No More Learning

Something very important was at stake. Players were very concerned
that if they got someone out (especially a friend), or even used a move that
could be interpreted as "mean stuff," this might be understood as a real act
of exclusion or personal affront. This could have very serious consequences
for the gaming episode, as well as for relationships among players more gen-
erally (L. Hughes 1988). They responded by orchestrating the style of their
performances toward alternative, more acceptable interpretations.
One way they did this was by overlaying rather easy exchanges with
the possibility that their exaggerated performances could be indicative of the
physical challenges of the game. The logic was rather simple, and again cen-
trally concerned with perceived motive. In the heat of a fast-paced exchange,
players might not be totally in control of their actions. If they were not in
control, their actions could not be truly intentional and they could not be
held fully accountable for their consequences. In short, they could not be
"really mean. "
Players constantly and redundantly reinforced this perspective on
events. They followed almost every instance of "outs" resulting from actions
that would be "mean" if deliberate with "Gee, I'm sorry. I couldn't help it.
I'll get you back in. " What might be understood as "meanness" was thus
recast as something very different and far more acceptable, an accident. Or
just before a "mean slam" they would call out to a friend in line, "Sally, I'll
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? ? get you in! " recasting that "slam" as "nice" to a friend rather than "mean"
to its recipient. Or they would frame accusations of unacceptable conduct
in extended "yes you did/no you didn't" exchanges, thus embedding "mean-
ness" in a playful frame. 1?
It is important to note that the purpose of these kinds of elaborate
framings of actions was not deceit. The real, and often patently "mean,"
motives of players were almost always totally transparent, regardless of the
style of performance, and highly likely to shape the exchanges that followed.
Instead, these elaborate framings of actions derived from the ambiguities
inherent in simultaneously applying multiple frames of reference to the same
action, and from the resulting need to carefully manage actions that, under
some circumstances, would constitute a serious breach of standards for ac-
ceptable conduct. As one of my players put it, "You have to do it with style. "
GIRLS' GAMES AND GIRLS' GAMING
Having outlined a number of important conceptual and methodological is-
sues in the study of children's gaming, I want to conclude by illustrating how
gaming studies might enrich our understanding how folklore functions in
the daily lives of children. Just as Goldstein (1971) found a "game of strat-
egy" in a "game of chance," I found some interesting counterpoints to the
prevailing wisdom concerning girls and their games in the stereotypically
feminine game of foursquare.
The foursquare study focused on a naturally occurring play group,
so it is not surprising that gender was a major factor in the gaming patterns
identified. This reflects an important bias in children's experiences during
the elementary-school years, when boys and girls tend to play in separate
play groups and also to play stereotypically different types of games (L.
Hughes 1988; Lever 1976, Maltz and Borker 1982; Sutton-Smith 1979c).
Since gender is also, and for the same reasons, a highly significant factor in
the more general literature on children's games, I will use this area of over-
lapping concern to briefly illustrate how gaming studies might enrich our
current understanding of children's traditional culture.
A variety of differences have long been noted between the types of
games preferred by boys and girls, and in the structure of boys' and girls'
play groups (L. Hughes 1989, 1993). Girls' games, for example, are often
characterized as less complex than boys' games in regard to rule and role
structures, and as less competitive than boys' games, more often involving
competition among individuals rather than teams. I have already illustrated
that at least one group of girls can generate a highly elaborate rule struc-
ture, and can play in groups larger than the dyads and triads commonly as-
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? ? sociated with girls' play. Some further comment is due, however, regarding
the notions that girls are not competitive, and that when they do compete,
they prefer individual over team competition.
It has been proposed that girls avoid the more highly competitive
games common among boys because their potential for conflict and divisive-
ness is incompatible with girls' concern for establishing and maintaining
close, intimate relationships with small groups of friends (Gilligan 1982).
