No More Learning

There was no such thing as resistance in the strict sense ; after
repeated entreaties of the Aetolians for peace the Romans at length desisted from the war, and granted conditions which must be termed reasonable when viewed with refer ence to such pitiful and malicious opponents. The Aetolians lost all cities and territories which were in the
189.
476
THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA took m
hands of their adversaries, more especially Ambracia which afterwards became free and independent in consequence of an intrigue concocted in Rome against Marcus Fulvius, and Oenia which was given to the Acarnanians : they likewise ceded Cephallenia. They lost the right of making peace and war, and were in that respect dependent on the foreign relations of Rome. Lastly, they paid a large sum of money. Cephallenia opposed this treaty on its own account, and only submitted when Marcus Fulvius landed on the island. In fact, the inhabitants of Same, who feared that they would be dispossessed from their well-situated
chap, ix THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA
477
town by a Roman colony, revolted after their first sub mission and sustained a four months' siege; the town, however, was finally taken and the whole inhabitants were sold into slavery.
In this case also Rome adhered to the principle of con- Mace- fining herself to Italy and the Italian islands. She took no doni* portion of the spoil for herself, except the two islands of Cephallenia and Zacynthus, which formed a desirable sup plement to the possession of Corcyra and other naval stations in the Adriatic. The rest of the territorial gain
went to the allies of Rome. But the two most important
of these, Philip and the Achaeans, were by no means content with the share of the spoil granted to them. Philip
felt himself aggrieved, and not without reason. He might safely say that the chief difficulties in the last war—diffi culties which arose not from the character of the enemy,
but from the distance and the uncertainty of the communi cations —had been overcome mainly by his loyal aid. The senate recognized this by remitting his arrears of tribute
and sending back his hostages ; but he did not receive
those additions to his territory which he expected. He
got the territory of the Magnetes, with Demetrias which he
had taken from the Aetolians; besides, there practically remained in his hands the districts of Dolopia and Athamania and a part of Thessaly, from which also the Aetolians had been expelled by him. In Thrace the interior remained under Macedonian protection, but nothing
was fixed as to the coast towns and the islands of Thasos and Lemnos which were de facto in Philip's hands, while the Chersonese was even expressly given to Eumenes ; and it
was not difficult to see that Eumenes received possessions
in Europe, simply that he might in case of need keep not
only Asia but Macedonia in check. The exasperation of
the proud and in many respects chivalrous king was natural;
it was not chicane, however, but an unavoidable political
The Achaean s.
necessity that induced the Romans to take this course. Macedonia suffered for having once been a power of the first rank, and for having waged war on equal terms with Rome ; there was much better reason in her case than in that of Carthage for guarding against the revival of her old powerful position.
It was otherwise with the Achaeans. They had, in the course of the war with Antiochus, gratified their long-che
rished wish to bring the whole Peloponnesus into their confederacy ; for first Sparta, and then, after the expulsion of the Asiatics from Greece, Elis and Messene had more or less reluctantly joined it. The Romans had allowed this to take place, and had even tolerated the intentional disregard of Rome which marked their proceedings. When
Messene declared that she wished to submit to the Romans but not to enter the confederacy, and the latter thereupon employed force, Flamininus had not failed to remind the Achaeans that such separate arrangements as to the disposal of a part of the spoil were in themselves unjust, and were, in the relation in which the Achaeans stood to the Romans, more than unseemly ; and yet in his very impolitic com plaisance towards the Hellenes he had substantially done what the Achaeans willed. But the matter did not end there. The Achaeans, tormented by their dwarfish thirst for aggrandizement, would not relax their hold on the town of Pleuron in Aetolia which they had occupied during the war, but on the contrary made it an involuntary member of their confederacy ; they bought Zacynthus from Amynander the lieutenant of the last possessor, and would gladly have acquired Aegina also. It was with reluctance that they gave up the former island to Rome, and they heard with great displeasure the good advice of Flamininus that they should content themselves with their Peloponnesus.
