On the death of Malt-
eolus, his wife Artemisia maintained his dominion in these new con-
quered islands.
eolus, his wife Artemisia maintained his dominion in these new con-
quered islands.
Demosthenes - Leland - Orations
net/2027/nyp.
33433082193412 Public Domain, Google-digitized / http://www.
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? THE ORATION ON THE PEACE,1
Athenians! I see that this debate must be at-
tended with many difficulties and great commotion,
not only because many of our interests are already
11 shall here take the liberty to transcribe a remark from the authors
of the Universal History.
Libatiius and Photius have taken pains to prove that the oration to
which we refer above ought not to be ascribed to Demosthenes. We
might well enough defend ourselves by alleging, that it has been gene-
rally esteemed his, and, as such, has constantly maintained its place in
his works. This would be sufficient for our purpose; but, in truth, the
arguments on which the opposite sentiment is built are so easily over-
turned, that we might be justly blamed for neglecting so favourable an
occasion of setting this point in a true light. Demosthenes, say those
who will not allow this oration to be his, charged iEschines with betray-
ing his country, on account of his recommending warmly a peace with
Philip; they cannot therefore f oink that Demosthenes would run openly
into those measures which he had so lately and so warmly decried; or
that be, who on every other occasion singly opposed Philip, and ran all
hazards to bring him into odium with the people, should now be single
on the other side, and attempt to cross the disposition of the Athenians,
in favour of peace and Philip. These objectors forget that Demosthenes
was a patriot as well as an orator; that he did not pursue Philip with
implacable hatred because he was king of Macedon, but because he
thought him both willing and able to obstruct the designs of Athens,
and even to reduce her, from that splendid pre-eminence which she now
held in Greece, to the ordinary rank of a state, in name free, but in
truth dependent on him: this was the motive of Demosthenes's heat on
other occasions; and the motive to his coolness now was the strict alli-
ance between Philip and the other Grecian states, which rendered it a
thing impracticable for Athens to contend with him and them alone.
Besides, as he rightly observes in the harangue, it would have been
ridiculous for those who refused to enter into an equal war for rich
cities and fertile provinces, to have rushed suddenly into a most unequal
contest about an empty title, or, as he emphatically expresses it, " To
take away the shadow of Delphos from him who was master of Delphos
Itself. " We therefore acknowledge this to be the oration of Demosthenes,
because he was worthy of it.
It is scarcely worth while to take notice of a small mistake in this
remark. Libanius does not deny that Demosthenes was the author of
this oration. He allows it to have been written by him, but is of opinion
that be never ventured to pronounce it.
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? 100 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
given up; and therefore unnecessary to be now laid
before you,; but because it is impossible to agree on
such expedients as may secure what yet remain:
but that a vai iety of clashing opinions must divide
the assembly. Then, to advise is naturally a diffi-
cult-arid distressing part. But you, Athenians, have
rendered it yet more distressing: for all other peo-
ple naturally seek counsel while affairs are yet de-
pending : you deliberate when the event hath made
it too late. Hence hath it happened, through the
whole course of my observation, tuat the man who
arraigns your conduct is heard with esteem, and his
sentiments approved f yet have your affairs ever
miscarried, and the objects of your deliberation have
all been lost. But, although this be too true, still I
am persuaded (and from this persuasion I arose to
speak) that if you will put an end to tumult and op-
position, and grant me that attention which becomes
those who are consulting for their country, and on
so important an occasion, I have some points to
urge, some measures to propose, which may serve
our present interests, and repair our past miscar-
, riages.
Sensible as I am, Athenians, that to expatiate on
those counsels one hath formerly given, and to speak
of onesself, is the most successful artifice of those
who dare to practise such artifice; yet to me it is
so odious, so detestable, that, although 1 see it neces-
sary, yet I loathe it. Howevei, it will assist your
judgment, I presume, on this occasion, if you recall
to mind something of what I formerly have men -
tioned. --You may remember, that during the disor-
ders of Eubrea, when certain persons persuaded you
to assist Plutarchus,1 and to undertake an inglorious
1 To assist Plutarchus. ! --Philip had long regarded Euboea as very
proper, by its situation, to favour the designs he meditated against
Greece. He therefore took pains to form a party in the island, and fo-
mented divisions and factions in the several states of which it was
composed. PJutarch, the governor of Eretria, one of the principal cities
of Eubcea, applied to the Athenians for assistance against some attempts
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? ORATION ON THE PEACE.
101
and expensive war, I was the first, the only one
who rose up to oppose it, and scarcely escaped their
fury, who for a trifling gain were urging you to
many highly pernicious measures. In a little time
when the load of infamy had fallen on you, and that
you had suffered such treatment as no people ever
received from those they had assisted, you were all
made sensible of the iniquity of your seducers, and
the justness and integrity of my counsels. Again,
when I saw Neoptolemus the player,1 in that full
security which his profession gave him, involving
the state in the greatest distress, and, in all his
public conduct, devoted to Philip, I appeared, and
warned you of the danger; and this from no secret
motive, no private enmity,2 no officious baseness,
as the event itself discovered. But it is not the de-
fenders of Neoptolemus that I accuse (for he was not
depending on a single one), but you yourselves; for;
had you been spectators in the theatre, not engaged
in affairs of the highest and most intimate concern-
ment to the public, you could not have heard him
with more indulgence, nor me with more resentment.
And now you all know, that he who then went over to
the enemy, pretending to collect some debts, that he
might bring them hither, as he said, to enable him to
serve the state; that he who was perpetually inveigh-
of Philip, and obtained it; but afterward (having probably been gained
over to Philip's party) he took up arms against the very auxiliaries he
had invited. But this perfidy did not disconcert Phocion, who com-
manded them. He gained a victory over the Macedonians, and drove
Plutarch out of Eretria. Phocion was afterward recalled, and Molossus,
his successor in this war, was defeated and taken prisoner by Philip. --
Ttmndl.
i Neoptole nus the player. ]--This Neoptolemus was also a great tragic
Kiet, though 'he orator only mentions the less honourable distinction,
ot that the profession of a player was held in disesteem in Greece.
Players were the favourites of princes, and were raised to the highest
employments in the state. This very man was nominated, the year
before, one of the ten ambassadors that were to conclude the peace with
Philip. -- Tourreil.
* No private enmity, &c. ]--Probably this is a repetition of the very
words of Neoptolemus'a party.
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? 102 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ing against the cruelty of accusing a man for thus
transferring his effects from that country hither; the
moment that a peace freed him from all apprehensions
converted that estate1 into money, which he acquired
here, and brought it off with him to Philip.
These two instances which I have produced show
with what fidelity and truth I spoke on those occa-
sions. I shall mention one, and but one more, and
then proceed to the point now to be debated. When
we had received the solemn ratification of the treaty,
and that the embassy returned home; when certain
persons assured you that Thespia and Plataea were
to be repeopled f that if Philip became master of
the Phocians, he would spare them; that Thebes
was to submit to his regulation ;3 that Oropus was
to be ours ;* that Eubcea should be given up5 to us,
as an equivalent for Amphipolis; with other such
1 That estate. ]--The text has it, ovaiav Qaveaav. The Athenians dia
tinguished two sorts of goods or estates--apparent, by which they under
stood lands; and not-apparent, that is, money, slaves, moveables, &c.
2 That Thespia and Plataea were to be repeopled. ]--Thespia had been
razed by the Thebans under Epaminondas. Plataea had been twice de-
stroyed by them; once, when Archidamus, king of Sparta, obliged the
Platceans to surrender at discretion, in the fifth year of the Feloponne-
sian war. The Thebans, who were then joined with Lacedaemon, in-
sisted that they should be exterminated. The treaty of Antalcidas re-
stored them; but this did not last long; for, three years before the
battle of Leuctra, the Thebans reduced them to their former wretched
state, because they refused to join with them against the Lacedaemo-
nians. --Tourreil.
3 That Thebes was to submit to his regulation. ]--In the Greek it is
SiotKtiv, administraturum. Philip made use of this soft expression,
to persuade the Athenians that he would reduce the Thebans to reason,
and put it out of their power to undertake any act of outrage or injustice;
and, at the same time, to avoid alarming the Thebans or alienating them
from his party. Wolfius thinks that StotKciv is put for StotKilciv, and
translates it dissipaturum--that he would exterminate the Thebans.