The foursquare study suggests that game structure and social structure may
not be so simply related. While the players I observed did care a great deal
about "being friends" and "being nice," they also competed quite aggres-
sively and quite well. They did not fear or avoid competition, but they did
prefer certain ways of competing.
Given the current notion that girls avoid competition because of con-
cerns about friends and "niceness," it is interesting that the players I observed
used these same concerns to define acceptable, and even expected, competi-
tion among players. This was possible because foursquare, as I saw it played,
was a large-group activity, often involving a dozen or more players and thus
more than one group of close friends. This meant that while players ex-
pressed an ideal obligation to "be nice" to everyone, they were, in fact, ob-
ligated to "be nice" to only some of the other players. This social structure,
and not the structure of the game, provided the primary framework for com-
petition among players.
Appropriate ways of competing in this group rested on players' shared
understanding that close friends would "be nice" to each other, helping each
other get into the game and remain there. As long as "mean" actions were
perceived as primarily aimed at fulfilling these important obligations to
friends, and only incidentally at deliberately eliminating or excluding some-
one else from the game, players did not regard them as "really mean," but
as something far more acceptable, "nice-mean. " Appropriate ways of com-
peting among these players, therefore, were not a matter of "being really
nice. " They all knew that this was impossible because almost anything you
could do to "be nice" to friends was by definition also "mean" to someone
else. Rather, it was a matter of avoiding being perceived as "really mean. "
This required very careful management, especially when players' relative
obligations to others were subject to subtleties of interpretation.
The examples of players' framing their actions cited above, in which
they constantly and redundantly cued the preferred ("nice") interpretation
of their actions, reflect the importance of managing this important bound-
ary between "nice-mean" and "really mean. " When players shouted to a
friend in line just before slamming the ball, "Donna, I'll get you in! " the
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? ? message was: This "meanness" is not "really mean" because it is primarily
oriented toward helping a friend and only incidentally toward eliminating
another player.
The degree to which competition among these players depended upon
their relative obligations to friends and nonfriends is even more clearly il-
lustrated by the following excerpt from fieldnotes. Donna, the "king" in this
exchange, is a highly skilled and competent player. Under almost any other
circumstances, she would have played a very active role in determining who
was out. In this case, however, each of the remaining three squares was oc-
cupied by a player to whom she had important, though very different, so-
cial obligations outside of the context of the game. The effect was very strik-
ing. Donna was unable to compete at all.
Donna is king. Her younger sister, Pam, is in square #3; a boy she
has been trying to impress, John, is in square #2; and her best
friend, Sally, has just come into the game.
Donna calls, "times," and takes her sweater off. Her sister, Pam,
also calls, "times," and fixes her hair. Someone in line comments, in
a slightly sarcastic tone, "Everyone has times. "
Donna calls, "untimes," and bounces the ball back and forth with
John. Her friend, Sally, takes her sweater off and ties it around her
waist as Donna has just done. Her sister, Pam, does the same.
Donna finally calls, "Fairsquare," a call meaning that no one is
supposed to try to get anyone else out. She serves the ball to John,
and then immediately calls, "times. " She bends down to fix her
shoe laces, as the others bounce the ball among themselves. She
calls, "untimes," hits the ball once, and then calls, "times" again,
this time to fix a barrette.
Donna fiddles with her hair until Sally tries a slam past John, but the
ball lands outside his square. Donna calls, "untimes," and then turns
to Sally, "Sorry, Sally, I'll get you back in. " (Fieldnotes 4/30/81)
Donna and Sally's teacher cornered me in the lunchroom the next day to
ask if I had any idea why Sally was suddenly refusing to speak to her best
friend.
In this case, Donna had equal, though different, social obligations to
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? ? all of the other players. This deprived her of a framework of friends and
nonfriends, and she was left with no basis for appropriately competing with
the other players. Interestingly, she could not solve her dilemma by frequently
calling "times" to fix her hair and fiddle with her clothes. Within the logic
of play in this group, it was not simply acceptable to "be mean" in order to
"be nice" to your friends. It was expected that players would "be nice" to
their friends. It was "mean" not to "be mean," if, as a consequence, you
were not "nice" to your friends. Sally was angry because her best friend had
not affirmed their special relationship by eliminating someone else from the
game.
