fashions and stuffs for his own clothing and forbade other
people to use them. He records the number of the delicious cherries
of Kabul he ate in one day, and recognises the excellence of figs
picked and eaten at once, but notes a warning against too many at
a time. Regarding his own intemperance he is entirely frank and
relates that he began to drink wine at the age of 18 and increased
his potations until wine ceased to intoxicate him, when he changed
to spirits. The time came when his hand shook so much that he could
not drink from his own cup; and then under the influence of Nur
1R. B. Whitehead, “The portrait medals of the emperor Jahangir", Numis-
matic Chronicle, 1929, p. 1.
2 Memoirs, translated by Rogers and Beveridge, II, p. 6. His congratulation of
his own originality is misplaced, vide B. V. Head, Historia Numorum, p. 863.