But I cannot think that he would have expressed himself in a manner
so harsh, and so likely to make the Thebans his enemies. --Tourreil.
* That Oropus was to be ours. ]--This city had been taken from the
Athenians, the third year of the 103d Olympiad, by Themision, the
tyrant of Eretria, and afterward put into the hands of the Thebans.
Their mutual pretensions to this city had oftentimes embroiled these
two states. --Tourreil.
<< Eubcea should be given up, &c. ]--For he had by this time gained a
great authority in that island, and stationed his garrisons in most of its
cities.
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? ORATION ON THE PEACE.
103
insidious promises, which, in spite of interest, of jus-
tice, and of honour, drove you to abandon Phocis;
I never attempted to deceive you; I was not silent:
no ; you must remember I declared that I knew of
none, that I expected none of these things; but
thought that whoever mentioned them could scarcely
be serious.
And these instances of my superior foresight I do
by no means ascribe to any extraordinary penetra-
tion : I speak it not from boasting or arrogance: nor
do I pretend to any superiority but what arises from
these two causes. The first is fortune; which I find
more powerful than all the policy and wisdom of
man : the other, that perfect disinterestedness with
which my judgments are ever formed: so that no
man can hold out any advantage to my view to in-
fluence my public conduct. Hence it is, that on all
occasions of debate your true interest strikes my
eye directly. But when a bribe is, as it were, cast
into one scale, it then preponderates, and forces
down the judgment with it: so that it is not possible
that a person thus influenced can ever offer good and
salutary counsel.
And now to give my sentiments on the present
occasion. --Whether subsidies, or alliances, or what-
ever schemes are concerting for the public good, one
point must be secured--the continuance of the pres-
ent peace. Not that it is so very excellent, or so
worthy of you: but, of what kind soever it may be,
it were more for the interest of your affairs that it
had never been concluded, than that now, when it
is concluded, you should infringe it: for we have
suffered ourselves to be deprived of many advan-
tages which would have given cur arms much more
>>ecurity and strength.
In the next place, we must be careful not to drive
those to extremities who are now assembled, and
call themselves the council of amphictyons; nor to
ifford them a pretence for a general war against us.
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? 104 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
WeTe we again engaged with Philip for Amphipolis,'
or any such private matter of dispute, in which
neither Thessalians, nor Argians, nor Thebans were
concerned, in my opinion none of these would join
against us; and least of all--let me be heard out
without interruption--the Thebans: not that they
wish well to us, or would not willingly recommend
themselves to Philip; but they are perfectly sensible
(however mean their understandings may be thought)
that, were they to engage in a war with you, the
evils would all fall on themthe advantages others
would lie ready to intercept. They would therefore
never be betrayed into such a quarrel unless the
cause were general. In like manner, another war
with the Thebans for Oropus, or any such private
cause, could not, I think, distress us: for there are
those who would join either with us or them, to repel
an invasion; but, in offensive measures, would concur
with neither. This is the true nature, the very
spirit of alliances. There are none so much at-
tached to us or Thebes, as to desire that we should
maintain our own power, and triumph over our com-
petitor. To be secure, they would all wish us for
their own sakes; but that either of us should reduce
the other to subjection, and so be enabled to give
law to them, not one would bear.
Where then lies the danger? What are you to
guard against ? That general pretence for uniting
against us which the war now in agitation may
afford the states. For if the Argians,2 and the Mes-
senians, and the Megalopolitans, and such other of
the Peloponnesians as are in the same interest,
1 The evils would all fall on them, &c. ]--Sparta only waited for this
rupture to assert its power once more: and from Philip's former con.
duct, it appeared very plainly that he knew how to avail himself of such
a quarrel.
2 For if the Argians, &c. ]--When the Spartan power was broken by
Thebes, these people, who had been dependent on Sparta, asserted their
freedom. This occasioned some contests, which still Buhslsted, and IB
which the Spartans were favoured by Athena. --Tourrcil
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? ORATION ON THE PEACE.
lOo
should make it a cause of quarrel, that we have
sought a treaty with the Lacedaemonians, and seem
to have favoured their designs;' if the Thebans, in-
censed as they are said to be at present, should become
yet more incensed at our harbouring their exiles,2
and taking every occasion of declaring ourselves
implacably averse to them; if the Thessalians should
resent our reception of the fugitive Phocians; and
Philip our opposing his admission into the council
of amphictyons; I fear that, to revenge these- private
quarrels, they may use the authority of this council
to give sanction to a general war against us; and,
in the violence of resentment, forget even their own
interest, as it happened in the Phocian war. You
are not ignorant that the Thebans and Philip, and
the Thessalians, . although they had by no means the
same views, have yet all concurred in the same
scheme of conduct. The Thebans, for instance,
were not able to hinder Philip from passing, and
becoming master of Thermopylae, nor from coming
in, after all their toils, and depriving them of the
glory (for, as to possessions,3 and the acquisition
of territories, the Thebans have succeeded happily;
but, in point of honour and reputation, they have
suffered most shamefully). If Philip did not pass
they were to expect nothing: it was highly dis-
agreeable to them; yet for the sake of Orchomenus
1 To have favoured their designs, See]--The designs of the Lacedaemo-
nians, of reducing these people to their former subjection. Tourreil
translates uioextodai--to approve. Suidas renders it stronger, to for-
ward, to promote: tK&txtaQai, sigiii/icat aliquid ab altera accipere,
quod ipse deinde tractandum suscipias. Wolfius applies sKeivois to
the Argians, Jec. , and translates the passage thus--propter acta quaedam
rua impedita. But I have chosen tile other interpretation as the most
natural.
* At our harbouring their exiles. ]--Many of the cities of Bceotia fa-
voured the Phocians in the sacred war. But when this war was ended,
and the Thebans became masters of these cities, they treated the inhabit-
ants with great cruelty, and obliged them to take shelter at Athens.
? As to possessions, dec. ]--All Phocie was given up to them inime-
tely after the war.
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? 106 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and Coronea,1 which they greatly desired, but were
not able to take, they chose to endure all this. And
yet there are persons who dare to assert that Philip
did not surrender these cities to the Thebans freely,
but was compelled. Away with such pretences!
1 am satisfied that this was equally his concern with
the gaining the straits, the glory of the war, the
honour of deciding it, and the direction of the
Pythian games; and these were the greatest objects
of his most earnest wishes. As to the Thessalians,
they neither desired to see the Thebans aggrandized,
nor Philip (for in their power they saw danger to
themselves); but two things they greatly desired--
a seat in the council* of amphictyons, and the wealth
of Delphos; and thence were they induced to join
in the confederacy. Thus you may observe that pri-
vate interest oftentimes engages men in measures
qufte opposite to their inclinations ; and therefore
it is your part to proceed with the utmost caution.
What, then! saith some one, shall these appre-
hensions make us yield to his demands ? is this your
motion ? Not at all! I only mean to show you how
you may maintain your dignity, avoid a war, and
approve your moderation and justice to the world.
As to those violent men who think we should brave
all dangers, nor foresee the difficulties attending on
arms, I wish them to consider this. We allow the
Thebans to possess Oropus: were we asked the
motive, we should answer, To avoid a war. In like
manner, by the present treaty, we yield Amphipolis
to Philip; we suffer the Cardians to be distinguished'
from the other inhabitants of the Chersonesus; the
King of Caria4 to possess Chios, and Cos, and Rhodes;
' Orchomenus and Coronea, The Phocians had taken these two
cities from them the year before.
<< A seat in the council, Sec. ]--Of which they had been deprived by the
Phocians making themselves masters of Delphos, where this council
assembled.
3 We suffer the Cardians to be distinguished, &c]--This is explained
in the introduction to the oration on the state of the Chersonesus.
* The King of Caria. 1--Mausolus, king of that country, had assisted
these islanders against Athens in the social wan and wheni at the con-
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? ORATION ON THE PEACE.