It is also interesting to note the implications of this way of compet-
ing for another common notion about girls and their games, that they pre-
fer games based upon competition among individuals rather than teams. The
nonteam structure of foursquare is typical of girls' games, but it would have
grossly distorted the social reality to describe its playing in terms of indi-
viduals vying with other individuals. The friends versus nonfriends frame-
work these players used to set the boundaries for appropriate and expected
ways of competing meant that all actions were embedded in, and evaluated
within, the context of groups vying with other groups. These may not con-
stitute teams proper, but neither are they entirely different, at least from the
players' perspective: "It's not supposed to be team on team . . . but that's
not the way they do it" (Fieldnotes 4/27/81).
This illustrates particularly clearly the significance of Goldstein's
(1971) distinction between "the rules by which people should play" and "the
ones by which they do play" with which we began this chapter. Any analy-
sis of play in this setting that was based purely upon the stated rules and
structure of the game of foursquare would have been highly misleading about
very fundamental qualities of its playing. Competition among individuals is
not the only alternative to competition between formal teams, and this is a
distinction that probably does make a difference. If I were to speculate about
girls' apparent preference for nonteam games based upon the current ob-
servations, for example, I might conclude that girls do not like competition
among individuals any more than they like competition among teams. In-
stead, I might propose that girls, perhaps unlike boys, prefer activities where
they, and not the activity, determine who will vie against whom, and where
competing parties represent meaningful social divisions rather than more
arbitrary or skill-determined groupings. This explanation would appear to
be at least as plausible as the rather convoluted argument that girls prefer
to act as individuals in their games because they value close friendships.
114 CHILDREN'S GAMES AND GAMING
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? ? CONCLUSION
In this chapter, I have outlined some conceptual and methodological issues
involved in shifting our attention from children's games to their playing.
Along the way, I have tried to provide support for Goldstein's (1971) con-
cern that studies of what children play, rather than how they play, have lim-
ited, and perhaps even distorted, our understanding of children's folk cul-
ture. I would add that gaming studies have much to recommend them, both
theoretically and practically, as highly useful vehicles for increasing the
subtlety and richness of our understanding of child culture. Folkgames are
not only both controlled by children and readily accessible to adult obser-
vation, they also possess a degree of explicitness in their stated rules that is
unusually conducive to comparative study. Few other genres of traditional
culture, at any stage in the lifespan, allow such ready access to variations
played on the same basic interactional structure across such broad stretches
of time and place. Nothing could be more central to the core issue of varia-
tion within tradition that stands at the heart of folklore studies.
NOTES TO CHAPTER FIVE
1. Further discussion of interpretive approaches to game rules can be found
in Brenner (1982), Collett (1977), J. Evans (1986), Factor (1988), Fine (1987), Polgar
(1976), and Roberts (1987).
2. D. D. Clarke (1982) presents a more detailed discussion of probable, per-
missible, proper, and effective sequences of action.
3. The rule metaphor being applied here is modeled, of course, on Chomsky's
(1965) transformational rules of grammar. More detailed discussions of this
conceptualization as it is applied to social life may be found in Harre and Secord
(1972), Shwayder (1965) and Hymes (1980).
4. Foursquare players' own terminology is enclosed in quotation marks. See
L. Hughes (1989) for a more detailed glossary and taxonomy of game rules and ter-
minology.
5. Eisenberg (1984) and Grimshaw (1980) discuss the important functions of
creating and managing ambiguity in everyday life. Eder and Sanford (1986) provide
examples of its use among early adolescents to manage awkward issues of responsi-
bility for one's actions.
6. See Goffman (1961a) and Csikszentmihalyi (1975) for more complete dis-
cussions of this issue.