The Achaeans believed it their duty to display the inde pendence of their state all the more, the less they really
478
THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA book III
The Achaean patriots.
chap, ix
THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA
479
had ; they talked of the rights of war, and of the faithful aid of the Achaeans in the wars of the Romans ; they asked the Roman envoys at the Achaean diet why Rome should concern herself about Messene when Achaia put no questions as to Capua; and the spirited patriot, who had thus spoken, was applauded and was sure of votes at the elections. All this would have been very right and very dignified, had it not been much more ridiculous. There was a profound justice and a still more profound melancholy in the fact, that Rome, however earnestly she endeavoured to establish the freedom and to earn the thanks of the Hellenes, yet gave them nothing but anarchy and reaped nothing but ingratitude. Undoubtedly very generous sentiments lay at the bottom of the Hellenic anti pathies to the protecting power, and the personal bravery of some of the men who took the lead in the movement was unquestionable; but this Achaean patriotism remained not the less a folly and a genuine historical caricature. With all that ambition and all that national susceptibility the whole nation was, from the highest to the lowest, per vaded by the most thorough sense of impotence. Every one was constantly listening to learn the sentiments of Rome, the liberal man no less than the servile ; they thanked heaven, when the dreaded decree was not issued; they were sulky, when the senate gave them to understand that they would do well to yield voluntarily in order that they might not need to be compelled ; they did what they were obliged to do, if possible, in a way offensive to the Romans, " to save forms " ; they reported, explained, postponed, evaded, and, when all this would no longer avail, yielded with a patriotic sigh. Their proceedings might have claimed •ndulgence at any rate, if not approval, had their leaders been resolved to fight, and had they preferred the destruc tion of the nation to its bondage ; but neither Philopoemen nor Lycortas thought of any such political suicide — they
*So
THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA book hi
wished, if possible, to be free, but they wished above all to live. Besides all this, the dreaded intervention of Rome in the internal affairs of Greece was not the arbitrary act of the Romans, but was always invoked by the Greeks them selves, who, like boys, brought down on their own heads the rod which they feared. The reproach repeated ad nauseam by the erudite rabble in Hellenic and Hellenic times — that the Romans had been at pains to stir up internal discord in Greece — is one of the most foolish absurdities which philologues dealing in politics have ever invented. It was not the Romans that"carried strife to Greece —which in truth would have been carrying owls to Athens "—but the Greeks that carried their dissensions to Rome.
The Achaeans in particular, who, in their eagerness to round their territory, wholly failed to see how much it would have been for their own good that Flamininus had not incorporated the towns of Aetolian sympathies with their league, acquired in Lacedaemon and Messene a very hydra of intestine strife. Members of these communities were incessantly at Rome, entreating and beseeching to be released from the odious connection ; and amongst them, characteristically enough, were even those who were indebted to the Achaeans for their return to their native land. The
Achaean league was incessantly occupied in the work of reformation and restoration at Sparta and Messene; the wildest refugees from these quarters determined the measures of the diet Four years after the nominal admis sion of Sparta to the confederacy matters came even to open war and to an insanely thorough restoration, in which all the slaves on whom Nabis had conferred citizenship were once more sold into slavery, and a colonnade was built from the proceeds in the Achaean city of Megalopolis ; the old state of property in Sparta was re-established, the b^s of I. vcurgus were superseded by Achaean laws, and
post-
Quarrels between Achaeans and Spartans.
chap, IX THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA
481
the walls were pulled down (566). At last the Roman 188. senate was summoned by all parties to arbitrate on all these doings — an annoying task, which was the righteous punish
ment of the sentimental policy that the senate had pursued.