107
and the Byzantines1 to cruise for prizes; and this
because we think that peace and tranquillity will
produce more advantages than violence and contests
about these points. And if thus directed in our con-
duct towards each particular state, and where our
interest is highly and intimately concerned, it would
be perfect weakness and absurdity to provoke the
resentment of them all for a shadow. 3
elusion of this war, the Athenians were obliged to declare them free and
independent, their ally made himself master of them.
On the death of Malt-
eolus, his wife Artemisia maintained his dominion in these new con-
quered islands. . She survived her husband but two years, and was suc-
ceeded by her brother Hidrieas, who reigned in Caria at the time that
this oration wasjronounced. --Tourreii.
i And the Byzantines, &c. ]--These people had also revolted from the
Athenians, and joined with the islanders in the social war: how for, or
on wnat pretence, they were suffered to commit those outrages on the
seas, does not appear. --Tourreii.
8 For a shadow]--In the Greek, Tlepi rrii ev AtA0o/f Mag--for a
shadow in Delphos: that is, for an empty title of amphtctyon, or of a
protector of the temple of Delphos.
Vol. I. --I
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? THE SEVENTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP
Commonly called the Second.
PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF LYCISCTJS, TWO YEAR* APTXB
THE ORATION ON THE PEACE.
INTRODUCTION.
The Greefcs thought it p-oper to confirm, or at least not to oppos^
Philip's admission into the council of amphictyons, where he imme-
diately assumed a despotic power. In every enterprise he armed him-
self with one of their decrees, and, under pretence of executing them,
made a merit of oppressing several states of Greece.
The Thebans opened him an entrance intoFeloponrresvs, where, from
their inveterate hatred to the Lacedaemonians, they were constantly
fomenting divisions. They solicited Philip to join with them the Mcs-
senians and the Argians, to rednce the power of Lacedaemon, which,
without any right but that of the strongest, had erected itself into a kind
of sovereignty, to the prejudice of the neighbouring states. Philip
willingly listened to an overture which agreed so well with his own
views. He proposed, or rather dictated, a decree to the amphictyons
that the Lacedaemonians should softer Argos and Messene to enjoy an
absolute independence; and, under the pretence of supporting their
authority, at th'j same time marched a great body of forces towards those
parts.
The Lacedaemonians, justly alarmed, applied to Athens *br succour,
and strongly urged by their ambassadors the conclusion of a league
which was necessary for their common safety. Ail the powers interested
in crossing this league used their utmost diligence to that end. Philip,
by his ministers, represented to the Athenians that they could no^with
justice declare against him; and that, if he had not come to a rupture
with the Thebans, he had in this done nothing contrary to his treaty
with Athens. And this, indeed, was true with respect to the public arti-
cles of the peace, whatever private assurances be might have given their
ambassadors. The representatives of Thebes, Argos, and Messene
pressed the Athenians on their part, and reproached them with having
already too much favoured the Lacedaemonians, those enemies of Thebes,
and tyrants of Peloponnesus. The strength of those remonstrances
somewhat staggered the Athenians. They were unwilling to break
with Philip; and then, on the other hand, could not but see danger to
themselves in the ruin of Lacedaemon. They were theretbre in doubt
what answer to give to the Lacedaemonian ambassadors: on whicta
occasion Demosthenes pronounced the following oration.
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? PHILIPPIC THE SECOND.
Athenians! when the hostile attempts of Philip,
and those outrageous violations of the peace which
he is perpetually committing, are at any time the
subject of our debates, the speeches on your side I
find humane and just;1 and that the sentiments of
those who inveigh against Philip never fail of appro-
bation : but as to the necessary measures, to speak
out plainly, not one hath been pursued, nor any
thing effected even to reward the attention to these
harangues. Nay, to such circumstances is our state
reduced, that the more fully and evidently a man
proves that Philip is acting contrary to his treaty,
and harbouring designs against Greece, the greater
is his difficulty in pointing out your duty.
l Humane and just. ]--An opposition to the growing power of Maoedon
the orator ever affects to consider as the cause of liberty, of justice, and of
Greece. The interest of the nation, that is, of the whole assemblage of
Che Grecian states, was professedly the first great object of regard to
every member of every community. This was their most extensive
affection. The distinction of Greek and Barbarian, precluded the rest
of mankind from a just share in their philanthropy; at least it was not
generally considered as a duty to extend their benevolence farther than
the boundaries of their nation. These included all that were really con-
sidered of the same kind: and hence it is, as I conceive, that the love of
their countrymen was called, by the most extensive term, the love of
mankind. The word, therefore, in the original ($tXavd{Xiiirovs) which is
rendered humane, the translator understood as expressive of a regard
to the general welfare of Greece. Nor was it owing to any design of
concealing his ignorance that this explanation was not originally allowed
a place in the notes on this oration. What is, or is imagined to be. near
o us, we are apt to flatter ourselves must, at first glance, appear to
others exactly in the same light; just as we sometimes suppose that
he difficulty we ourselves cannot conquer is, in itself, absolutely
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? 110 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. .
The reason is this. They who aspire to an extrava-
gant degree of power are to be opposed by force and
action, not by speeches: and yet, in the first place,
we public speakers are unwilling to recommend or
to propose any thing to this purpose, from the fear
of your displeasure; but confine ourselves to general
representations of the grievous, of the outrageous
nature of his conduct, and the like. Then you who
attend are better qualified than Philip, either to plead
the justice of your cause, or to apprehend it when
enforced by others; but as to any effectual opposi-
tion to his present designs, in this you are entirely
inactive. You see, then, the consequence, the neces-
sary, the natural consequence; each of you excels
in that which hath engaged your time and applica-
tion ; he in acting, you in speaking. And if, on this
occasion, it be sufficient that we speak with a superior
force of truth and justice, this may be done with the
utmost ease: but if we are to consider how to rectify
our present disorders; how to guard against the
danger of plunging inadvertently into still greater;
against the progress of a power which may at last
bear down all opposition; then must our debates
proceed in a different manner; and all they who
speak, and all you who attend, must prefer the best
and most salutary measures to the easiest and most
agreeable.
First, then, Athenians, if there be a man who feels
no apprehensions at the view of Philip's power, and
the extent of his conquests, who imagines that these
portend no danger to the state, or that his designs are
not all aimed against you, I am amazed! and must
entreat the attention of you all while I explain those
reasons briefly which induce me to entertain different
expectations, and to regard Philip as our real enemy;
that if I appear to have looked forward T/ith the
more penetrating eye, you may join w^Ji me; if
they, who are thus secure and confident in this man,
you may yield to their direction.
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? PHILIPPIC THE SECOND.
Ill
In the first place, therefore, I consider the acqui-
sitions made by Philip, when the peace was just con-
cluded--Thermopylae, and the command of Phocis.
What use did he make of these ? He chose to serve
the interest of Thebes, not that of Athens. And
why? As ambition is his great passion, universal
empire the sole object of his views; not peace, not
tranquillity, not any just purpose: he knew this well,
that neither our constitution nor our principles would
admit him to prevail on you, by any thing he could
promise, by any thing he could do, to sacrifice one
state of Greece to your private interest: but that, as
you have the due regard to justice, as you have an
abhorrence of the least stain on your honour, and as
you have that quick discernment which nothing can
escape, the moment his attempt was made, you
would oppose him with the same vigour as if you
yourselves had been immediately attacked. The
Thebans, he supposed (and the event confirmed his
opinion), would, for the sake of anyprivate advantage,
suffer him to act towards others as he pleased ; and
far from opposing or impeding his designs, would be
ready at his command to fight on his side. From
the same persuasion he now heaps his favours on
the Messenians and Argians. And this reflects the
greatest lustre on you, my countrymen; for by these
proceedings you are declared the only invariable
assertors of the rights of Greece; the only persons
whom no private attachment, no views of interest
can seduce from their affection to the Greeks.