7. Pseudonyms have been used for all players.
8. Austin (1962, 1970), Goffman (1967), Garfinkel (1967), and E. Hall (1977)
present various views on this perspective and its methodological implications.
9. Von Glascoe (1980, 229-30) reports very similar patterns among a group
of girls playing the game of redlight in Southern California: "A surprising order to
philosophical inquiry emerges in the course of [resolving disputes between the direc-
tor and the other players]. Arguments are grounded in terms of player-members' doc-
trines about intentional acts, unconscious acts, "accidental" acts, goal-directedness of
acts and fate-determined acts. A summary of director's arguments is expressed in the
following paradigm: I saw you move, and your move was intentional and goal-directed,
therefore you must return to the start line. A summary of the player's response would
be: "I didn't move, and if I did, it wasn't goal-directed, and if it was goal-directed, it
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? ? wasn't intentional, and if it was goal-directed and intentional, you didn't see me. "
Goodwin and Goodwin (1983) and M. Goodwin (1990) also present highly detailed
accounts of interaction within and between black boys' and girls' play groups in ur-
ban Philadelphia, and report very similar patterns.
10. These kinds of exchanges, and others like apologies ("Gee, I'm sorry") and
accusations ("You're being mean. " "No, I'm not. " "Yes, you are") can also become
highly ritualized and thus somewhat detached from their meaning in other contexts
of use. They can, for example, become the subject of "playfulness" among players or
a topic for comment or gossip among players in line. The interplay of meanings among
different contexts of use remains highly significant, however, and can be used to meth-
odological and analytical advantage.
APPENDIX: THE FOURSQUARE STUDY
The examples in this chapter are drawn from an ethnographic study of ap-
proximately forty children who played the game of foursquare during re-
cess at a Friends (Quaker) school in the western suburbs of Philadelphia. I
observed these children over a period of two years, from the fall of 1979 to
the spring of 1981, and subsequently interviewed ten regular players about
the game and its playing. I will only briefly describe this study here, and only
selectively draw upon its findings. More extensive descriptions of this game
and its playing, and of the methodology used in this study, can be found in
L. Hughes (1983, 1988, 1989, 1991, 1993).
The Players
The children who were most intensively observed in this study (twenty-seven
girls and twelve boys) represented a naturally occurring play group, entirely
self-selected by their spontaneous participation in the game of foursquare. The
regular players were predominantly fourth- and fifth-grade girls (twenty of the
twenty-seven girls observed); they were white and from middle- to upper-
middle-class families. Younger and older children, boys as well as girls, were
also observed. Approximately twenty percent came from Quaker families.
The Game
I chose to focus on the game of foursquare for a variety of reasons. In the set-
ting observed, this game has been almost exclusively child-initiated and sus-
tained for at least twenty years. It is played year-round with very few seasonal
diversions, and it is played in a relatively small, well-defined space at each play-
ing (a court painted on a paved area of the playground). This allowed for easy
observation of the same game over an extended period of time with no need
for research manipulation. Further, the structure of this game required explicit
statements about the rules prior to each round of play, allowing ample op-
portunity to explore relationships between stated rules and action.
Foursquare is a relatively common and widely distributed playground
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? ? game. It was apparently first introduced via physical education classes (see
Farina, Furth and Smith 1959; Fait, 1964), but it has long been a folk game
in many settings (see, for example, Lindsay and Palmer 1981). Foursquare
would generally be categorized as an individual (nonteam) ball-bouncing
game, with a "leader" or "central person" (Gump and Sutton-Smith 1955),
whose outcome depends upon a mixture of skill and strategy (Roberts and
Sutton-Smith 1962). In the setting observed for this study, the game would
be described as follows:
Foursquare is played with a large, red, rubber ball on a square court,
approximately twelve feet on a side, which is further divided into four equal
squares. It may be played by any number of players, with a minimum of five
(four active players, one of whom occupies each of the four squares, and a
fifth player who replaces any player who is out of the game).