Far from mixing itself up too much in these affairs, the senate not only bore the sarcasms of Achaean candour with exemplary composure, but even manifested a culpable indifference while the worst outrages were committed. There was cordial rejoicing in Achaia when, after that restoration, the news arrived from Rome that the senate had found fault with but had not annulled it. Nothing was done for the Lacedaemonians by Rome, except that the senate, shocked at the judicial murder of from sixty to eighty Spartans committed by the Achaeans, deprived the diet of criminal jurisdiction over the Spartans—truly heinous interference with the internal affairs of an inde pendent state The Roman statesmen gave themselves as
little concern as possible about this tempest in nut-shell, as best shown by the many complaints regarding the superficial, contradictory, and obscure decisions of the senate in fact, how could its decisions be expected to be clear, when there were four parties from Sparta simultane ously speaking against each other at its bar Add to this the personal impression, which most of these Peloponnesian statesmen produced in Rome even Flamininus shook his head, when one of them showed him on the one day how to perform some dance, and on the next entertained him with affairs of state. Matters went so far, that the senate at last lost patience and informed the Peloponnesians that
would no longer listen to them, and that they might do what they chose (572). This was natural enough, but 182. was not right; situated as the Romans were, they were under moral and political obligation earnestly and stead fastly to rectify this melancholy state of things. Callicrates
the Achaean, who went to the senate in 575 to enlighten 179.
vok it
63
it a
is ;
;
?
it a
a
!
it,
Death of
it as to the state of matters in the Peloponnesus and to demand a consistent and calm intervention, may have had somewhat less worth as a man than his countryman Philopoemen who was the main founder of that patriotic policy ; but he was in the right.
Thus the protectorate of the Roman community now embraced all the states from the eastern to the western end of the Mediterranean. There nowhere existed a state that the Romans would have deemed it worth while to fear. But there still lived a man to whom Rome accorded this rare honour—the homeless Carthaginian, who had raised in arms against Rome first all the west and then all the east, and whose schemes perhaps had been only frustrated by infamous aristocratic policy in the former case, and by stupid court policy in the latter. Antiochus had been obliged to bind himself in the treaty of peace to deliver up Hannibal ; but the latter had escaped, first to Crete, then to Bithynia,1 and now lived at the court of Prusias king of
Bithynia, employed in aiding the latter in his wars with Eumenes, and victorious as ever by sea and by land. It is affirmed that he was desirous of stirring up Prusias also to make war on Rome ; a folly, which, as it is told, sounds very far from credible. It is more certain that, while the Roman senate deemed it beneath its dignity to have the
old man hunted out in his last asylum—for the tradition which inculpates the senate appears to deserve no credit — Flamininus, whose restless vanity sought after new oppor tunities for great achievements, undertook on his own part to deliver Rome from Hannibal as he had delivered the Greeks from their chains, and, if not to wield —which was not diplomatic —at any rate to whet and to point, the
1 The story that he went to Armenia and at the request of king Artaxias built the town of Artaxata on the Araxes (Strabo, xi. p. 528 ; Plutarch, Luc. 31), is certainly a fiction ; but it is a striking circumstance that Hannibal should have become mixed up, almost like Alexander, with Oriental fables.
482
THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA book in
chaf. ix THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA
483
dagger against the greatest man of his time. Prusias, the most pitiful among the pitiful princes of Asia, was delighted
to grant the little favour which the Roman envoy in ambiguous terms requested ; and, when Hannibal saw his house beset by assassins, he took poison. He had long been prepared to do so, adds a Roman, for he knew the Romans and the word of kings. The year of his death is uncertain ; probably he died in the latter half of the year
571, at the age of sixty-seven. When he was born, Rome 183. was contending with doubtful success for the possession of Sicily ; he had lived long enough to see the West wholly subdued, and to fight his own last battle with the Romans against the vessels of his native city which had itself become Roman ; and he was constrained at last to remain
a mere spectator, while Rome overpowered the East as the tempest overpowers the ship that has no one at the helm, and to feel that he alone was the pilot that could have weathered the storm. There was left to him no further hope to be disappointed, when he died ; but he had honestly, through fifty years of struggle, kept the oath which he had sworn when a boy.