And that it is with reason he entertains these
sentiments of you, and sentiments so different of the
Thebans and the Argians, he may be convinced, not
from the present only, but from a review of former
times: for he must have been informed, I presume
he cannot but have heard, that your ancestors, when,
by submitting to the king, they might have pur-
chased the sovereignty of Greece, not only scorned
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? 112 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
to listen when Alexander,1 this man's ancestor, was
made the messenger of such terms, but chose to
abandon their city, encountered every possible diffi-
culty, and after all this performed such exploits as
men are ever eager to recite, yet with the just force
and dignity no man ever could express; and there-
fore, it becomes me to be silent on this subject; for
in reality their actions are superior to the power of
words. As to the ancestors of the Thebans and the
Argians, the one, he knows, fought for the Barba-
rian; the others did not oppose him. 2 He knew,
then, that both these people would attend but to their
private interest, without the least regard to the
common cause of Greece. Should he choose you
for allies, you would serve him so far only as justice
would permit; but, if he attached himself to them,
he gained assistants in all the schemes of his ambi-
tion. This it is that then determined him, this it is
that now determines him to their side rather than to
yours: not that he sees they have a greater naval
1 When Alexander, &c. ]--The reader may find the history here
alluded to in the eighth and ninth books of Herodotus. The expressions
in the original are as contemptuous as possible; b rovrwv, or, as some
editions have it, & rourwv -Kpoyovos, the ancestors of these wretches the
Macedonians; and then, not irpcaftevs, ambassador, but KHPTE, herald
or erier, the. slave or menial officer of his master Mardonivs. Avec le
titre d'ambassadeur (as Tourreil translates it) suggests the honourable
idea which Demosthenes takes such pains to keep out of view.
2 The one, be knows, fought for the Barbarian; the others did not
oppose him. ]--The readiness with which the Thebans granted earth and
water, the tokens of submission, to the Persian, the regret wiih which
they joined Leonid as at Thermopylae, their joining operily with Xerxes,
when his arms had the appearance of success, and other circumstances,
confirmed by the urnted testimony of historians, all warrant the assertion
of Demosthenes. The Argians were engaged to a neutrality by an arti-
fice of the Persians, who pretended to derive their descent from Per-
seus, the son of Acrisius, one of the kings of Argos. This pretence
how gross soever, was sufficient for a people who chose to be deceived,
and would not reflect that this monarchy had not the title of Persian till
the reign of Cyrus. Their infidelity to the cause of Greece they con-
cealed under the veil of ambition ; for they professed themselves ready
to concur in the common defence, provided that they were admitted to an
equal share of the command with Lacedemon: which proposal wu
rejected, as they desired. --Tourreil.
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? PHILIPPIC THE SECOND
force1 than we; or that, having gained the sovereignty
in the inland countries, he declines the command of
the seas and the advantages of commerce; or that
he hath forgotten those pretences, those promises
which obtained him the peace.
But I may be told--It is true, he did act thus; but
not from ambition, or from any of those motives of
which I accuse him; but as he thought the cause of
Thebes more just than ours. 2--This of all pretences
he cannot now allege. Can he, who commands the
Lacedaemonians3 to quit their claim to Messene, pre-
tend that, in giving up Orchomenus and Coronea to
the Thebans, he acted from regard to justice ? But
now comes his last subterfuge. He was compelled,
and yielded these places quite against his inclina-
tions, being encompassed by the Thessalian horse
and Theban infantry. Fine pretence! --Just so, they
cry, he is to entertain suspicions of the Thebans; and
some spread rumours of their own framing, that he
is to fortify Elatea. 4 Yes< these things are yet to
be, and so will they remain, in my opinion; but
his attack on Lacedaemon, in conjunction with the
Thebans and Argians, is not yet to be made. No:
1 A greater naval force, dec. ]--Athens, as a maritime power, waa impo-
rter to all the other Greeks. At the battle of Salamis, of the three hundred
vessels which composed the Grecian fleet, two hundred were Athenian.
Three hundred ships sailed from the port of Athens on the expedition to
Sicily; and their fleet was afterward increased to four hundred. --
Tourreil.
2 The cause of Thebes more just than ours. ]--The union of Philip
with the Thebans had a very plausible colour; that of espousing the
cause of Apollo, and punishing the sacrilegious profaners of his temple.
It was not convenient to display thia at large, and therefore he cuts it
short by one vague expression; for the art of an orator appears no less
hi suppressing such things as may prove unfavourable to his design, than
in dwelling on those points which may assist it. --Tourreil.
* Can he, who commands the Lacedaemonians, &c. ]--Because the
pretensions of each were of the same nature. Lacedaemon assumed
the supreme power in Peloponnesus. Thebes affected the like power in
Basotia.
* To fortify Elatea. ]--This was the most considerable city in Phocis,
and by its situation very well fltted to keep the Thebans in awe. So
that some years after, when Philip perceived that the Thebans were
growing cool tv Hub, bis first step was to take possession of Elatea. --
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? >>14 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
he is actually detaching forces, supplying money, and
is himself expected at the head of a formidable
army. The Lacedaemonians, therefore, the enemies
of Thebes, he now infests. And will he then restore
the Phocians, whom he hath but just now ruined 1
Who can believe this ? I, for my part, can never
think, if Philip had been forced into those formei
measures, or if he had now abandoned the Thebans,
that he would make this continued opposition to their
enemies. No: his present measures prove that all
his past conduct was the effect of choice; and from
all his actions, it appears that all his actions are
directly levelled against this state: and there is in
some sort a necessity for this. Consider, he aims at
empire, and from you alone he expects opposition.
He hath long loaded us with injuries; and of this he
himself is most intimately conscious; for those of
our possessions which he hath reduced to his ser-
vice he uses as a barrier to his other territories: so
that, if he should give up Amphipolis and Potidaea,
he would not think himself secure even in Macedon.
He is therefore sensible that he entertains designs
against you, and that you perceive them. Then, as
he thinks highly of your wisdom, he concludes that
you must hold him in that abhorrence which he
merits: hence is he alarmed, expecting to feel some
effects of your resentment (if you have any favour-
able opportunity) unless he prevent you by his attack.
Hence is his vigilance awakened; his arm raised
against the state: he courts some of the Thebans,
and such of the Peloponnesians as have the same
views with him; whom he deems too mercenary to
regard any thing but present interest, and too per-
versely stupid to foresee any consequences. And
yet persons of but moderate discernment may have
some manifest examples to alarm them, which I had
occasion to1 mention to the Messenians and to the
? Which I had occasion to, &c. l--When Philip first began to interest
himself in the disputes between these states and Lacedsmon, the Atoe*
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? PHILIPPIC THE SECOND.
115
Argians. Perhaps it may be proper to repeat them
here.
"Messenians! " said I, "how highly, think ye,
would the Olynthians have been offended if any man
had spoken against Philip at that time when he gave
them up Anthemus,1 a city which the former kings of
Macedon had ever claimed 1 when he drove out the
Athenian colony, and gave them Potidaea ? when he
took all our resentment on himself, and left them to
enjoy our dominions ? Did they expect to have suf-
fered thus 1 had it been foretold, would they have
believed it 1 You cannot think it! Yet, after a short
enjoyment of the territories of others, they have
been for ever despoiled of their own by this man.
Inglorious has been their fall, not conquered only,
but betrayed and sold by one another: for those inti-
mate correspondences with tyrants ever portend mis-
chief to free states. "--" Turn your eyes," said I,
" to the Thessalians! think ye, that when he first
expelled their tyrants, when he then gave them up
Nicaea2 and Magnesia, that they expected ever to
have been subjected to those governors3 now im-
posed on them ? or that the man who restored them
to their seat in the amphictyonic council would have
deprived them of their own proper revenues ? yet,
nians sent an embassy to endeavour to weaken his interest in Pelopon-
nesus, and to dissuade the Messenians and Argians from accepting of
his interposition. On this occasion it was that Demosthenes made the
oration from which he now quotes this passage.
1 Anthemus. ]--This city of Macedon had been possessed by the an-
cestors of Philip from the earliest ages; for we learn from Herodotus,
b. v. , that about two hundred years before Amyntas made an offer of
Anthemus to Hipp'as the son of Pisistratus. --Tourreil.
2 Nicsea. ]--This city of Locris had been given up to Philip by Pha
lecus, at the conclusion of the sacred war. --Tourreil.