The first player to arrive for recess commonly stands in one of the
squares, called the "king" square. When the remaining squares have been
filled, any additional players form a line next to the court. They enter the
game in order as the active players are out, leave the court and join the end
of the line.
The game begins when the player occupying the "king" square calls
a set of rules for the round of play that follows. Calls may invoke a set of
rules ("my rules," "Debbie rules," "regular rules"), or selectively allow or
prohibit one or more specific actions ("wings," "no spins," duckfeet is
out"). After calling the rules, the "king" serves the ball to one of the other
players by bouncing the ball in that player's square. The ball is bounced from
player to player until one of the players fails to return it to another player's
square, or until the ball bounces more than once in a player's square. That
player is out, leaves the court, and goes to the end of the line of players wait-
ing to get into the game. The remaining three players rotate toward the
"king's" square, filling in the vacant square, and the first player in line en-
ters the game at the square farthest from the "king. " The "king" again calls
the rules and serves the ball to begin a new round of play.
Methods
I conducted this study in two distinct phases (observations followed by in-
terviews), and employed a wide range of methodological techniques. This
was designed to allow conclusions based not only upon participant and ob-
server, but also upon a confluence of evidence derived from multiple per-
spectives on the same events. During both phases, I placed primary empha-
sis on eliciting children's own terminology, and on understanding events, as
much as possible, as they did.
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? ? Observations
I observed a total of twenty-three half-hour recess periods; foursquare was
played during fourteen of these sessions. I dictated my observations into a
tape recorder for transcription and elaboration immediately following each
session. All entries included the identities of individual players, their roles
in the game, the order in which players entered and left the game, and the
rules in effect for each round of play.
I focused on different aspects of play during different sessions. These
included patterns of ball movement among the players; the kinds of talk that
occurred during play, while waiting in line-in disputes, discussions, and
demonstrations; the conditions under which players were "out" versus given
a "takeover"; attempts to modify the rules, successful and unsuccessful; and
photographic documentation of nonverbal communication. I always paid
particular attention to disputes, and to other contexts in which players were
called upon to explain or justify their actions. I also informally queried play-
ers about events in the game, and occasionally played the game myself. I
regularly visited classrooms and the staff lounge to gather information about
the broader school context.
Interviews
In the spring of 1981, I intensively interviewed ten girls representing "regu-
lar" foursquare players in nine sessions of a half-hour to an hour. I always
interviewed the players in groups, rather than individually, to allow discus-
sion among participants, encourage the use of shared terminology, and al-
low the kinds of side-exchanges that often reveal private meanings. I also
took care to interview girls from the same social cliques both together and
in combination with girls from different social circles, to encourage chal-
lenges to any one interpretation of what happened in the game. Interviews
ranged widely over topics spontaneously raised by children, as well as fo-
cusing more narrowly on the rules of their game and its play. During the
interviews, different groups of players also were asked to sort various game
rules, written on 3" x 5" cards, into categories, and to explain their criteria
for distinguishing between different types of rules.
Analysis
I used the juxtaposition of information derived from field observation, par-
ticipant observation, and interviews, along with informant evaluations, to
generate and check my understanding of principles underlying the playing
of foursquare in this group. I transcribed all observations and interviews and
indexed them for mention or occurrence of particular players, rules, and
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? ? roles, and for instances of disagreements, apologies, excuses, explanations,
demonstrations, and instruction in which players were called upon to some-
how explain or justify their actions.
I constructed a structural model of the game to represent meaning-
ful gaming units (such as "calls," "serves," and "outs") as a network of
nodes (von Cranach 1982) or junctures at which alternative courses were
possible. I further characterized each unit and juncture in terms of variations
in player actions and players' responses to those variations, in order to iden-
tify what players perceived to be acceptable versus unacceptable conduct in
the game (see Fig. 2). I also constructed an elaborated glossary and taxonomy
of game rules (L. Hughes 1989) based on the rule sorts conducted during
interviews (see Table 2). Players' own criteria for distinguishing among vari-
ous rule types and functions provided additional evidence concerning gen-
eral principles underlying play. Further analyses focused on relationships
between stated rules and action, the rhetoric and politics of actual rule us-
age, and issues of strategy and style as performances are managed and modu-
lated toward preferred interpretations.