About the same time, probably in the same year, died Dwth of also the man whom the Romans were wont to call his conqueror, Publius Scipio. On him fortune had lavished
all the successes which she denied to his antagonist— successes which did belong to him, and successes which
did not He had added to the empire Spain, Africa, and Asia; and Rome, which he had found merely the first community of Italy, was at his death mistress of the civilized world. He himself had so many titles of victory, that some of them were made over to his brother and his cousin. 1 And yet he too spent his last years in bitter vexation, and died when little more than fifty years of age in voluntary banishment, leaving orders to his relatives not
1 Africanus, Asiagenus, Hispallui,
484
THE WAR WITH ANTIOCHUS OF ASIA book hi
to bury his remains in the city for which he had lived and in which his ancestors reposed. It is not exactly known what drove him from the city. The charges of corruption and embezzlement, which were directed against him and still more against his brother Lucius, were beyond doubt empty calumnies, which do not sufficiently explain such bitterness of feeling ; although it is characteristic of the man, that instead of simply vindicating himself by means of his account-books, he tore them in pieces in presence of the people and of his accusers, and summoned the Romans to accompany him to the temple of Jupiter and to celebrate the anniversary of his victory at Zama. The people left the accuser on the spot, and followed Scipio to the Capitol; but this was the last glorious day of the illustrious man. His proud spirit, his belief that he was different from, and better than, other men, his very decided family -policy, which in the person of his brother Lucius especially brought forward a clumsy man of straw as a hero, gave offence to many, and not without reason. While genuine pride protects the heart, arrogance lays it open to every blow and every sarcasm, and corrodes even an originally noble-minded spirit. It is throughout, moreover, the distinguishing characteristic of such natures as that of Scipio —strange mixtures of genuine gold and glittering tinsel—that they need the good fortune and the brilliance of youth in order to exercise their charm, and, when this charm begins to fade, it is the charmer himself that is most painfully conscious of the change.
chap, X THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
485
CHAPTER X
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
Philip or Macedonia was greatly annoyed by the treatment which he met with from the Romans after the peace with Antiochus ; and the subsequent course of events was not fitted to appease his wrath. His neighbours in Greece and Thrace, mostly communities that had once trembled at the Macedonian name not less than now they trembled at the Roman, made it their business, as was natural, to retaliate on the fallen great power for all the injuries which since the times of Philip the Second they had received at the hands of Macedonia. The empty arrogance and venal anti-Macedonian patriotism of the Hellenes of this period found vent at the diets of the different confederacies and in ceaseless complaints addressed to the Roman senate. Philip had been allowed by the Romans to retain what he had taken from the Aetolians ; but in Thessaly the con
federacy of the Magnetes alone had formally joined the Aetolians, while those towns which Philip had wrested from the Aetolians in other two of the Thessalian confed eracies—the Thessalian in its narrower sense, and the Perrhaebian —were demanded back by their leagues on the ground that Philip had only liberated these towns, not conquered them. The Athamanes too believed that they might crave their freedom ; and Eumenes demanded the maritime cities which Antiochus had possessed in Thrace
Dissatis-
p^^^j, Rome,
486
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR BOOK Hi
proper, especially Aenus and Maronea, although in the peace with Antiochus the Thracian Chersonese alone had been expressly promised to him. All these complaints and numerous minor ones from all the neighbours of Philip as to his supporting king Prusias against Eumenes, as to competition in trade, as to the violation of contracts and the seizing of cattle, were poured forth at Rome. The king of Macedonia had to submit to be accused by the sovereign rabble before the Roman senate, and to accept justice or injustice as the senate chose ; he was compelled to witness judgment constantly going against him ; he had with deep chagrin to withdraw his garrisons from the Thracian coast and from the Thessalian and Perrhaebian towns, and courteously to receive the Roman commissioners,