3 Those governors, &c. ]--The tyranny said to have been imposed by
Pbilip on the Thessalians is in the original of this passage called a
government of ten ; yet in the third Philippic it is styled a tetrarchy,
or government of four. Hence, therefare grounds to presume that an
error has crept into the ancient copies.
? THE ORATION ON THE PEACE,1
Athenians! I see that this debate must be at-
tended with many difficulties and great commotion,
not only because many of our interests are already
11 shall here take the liberty to transcribe a remark from the authors
of the Universal History.
Libatiius and Photius have taken pains to prove that the oration to
which we refer above ought not to be ascribed to Demosthenes. We
might well enough defend ourselves by alleging, that it has been gene-
rally esteemed his, and, as such, has constantly maintained its place in
his works. This would be sufficient for our purpose; but, in truth, the
arguments on which the opposite sentiment is built are so easily over-
turned, that we might be justly blamed for neglecting so favourable an
occasion of setting this point in a true light. Demosthenes, say those
who will not allow this oration to be his, charged iEschines with betray-
ing his country, on account of his recommending warmly a peace with
Philip; they cannot therefore f oink that Demosthenes would run openly
into those measures which he had so lately and so warmly decried; or
that be, who on every other occasion singly opposed Philip, and ran all
hazards to bring him into odium with the people, should now be single
on the other side, and attempt to cross the disposition of the Athenians,
in favour of peace and Philip. These objectors forget that Demosthenes
was a patriot as well as an orator; that he did not pursue Philip with
implacable hatred because he was king of Macedon, but because he
thought him both willing and able to obstruct the designs of Athens,
and even to reduce her, from that splendid pre-eminence which she now
held in Greece, to the ordinary rank of a state, in name free, but in
truth dependent on him: this was the motive of Demosthenes's heat on
other occasions; and the motive to his coolness now was the strict alli-
ance between Philip and the other Grecian states, which rendered it a
thing impracticable for Athens to contend with him and them alone.
Besides, as he rightly observes in the harangue, it would have been
ridiculous for those who refused to enter into an equal war for rich
cities and fertile provinces, to have rushed suddenly into a most unequal
contest about an empty title, or, as he emphatically expresses it, " To
take away the shadow of Delphos from him who was master of Delphos
Itself. " We therefore acknowledge this to be the oration of Demosthenes,
because he was worthy of it.
It is scarcely worth while to take notice of a small mistake in this
remark. Libanius does not deny that Demosthenes was the author of
this oration. He allows it to have been written by him, but is of opinion
that be never ventured to pronounce it.
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? 100 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
given up; and therefore unnecessary to be now laid
before you,; but because it is impossible to agree on
such expedients as may secure what yet remain:
but that a vai iety of clashing opinions must divide
the assembly. Then, to advise is naturally a diffi-
cult-arid distressing part. But you, Athenians, have
rendered it yet more distressing: for all other peo-
ple naturally seek counsel while affairs are yet de-
pending : you deliberate when the event hath made
it too late. Hence hath it happened, through the
whole course of my observation, tuat the man who
arraigns your conduct is heard with esteem, and his
sentiments approved f yet have your affairs ever
miscarried, and the objects of your deliberation have
all been lost. But, although this be too true, still I
am persuaded (and from this persuasion I arose to
speak) that if you will put an end to tumult and op-
position, and grant me that attention which becomes
those who are consulting for their country, and on
so important an occasion, I have some points to
urge, some measures to propose, which may serve
our present interests, and repair our past miscar-
, riages.
Sensible as I am, Athenians, that to expatiate on
those counsels one hath formerly given, and to speak
of onesself, is the most successful artifice of those
who dare to practise such artifice; yet to me it is
so odious, so detestable, that, although 1 see it neces-
sary, yet I loathe it. Howevei, it will assist your
judgment, I presume, on this occasion, if you recall
to mind something of what I formerly have men -
tioned. --You may remember, that during the disor-
ders of Eubrea, when certain persons persuaded you
to assist Plutarchus,1 and to undertake an inglorious
1 To assist Plutarchus. ! --Philip had long regarded Euboea as very
proper, by its situation, to favour the designs he meditated against
Greece. He therefore took pains to form a party in the island, and fo-
mented divisions and factions in the several states of which it was
composed. PJutarch, the governor of Eretria, one of the principal cities
of Eubcea, applied to the Athenians for assistance against some attempts
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? ORATION ON THE PEACE.
101
and expensive war, I was the first, the only one
who rose up to oppose it, and scarcely escaped their
fury, who for a trifling gain were urging you to
many highly pernicious measures. In a little time
when the load of infamy had fallen on you, and that
you had suffered such treatment as no people ever
received from those they had assisted, you were all
made sensible of the iniquity of your seducers, and
the justness and integrity of my counsels. Again,
when I saw Neoptolemus the player,1 in that full
security which his profession gave him, involving
the state in the greatest distress, and, in all his
public conduct, devoted to Philip, I appeared, and
warned you of the danger; and this from no secret
motive, no private enmity,2 no officious baseness,
as the event itself discovered. But it is not the de-
fenders of Neoptolemus that I accuse (for he was not
depending on a single one), but you yourselves; for;
had you been spectators in the theatre, not engaged
in affairs of the highest and most intimate concern-
ment to the public, you could not have heard him
with more indulgence, nor me with more resentment.
And now you all know, that he who then went over to
the enemy, pretending to collect some debts, that he
might bring them hither, as he said, to enable him to
serve the state; that he who was perpetually inveigh-
of Philip, and obtained it; but afterward (having probably been gained
over to Philip's party) he took up arms against the very auxiliaries he
had invited. But this perfidy did not disconcert Phocion, who com-
manded them. He gained a victory over the Macedonians, and drove
Plutarch out of Eretria. Phocion was afterward recalled, and Molossus,
his successor in this war, was defeated and taken prisoner by Philip. --
Ttmndl.
i Neoptole nus the player. ]--This Neoptolemus was also a great tragic
Kiet, though 'he orator only mentions the less honourable distinction,
ot that the profession of a player was held in disesteem in Greece.
Players were the favourites of princes, and were raised to the highest
employments in the state. This very man was nominated, the year
before, one of the ten ambassadors that were to conclude the peace with
Philip. -- Tourreil.
* No private enmity, &c. ]--Probably this is a repetition of the very
words of Neoptolemus'a party.
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? 102 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ing against the cruelty of accusing a man for thus
transferring his effects from that country hither; the
moment that a peace freed him from all apprehensions
converted that estate1 into money, which he acquired
here, and brought it off with him to Philip.
These two instances which I have produced show
with what fidelity and truth I spoke on those occa-
sions. I shall mention one, and but one more, and
then proceed to the point now to be debated. When
we had received the solemn ratification of the treaty,
and that the embassy returned home; when certain
persons assured you that Thespia and Plataea were
to be repeopled f that if Philip became master of
the Phocians, he would spare them; that Thebes
was to submit to his regulation ;3 that Oropus was
to be ours ;* that Eubcea should be given up5 to us,
as an equivalent for Amphipolis; with other such
1 That estate. ]--The text has it, ovaiav Qaveaav. The Athenians dia
tinguished two sorts of goods or estates--apparent, by which they under
stood lands; and not-apparent, that is, money, slaves, moveables, &c.
2 That Thespia and Plataea were to be repeopled. ]--Thespia had been
razed by the Thebans under Epaminondas. Plataea had been twice de-
stroyed by them; once, when Archidamus, king of Sparta, obliged the
Platceans to surrender at discretion, in the fifth year of the Feloponne-
sian war. The Thebans, who were then joined with Lacedaemon, in-
sisted that they should be exterminated. The treaty of Antalcidas re-
stored them; but this did not last long; for, three years before the
battle of Leuctra, the Thebans reduced them to their former wretched
state, because they refused to join with them against the Lacedaemo-
nians. --Tourreil.
3 That Thebes was to submit to his regulation. ]--In the Greek it is
SiotKtiv, administraturum. Philip made use of this soft expression,
to persuade the Athenians that he would reduce the Thebans to reason,
and put it out of their power to undertake any act of outrage or injustice;
and, at the same time, to avoid alarming the Thebans or alienating them
from his party. Wolfius thinks that StotKciv is put for StotKilciv, and
translates it dissipaturum--that he would exterminate the Thebans.