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? ?
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? ? 6 METHODOLOGICAL PROBLEMS
OF COLLECTING FOLKLORE
FROM CHILDREN
Gary Alan Fine
Most chapters in this Source book cover some aspect of childlore, provid-
ing a descriptive account of the range and content of that genre. This chap-
ter has a different goal. I wish to describe techniques for effectively collect-
ing children's lore of all types. While no absolute methodological rules ex-
ist, there are guidelines with general validity.
Because of social, cognitive, and physiological differences between
children and adults, the techniques of collecting from children are not nec-
essarily identical to the techniques of collecting from adult informants. Un-
fortunately, the major methodological guides to folklore collecting either do
not discuss collecting from children (Ives 1974; Dorson 1972) or only briefly
cover the topic (Goldstein 1964, 150-54). General research dicta do not
cover the special challenges faced by those who collect childlore.
Folklore has traditionally relied on multiple methodologies. Among
the most prominent of these techniques are reminiscences, interviews and
diaries, surveys and questionnaires, observation, and experiments. ' Ideally,
a multimethod approach generates the most complete and richest analysis,
although researchers recognize that this is not always possible because of
financial and time constraints.
In describing each methodology I will discuss its ethical implications,
and how research can be conducted to protect the rights and dignity of in-
formants. Three criteria are essential for an ethical research technique: (1)
no harm must be done to the subject, physical, social, or psychological; (2)
the subject must not be deceived by the researcher, unless such deception is
an integral and necessary part of the research; and (3) subjects must be given
informed consent as to the nature of their participation, giving them the free-
dom to withdraw at any point if they choose. Most universities and colleges
have established Institutional Review Boards to examine ethical issues in
research with human subjects; folklorists affiliated with a college or univer-
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? ? sity who are planning to conduct research should contact these committees
to gain their approval before collecting data. Although university regulations
differ, committee approval is generally required. Most federal grants require
official approval of research procedures, but even unfunded research is of-
ten subject to the same requirements. Although this may appear to be an
impediment to research, such collective validation of one's research tech-
niques prevents personal desires from obscuring ethical concerns. Further,
and of more pragmatic importance, with institutional approval comes uni-
versity sponsorship and insurance. The University of Minnesota, for example,
will cover investigators for up to three million dollars per subject for any
injury caused during research. Any folklorist who has transported a group
of rowdy children in heavy traffic can appreciate the protection offered.
Research with children poses ethical issues, because children have not
reached the age of consent and because of the dynamics of role relationships
between adults and children. Most discussions of ethical issues are based on
the assumption that the research relationship is among peers; this research
fiction cannot be maintained when working with children, however. One
must recognize the legitimate roles of parents and guardians.
REMINISCENCES
Many early folklore researchers interested in children's traditional culture
have asked adults to recall the games that they played when they were young.
While some collectors also observed and interviewed children, they were
particularly interested in adult reminiscences. It is difficult to determine the
proportion of the games and variants collected by Lady Gomme and W. W.
Newell (or for that matter later by the Opies and the Knapps) that derived
from adult reminiscences, since none of these admirable works specified their
informants, an unfortunate tradition in studies of children's folklore. Memo-
ries of the activities of childhood, however, play a major role in most col-
lections of childlore.
Why should this be so? There are reasons, both pragmatic and theo-
retical, for relying upon adult memories. Pragmatically, adult collectors can
easily obtain information from their peers. Often this information is not
collected through face-to-face contact, but through correspondence. The
folklorist can efficiently obtain a large sheaf of childlore at little cost. Col-
lecting from adults through the mail also encourages a geographically di-
verse collection of material without the burdens of travel. This research tech-
nique also provides data in usable form, as most of the correspondents will
communicate in serviceable prose. Since adults are being asked directly for
information, ethical issues are minimized.