But I cannot think that he would have expressed himself in a manner
so harsh, and so likely to make the Thebans his enemies. --Tourreil.
* That Oropus was to be ours. ]--This city had been taken from the
Athenians, the third year of the 103d Olympiad, by Themision, the
tyrant of Eretria, and afterward put into the hands of the Thebans.
Their mutual pretensions to this city had oftentimes embroiled these
two states. --Tourreil.
<< Eubcea should be given up, &c. ]--For he had by this time gained a
great authority in that island, and stationed his garrisons in most of its
cities.
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? ORATION ON THE PEACE.
103
insidious promises, which, in spite of interest, of jus-
tice, and of honour, drove you to abandon Phocis;
I never attempted to deceive you; I was not silent:
no ; you must remember I declared that I knew of
none, that I expected none of these things; but
thought that whoever mentioned them could scarcely
be serious.
And these instances of my superior foresight I do
by no means ascribe to any extraordinary penetra-
tion : I speak it not from boasting or arrogance: nor
do I pretend to any superiority but what arises from
these two causes. The first is fortune; which I find
more powerful than all the policy and wisdom of
man : the other, that perfect disinterestedness with
which my judgments are ever formed: so that no
man can hold out any advantage to my view to in-
fluence my public conduct. Hence it is, that on all
occasions of debate your true interest strikes my
eye directly. But when a bribe is, as it were, cast
into one scale, it then preponderates, and forces
down the judgment with it: so that it is not possible
that a person thus influenced can ever offer good and
salutary counsel.
And now to give my sentiments on the present
occasion. --Whether subsidies, or alliances, or what-
ever schemes are concerting for the public good, one
point must be secured--the continuance of the pres-
ent peace. Not that it is so very excellent, or so
worthy of you: but, of what kind soever it may be,
it were more for the interest of your affairs that it
had never been concluded, than that now, when it
is concluded, you should infringe it: for we have
suffered ourselves to be deprived of many advan-
tages which would have given cur arms much more
>>ecurity and strength.
In the next place, we must be careful not to drive
those to extremities who are now assembled, and
call themselves the council of amphictyons; nor to
ifford them a pretence for a general war against us.
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? 104 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
WeTe we again engaged with Philip for Amphipolis,'
or any such private matter of dispute, in which
neither Thessalians, nor Argians, nor Thebans were
concerned, in my opinion none of these would join
against us; and least of all--let me be heard out
without interruption--the Thebans: not that they
wish well to us, or would not willingly recommend
themselves to Philip; but they are perfectly sensible
(however mean their understandings may be thought)
that, were they to engage in a war with you, the
evils would all fall on themthe advantages others
would lie ready to intercept. They would therefore
never be betrayed into such a quarrel unless the
cause were general. In like manner, another war
with the Thebans for Oropus, or any such private
cause, could not, I think, distress us: for there are
those who would join either with us or them, to repel
an invasion; but, in offensive measures, would concur
with neither. This is the true nature, the very
spirit of alliances. There are none so much at-
tached to us or Thebes, as to desire that we should
maintain our own power, and triumph over our com-
petitor. To be secure, they would all wish us for
their own sakes; but that either of us should reduce
the other to subjection, and so be enabled to give
law to them, not one would bear.
Where then lies the danger? What are you to
guard against ? That general pretence for uniting
against us which the war now in agitation may
afford the states. For if the Argians,2 and the Mes-
senians, and the Megalopolitans, and such other of
the Peloponnesians as are in the same interest,
1 The evils would all fall on them, &c. ]--Sparta only waited for this
rupture to assert its power once more: and from Philip's former con.
duct, it appeared very plainly that he knew how to avail himself of such
a quarrel.
2 For if the Argians, &c. ]--When the Spartan power was broken by
Thebes, these people, who had been dependent on Sparta, asserted their
freedom. This occasioned some contests, which still Buhslsted, and IB
which the Spartans were favoured by Athena. --Tourrcil
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? ORATION ON THE PEACE.
lOo
should make it a cause of quarrel, that we have
sought a treaty with the Lacedaemonians, and seem
to have favoured their designs;' if the Thebans, in-
censed as they are said to be at present, should become
yet more incensed at our harbouring their exiles,2
and taking every occasion of declaring ourselves
implacably averse to them; if the Thessalians should
resent our reception of the fugitive Phocians; and
Philip our opposing his admission into the council
of amphictyons; I fear that, to revenge these- private
quarrels, they may use the authority of this council
to give sanction to a general war against us; and,
in the violence of resentment, forget even their own
interest, as it happened in the Phocian war. You
are not ignorant that the Thebans and Philip, and
the Thessalians, . although they had by no means the
same views, have yet all concurred in the same
scheme of conduct. The Thebans, for instance,
were not able to hinder Philip from passing, and
becoming master of Thermopylae, nor from coming
in, after all their toils, and depriving them of the
glory (for, as to possessions,3 and the acquisition
of territories, the Thebans have succeeded happily;
but, in point of honour and reputation, they have
suffered most shamefully). If Philip did not pass
they were to expect nothing: it was highly dis-
agreeable to them; yet for the sake of Orchomenus
1 To have favoured their designs, See]--The designs of the Lacedaemo-
nians, of reducing these people to their former subjection. Tourreil
translates uioextodai--to approve. Suidas renders it stronger, to for-
ward, to promote: tK&txtaQai, sigiii/icat aliquid ab altera accipere,
quod ipse deinde tractandum suscipias. Wolfius applies sKeivois to
the Argians, Jec. , and translates the passage thus--propter acta quaedam
rua impedita. But I have chosen tile other interpretation as the most
natural.
* At our harbouring their exiles. ]--Many of the cities of Bceotia fa-
voured the Phocians in the sacred war. But when this war was ended,
and the Thebans became masters of these cities, they treated the inhabit-
ants with great cruelty, and obliged them to take shelter at Athens.
? As to possessions, dec. ]--All Phocie was given up to them inime-
tely after the war.
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? 106 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and Coronea,1 which they greatly desired, but were
not able to take, they chose to endure all this. And
yet there are persons who dare to assert that Philip
did not surrender these cities to the Thebans freely,
but was compelled. Away with such pretences!
1 am satisfied that this was equally his concern with
the gaining the straits, the glory of the war, the
honour of deciding it, and the direction of the
Pythian games; and these were the greatest objects
of his most earnest wishes. As to the Thessalians,
they neither desired to see the Thebans aggrandized,
nor Philip (for in their power they saw danger to
themselves); but two things they greatly desired--
a seat in the council* of amphictyons, and the wealth
of Delphos; and thence were they induced to join
in the confederacy. Thus you may observe that pri-
vate interest oftentimes engages men in measures
qufte opposite to their inclinations ; and therefore
it is your part to proceed with the utmost caution.
What, then! saith some one, shall these appre-
hensions make us yield to his demands ? is this your
motion ? Not at all! I only mean to show you how
you may maintain your dignity, avoid a war, and
approve your moderation and justice to the world.
As to those violent men who think we should brave
all dangers, nor foresee the difficulties attending on
arms, I wish them to consider this. We allow the
Thebans to possess Oropus: were we asked the
motive, we should answer, To avoid a war. In like
manner, by the present treaty, we yield Amphipolis
to Philip; we suffer the Cardians to be distinguished'
from the other inhabitants of the Chersonesus; the
King of Caria4 to possess Chios, and Cos, and Rhodes;
' Orchomenus and Coronea, The Phocians had taken these two
cities from them the year before.
<< A seat in the council, Sec. ]--Of which they had been deprived by the
Phocians making themselves masters of Delphos, where this council
assembled.
3 We suffer the Cardians to be distinguished, &c]--This is explained
in the introduction to the oration on the state of the Chersonesus.
* The King of Caria. 1--Mausolus, king of that country, had assisted
these islanders against Athens in the social wan and wheni at the con-
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? ORATION ON THE PEACE.
107
and the Byzantines1 to cruise for prizes; and this
because we think that peace and tranquillity will
produce more advantages than violence and contests
about these points. And if thus directed in our con-
duct towards each particular state, and where our
interest is highly and intimately concerned, it would
be perfect weakness and absurdity to provoke the
resentment of them all for a shadow. 3
elusion of this war, the Athenians were obliged to declare them free and
independent, their ally made himself master of them.
On the death of Malt-
eolus, his wife Artemisia maintained his dominion in these new con-
quered islands. . She survived her husband but two years, and was suc-
ceeded by her brother Hidrieas, who reigned in Caria at the time that
this oration wasjronounced. --Tourreii.
i And the Byzantines, &c. ]--These people had also revolted from the
Athenians, and joined with the islanders in the social war: how for, or
on wnat pretence, they were suffered to commit those outrages on the
seas, does not appear. --Tourreii.
8 For a shadow]--In the Greek, Tlepi rrii ev AtA0o/f Mag--for a
shadow in Delphos: that is, for an empty title of amphtctyon, or of a
protector of the temple of Delphos.
Vol. I. --I
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? THE SEVENTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP
Commonly called the Second.
PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF LYCISCTJS, TWO YEAR* APTXB
THE ORATION ON THE PEACE.
INTRODUCTION.
The Greefcs thought it p-oper to confirm, or at least not to oppos^
Philip's admission into the council of amphictyons, where he imme-
diately assumed a despotic power. In every enterprise he armed him-
self with one of their decrees, and, under pretence of executing them,
made a merit of oppressing several states of Greece.
The Thebans opened him an entrance intoFeloponrresvs, where, from
their inveterate hatred to the Lacedaemonians, they were constantly
fomenting divisions. They solicited Philip to join with them the Mcs-
senians and the Argians, to rednce the power of Lacedaemon, which,
without any right but that of the strongest, had erected itself into a kind
of sovereignty, to the prejudice of the neighbouring states. Philip
willingly listened to an overture which agreed so well with his own
views. He proposed, or rather dictated, a decree to the amphictyons
that the Lacedaemonians should softer Argos and Messene to enjoy an
absolute independence; and, under the pretence of supporting their
authority, at th'j same time marched a great body of forces towards those
parts.
The Lacedaemonians, justly alarmed, applied to Athens *br succour,
and strongly urged by their ambassadors the conclusion of a league
which was necessary for their common safety. Ail the powers interested
in crossing this league used their utmost diligence to that end. Philip,
by his ministers, represented to the Athenians that they could no^with
justice declare against him; and that, if he had not come to a rupture
with the Thebans, he had in this done nothing contrary to his treaty
with Athens. And this, indeed, was true with respect to the public arti-
cles of the peace, whatever private assurances be might have given their
ambassadors. The representatives of Thebes, Argos, and Messene
pressed the Athenians on their part, and reproached them with having
already too much favoured the Lacedaemonians, those enemies of Thebes,
and tyrants of Peloponnesus. The strength of those remonstrances
somewhat staggered the Athenians. They were unwilling to break
with Philip; and then, on the other hand, could not but see danger to
themselves in the ruin of Lacedaemon. They were theretbre in doubt
what answer to give to the Lacedaemonian ambassadors: on whicta
occasion Demosthenes pronounced the following oration.
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? PHILIPPIC THE SECOND.
Athenians! when the hostile attempts of Philip,
and those outrageous violations of the peace which
he is perpetually committing, are at any time the
subject of our debates, the speeches on your side I
find humane and just;1 and that the sentiments of
those who inveigh against Philip never fail of appro-
bation : but as to the necessary measures, to speak
out plainly, not one hath been pursued, nor any
thing effected even to reward the attention to these
harangues. Nay, to such circumstances is our state
reduced, that the more fully and evidently a man
proves that Philip is acting contrary to his treaty,
and harbouring designs against Greece, the greater
is his difficulty in pointing out your duty.
l Humane and just. ]--An opposition to the growing power of Maoedon
the orator ever affects to consider as the cause of liberty, of justice, and of
Greece. The interest of the nation, that is, of the whole assemblage of
Che Grecian states, was professedly the first great object of regard to
every member of every community. This was their most extensive
affection. The distinction of Greek and Barbarian, precluded the rest
of mankind from a just share in their philanthropy; at least it was not
generally considered as a duty to extend their benevolence farther than
the boundaries of their nation. These included all that were really con-
sidered of the same kind: and hence it is, as I conceive, that the love of
their countrymen was called, by the most extensive term, the love of
mankind. The word, therefore, in the original ($tXavd{Xiiirovs) which is
rendered humane, the translator understood as expressive of a regard
to the general welfare of Greece. Nor was it owing to any design of
concealing his ignorance that this explanation was not originally allowed
a place in the notes on this oration. What is, or is imagined to be. near
o us, we are apt to flatter ourselves must, at first glance, appear to
others exactly in the same light; just as we sometimes suppose that
he difficulty we ourselves cannot conquer is, in itself, absolutely
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? 110 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. .
The reason is this. They who aspire to an extrava-
gant degree of power are to be opposed by force and
action, not by speeches: and yet, in the first place,
we public speakers are unwilling to recommend or
to propose any thing to this purpose, from the fear
of your displeasure; but confine ourselves to general
representations of the grievous, of the outrageous
nature of his conduct, and the like. Then you who
attend are better qualified than Philip, either to plead
the justice of your cause, or to apprehend it when
enforced by others; but as to any effectual opposi-
tion to his present designs, in this you are entirely
inactive. You see, then, the consequence, the neces-
sary, the natural consequence; each of you excels
in that which hath engaged your time and applica-
tion ; he in acting, you in speaking. And if, on this
occasion, it be sufficient that we speak with a superior
force of truth and justice, this may be done with the
utmost ease: but if we are to consider how to rectify
our present disorders; how to guard against the
danger of plunging inadvertently into still greater;
against the progress of a power which may at last
bear down all opposition; then must our debates
proceed in a different manner; and all they who
speak, and all you who attend, must prefer the best
and most salutary measures to the easiest and most
agreeable.
First, then, Athenians, if there be a man who feels
no apprehensions at the view of Philip's power, and
the extent of his conquests, who imagines that these
portend no danger to the state, or that his designs are
not all aimed against you, I am amazed! and must
entreat the attention of you all while I explain those
reasons briefly which induce me to entertain different
expectations, and to regard Philip as our real enemy;
that if I appear to have looked forward T/ith the
more penetrating eye, you may join w^Ji me; if
they, who are thus secure and confident in this man,
you may yield to their direction.
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? PHILIPPIC THE SECOND.
Ill
In the first place, therefore, I consider the acqui-
sitions made by Philip, when the peace was just con-
cluded--Thermopylae, and the command of Phocis.
What use did he make of these ? He chose to serve
the interest of Thebes, not that of Athens. And
why? As ambition is his great passion, universal
empire the sole object of his views; not peace, not
tranquillity, not any just purpose: he knew this well,
that neither our constitution nor our principles would
admit him to prevail on you, by any thing he could
promise, by any thing he could do, to sacrifice one
state of Greece to your private interest: but that, as
you have the due regard to justice, as you have an
abhorrence of the least stain on your honour, and as
you have that quick discernment which nothing can
escape, the moment his attempt was made, you
would oppose him with the same vigour as if you
yourselves had been immediately attacked. The
Thebans, he supposed (and the event confirmed his
opinion), would, for the sake of anyprivate advantage,
suffer him to act towards others as he pleased ; and
far from opposing or impeding his designs, would be
ready at his command to fight on his side. From
the same persuasion he now heaps his favours on
the Messenians and Argians. And this reflects the
greatest lustre on you, my countrymen; for by these
proceedings you are declared the only invariable
assertors of the rights of Greece; the only persons
whom no private attachment, no views of interest
can seduce from their affection to the Greeks.