12. METHODOLOGICAL PROBLEMS OF COLLECTING FOLKLORE
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? ? Collecting from adults also has theoretical justifications. If one be-
lieves that folklore is disappearing or disintegrating (Dundes 1969a), folk-
lorists are obligated to collect material rapidly, particularly emphasizing tra-
ditions of previous generations. In collecting from parents rather than their
children, one uncovers traditions from a time in which children's traditions
flourished to a greater extent than they currently do. The older one's infor-
mant, it is believed, the better will be the quality of one's data. Although
this belief is discredited today, especially in childlore, it explains why remi-
niscences were considered valuable data.
A second theoretical justification for using adult reminiscences is
based on Hans Naumann's theory of gesunkenes Kulturgut. Supporters of
this theory argue that folklore is transmitted downward in social hierarchies.
The traditions of the rich become the traditions of the poor, and the tradi-
tions of adults eventually become the traditions of children. This perspec-
tive, also no longer widely accepted by contemporary folklorists, suggests
that by collecting children's lore from adults one might be able to obtain less
corrupted versions of childlore.
A possible third justification for collecting adult reminiscences, al-
though not currently posited, is that this method might generate an impor-
tant research tradition of its own. By collecting data from adult informants
one can examine the structure of memory: How do adults recall their child-
hood (and "childish") activities and how do they express these activities?
While such research is limited because of the difficulty, if not the impossi-
bility, of obtaining records of how adults actually played these folk games
when children, we do have descriptive studies of the games of the previous
generation.
Despite the potential for research, most folklorists are hesitant to use
reminiscences as their sole methodology in any reasonably complete study
of childlore, although reminiscences may be a valuable source of supplemen-
tary or confirmatory information.
INTERVIEWS AND DIARIES
Interviewing children is a common technique for collecting folklore. This
methodology can be as straightforward as a conversation. Children are ei-
ther asked to explain their traditions (essentially through free association)
or they are given topics (games, jokes, riddles) and then asked to expand
on these through directed recall. Interviewing can be conducted with indi-
vidual children or with a group (McDowell 1979), and can be focused on
one genre or can cover several. The competent interviewer must establish
and maintain trust with the informant. Often folklorists strive to collect tra-
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? ? ditions that children communicate to each other away from adults (Fine
1981). That proves particularly thorny when one is interviewing children
with whom one is not acquainted and when the interview involves "sensi-
tive"--obscene or aggressive-subject matter. Despite this difficulty, impor-
tant interview studies of children have been conducted (Grider 1976), and
some obscene material collected (R. Turner 1974).
Parallel to the interview is the directed performance or the "induced
natural context" (Goldstein 1967b; Goldstein 1964, 87-90). In collecting
verbal lore such as riddles, one can simply ask one's informants to perform
them. But what about folk genres that involve acting-or example, games,
and folk drama? Here the folklorist may gather a group of children and re-
quest that they demonstrate their traditions. Elizabeth Tucker (1977, 1980a)
asked the members of the Girl Scout troop she led to act out stories in or-
der to earn merit badges. Although the girls created the skits, they did so at
the behest of the researcher. Researchers who request that children play a
particular game transform an interview into a "dramatic" event. This dif-
fers from naturalistic situations that characterize observation and ethnog-
raphy (see the chapters by Beresin and Hughes in this volume).
Folklorists working with children may ask their informants to keep a
diary of their activities. This technique is similar to a written interview or remi-
niscences telescoped in time. Rather than asking the children what they did
in the past, they are asked to write down what they do as they do it. To the
extent that children take this task seriously, one can examine how folk activ-
ity is situated in time and space. The diary writing skills of children may de-
pend on their age, maturity, and motivation, but, if all one requests is a docu-
mentary record of who did what when and with whom, diaries are useful.