And that it is with reason he entertains these
sentiments of you, and sentiments so different of the
Thebans and the Argians, he may be convinced, not
from the present only, but from a review of former
times: for he must have been informed, I presume
he cannot but have heard, that your ancestors, when,
by submitting to the king, they might have pur-
chased the sovereignty of Greece, not only scorned
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? 112 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
to listen when Alexander,1 this man's ancestor, was
made the messenger of such terms, but chose to
abandon their city, encountered every possible diffi-
culty, and after all this performed such exploits as
men are ever eager to recite, yet with the just force
and dignity no man ever could express; and there-
fore, it becomes me to be silent on this subject; for
in reality their actions are superior to the power of
words. As to the ancestors of the Thebans and the
Argians, the one, he knows, fought for the Barba-
rian; the others did not oppose him. 2 He knew,
then, that both these people would attend but to their
private interest, without the least regard to the
common cause of Greece. Should he choose you
for allies, you would serve him so far only as justice
would permit; but, if he attached himself to them,
he gained assistants in all the schemes of his ambi-
tion. This it is that then determined him, this it is
that now determines him to their side rather than to
yours: not that he sees they have a greater naval
1 When Alexander, &c. ]--The reader may find the history here
alluded to in the eighth and ninth books of Herodotus. The expressions
in the original are as contemptuous as possible; b rovrwv, or, as some
editions have it, & rourwv -Kpoyovos, the ancestors of these wretches the
Macedonians; and then, not irpcaftevs, ambassador, but KHPTE, herald
or erier, the. slave or menial officer of his master Mardonivs. Avec le
titre d'ambassadeur (as Tourreil translates it) suggests the honourable
idea which Demosthenes takes such pains to keep out of view.
2 The one, be knows, fought for the Barbarian; the others did not
oppose him. ]--The readiness with which the Thebans granted earth and
water, the tokens of submission, to the Persian, the regret wiih which
they joined Leonid as at Thermopylae, their joining operily with Xerxes,
when his arms had the appearance of success, and other circumstances,
confirmed by the urnted testimony of historians, all warrant the assertion
of Demosthenes. The Argians were engaged to a neutrality by an arti-
fice of the Persians, who pretended to derive their descent from Per-
seus, the son of Acrisius, one of the kings of Argos. This pretence
how gross soever, was sufficient for a people who chose to be deceived,
and would not reflect that this monarchy had not the title of Persian till
the reign of Cyrus. Their infidelity to the cause of Greece they con-
cealed under the veil of ambition ; for they professed themselves ready
to concur in the common defence, provided that they were admitted to an
equal share of the command with Lacedemon: which proposal wu
rejected, as they desired. --Tourreil.
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? PHILIPPIC THE SECOND
force1 than we; or that, having gained the sovereignty
in the inland countries, he declines the command of
the seas and the advantages of commerce; or that
he hath forgotten those pretences, those promises
which obtained him the peace.
But I may be told--It is true, he did act thus; but
not from ambition, or from any of those motives of
which I accuse him; but as he thought the cause of
Thebes more just than ours. 2--This of all pretences
he cannot now allege. Can he, who commands the
Lacedaemonians3 to quit their claim to Messene, pre-
tend that, in giving up Orchomenus and Coronea to
the Thebans, he acted from regard to justice ? But
now comes his last subterfuge. He was compelled,
and yielded these places quite against his inclina-
tions, being encompassed by the Thessalian horse
and Theban infantry. Fine pretence! --Just so, they
cry, he is to entertain suspicions of the Thebans; and
some spread rumours of their own framing, that he
is to fortify Elatea. 4 Yes< these things are yet to
be, and so will they remain, in my opinion; but
his attack on Lacedaemon, in conjunction with the
Thebans and Argians, is not yet to be made. No:
1 A greater naval force, dec. ]--Athens, as a maritime power, waa impo-
rter to all the other Greeks. At the battle of Salamis, of the three hundred
vessels which composed the Grecian fleet, two hundred were Athenian.
Three hundred ships sailed from the port of Athens on the expedition to
Sicily; and their fleet was afterward increased to four hundred. --
Tourreil.
2 The cause of Thebes more just than ours. ]--The union of Philip
with the Thebans had a very plausible colour; that of espousing the
cause of Apollo, and punishing the sacrilegious profaners of his temple.
It was not convenient to display thia at large, and therefore he cuts it
short by one vague expression; for the art of an orator appears no less
hi suppressing such things as may prove unfavourable to his design, than
in dwelling on those points which may assist it. --Tourreil.
* Can he, who commands the Lacedaemonians, &c. ]--Because the
pretensions of each were of the same nature. Lacedaemon assumed
the supreme power in Peloponnesus. Thebes affected the like power in
Basotia.
* To fortify Elatea. ]--This was the most considerable city in Phocis,
and by its situation very well fltted to keep the Thebans in awe. So
that some years after, when Philip perceived that the Thebans were
growing cool tv Hub, bis first step was to take possession of Elatea. --
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? >>14 ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
he is actually detaching forces, supplying money, and
is himself expected at the head of a formidable
army. The Lacedaemonians, therefore, the enemies
of Thebes, he now infests. And will he then restore
the Phocians, whom he hath but just now ruined 1
Who can believe this ? I, for my part, can never
think, if Philip had been forced into those formei
measures, or if he had now abandoned the Thebans,
that he would make this continued opposition to their
enemies. No: his present measures prove that all
his past conduct was the effect of choice; and from
all his actions, it appears that all his actions are
directly levelled against this state: and there is in
some sort a necessity for this. Consider, he aims at
empire, and from you alone he expects opposition.
He hath long loaded us with injuries; and of this he
himself is most intimately conscious; for those of
our possessions which he hath reduced to his ser-
vice he uses as a barrier to his other territories: so
that, if he should give up Amphipolis and Potidaea,
he would not think himself secure even in Macedon.
He is therefore sensible that he entertains designs
against you, and that you perceive them. Then, as
he thinks highly of your wisdom, he concludes that
you must hold him in that abhorrence which he
merits: hence is he alarmed, expecting to feel some
effects of your resentment (if you have any favour-
able opportunity) unless he prevent you by his attack.
Hence is his vigilance awakened; his arm raised
against the state: he courts some of the Thebans,
and such of the Peloponnesians as have the same
views with him; whom he deems too mercenary to
regard any thing but present interest, and too per-
versely stupid to foresee any consequences. And
yet persons of but moderate discernment may have
some manifest examples to alarm them, which I had
occasion to1 mention to the Messenians and to the
? Which I had occasion to, &c. l--When Philip first began to interest
himself in the disputes between these states and Lacedsmon, the Atoe*
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? PHILIPPIC THE SECOND.
115
Argians. Perhaps it may be proper to repeat them
here.
"Messenians! " said I, "how highly, think ye,
would the Olynthians have been offended if any man
had spoken against Philip at that time when he gave
them up Anthemus,1 a city which the former kings of
Macedon had ever claimed 1 when he drove out the
Athenian colony, and gave them Potidaea ? when he
took all our resentment on himself, and left them to
enjoy our dominions ? Did they expect to have suf-
fered thus 1 had it been foretold, would they have
believed it 1 You cannot think it! Yet, after a short
enjoyment of the territories of others, they have
been for ever despoiled of their own by this man.
Inglorious has been their fall, not conquered only,
but betrayed and sold by one another: for those inti-
mate correspondences with tyrants ever portend mis-
chief to free states. "--" Turn your eyes," said I,
" to the Thessalians! think ye, that when he first
expelled their tyrants, when he then gave them up
Nicaea2 and Magnesia, that they expected ever to
have been subjected to those governors3 now im-
posed on them ? or that the man who restored them
to their seat in the amphictyonic council would have
deprived them of their own proper revenues ? yet,
nians sent an embassy to endeavour to weaken his interest in Pelopon-
nesus, and to dissuade the Messenians and Argians from accepting of
his interposition. On this occasion it was that Demosthenes made the
oration from which he now quotes this passage.
1 Anthemus. ]--This city of Macedon had been possessed by the an-
cestors of Philip from the earliest ages; for we learn from Herodotus,
b. v. , that about two hundred years before Amyntas made an offer of
Anthemus to Hipp'as the son of Pisistratus. --Tourreil.
2 Nicsea. ]--This city of Locris had been given up to Philip by Pha
lecus, at the conclusion of the sacred war. --Tourreil.
3 Those governors, &c. ]--The tyranny said to have been imposed by
Pbilip on the Thessalians is in the original of this passage called a
government of ten ; yet in the third Philippic it is styled a tetrarchy,
or government of four. Hence, therefare grounds to presume that an
error has crept into the ancient copies.