who came to see whether everything required had been carried out in accordance with instructions. The Romans were not so indignant against Philip as they had been against Carthage ; in fact, they were in many respects even favourably disposed to the Macedonian ruler; there was not in his case so reckless a violation of forms as in that of Libya; but the situation of Macedonia was at bottom substantially the same as that of Carthage. Philip, how ever, was by no means the man to submit to this infliction with Phoenician patience. Passionate as he was, he had after his defeat been more indignant with the faithless ally than with the honourable antagonist ; and, long accustomed to pursue a policy not Macedonian but personal, he had seen in the war with Antiochus simply an excellent oppor tunity of instantaneously revenging himself on the ally who had disgracefully deserted and betrayed him. This object he had attained; but the Romans, who saw very clearly that the Macedonian was influenced not by friendship for Rome, but by enmity to Antiochus, and who moreover were by no means in the habit of regulating their policy by such feelings of liking and disliking, had carefully abstained
chap, x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
487
from bestowing any material advantages on Philip, and had preferred to confer their favours on the Attalids. From their first elevation the Attalids had been at vehement feud with Macedonia, and were politically and personally the objects of Philip's bitterest hatred ; of all the eastern powers they had contributed most to maim Macedonia and Syria, and to extend the protectorate of Rome in the east ; and in the last war, when Philip had voluntarily and loyally embraced the side of Rome, they had been obliged to take the same side for the sake of their very existence. The Romans had made use of these Attalids for the purpose of reconstructing in all essential points the kingdom of Lysimachus —the destruction of which had been the most important achievement of the Macedonian rulers after Alexander —and of placing alongside of Macedonia a state, which was its equal in point of power and was at the same time a client of Rome. In the special circumstances a wise sovereign, devoted to the interests of his people, would perhaps have resolved not to resume the unequal struggle with Rome ; but Philip, in whose character the sense of honour was the most powerful of all noble, and the thirst for revenge the most potent of all ignoble, motives, was deaf to the voice of timidity or of resignation, and nourished in the depths of his heart a determination once more to try the hazard of the game. When h» received the report of fresh invectives, such as were wont to be launched against Macedonia at the Thessalian diets, he replied with the line of Theocritus, that his last sun had not yet set. 1
Philip displayed in the preparation and the concealment The latter
of his designs a calmness, earnestness, and
which, had he shown them in better times, would perhaps have given a different turn to the destinies of the world. In particular the submissiveness towards Rome, by which
1 "RSij yip (ppiody rivff dXtof d/i/u fa&bKta 103).
£j*J? of
persistency
(i.
488
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book hi
he purchased the time indispensable for his objects, formed a severe trial for the fierce and haughty man ; nevertheless he courageously endured although his subjects and the innocent occasions of the quarrel, such as the unfortunate Maronea, paid severely for the suppression of his resent ment. seemed as war could not but break out as
183. early as 571 but Philip's instructions, his younger son, Demetrius, effected reconciliation between his father and Rome, where he had lived some years as hostage and was great favourite. The senate, and
particularly Flamininus who managed Greek affairs, sought to form
Macedonia Roman party that would be able to paralyze the exertions of Philip, which of course were not unknown to the Romans and had selected as its head, and perhaps as the future king of Macedonia, the younger prince who was passionately attached to Rome. With this purpose view they gave clearly to be understood that the senate forgave the father for the sake of the son the natural effect of which was, that dissensions arose in the royal household itself, and that the king's elder son, Perseus, who, although the offspring of an unequal marriage, was destined by his father for the succession, sought to ruin his brother as his future rival. does not appear that Demetrius was party to the Roman intrigues was only
when he was falsely suspected that he was forced to become guilty, and even then he intended, apparently, nothing more than flight to Rome. But Perseus took care that his father should be duly informed of this design; an intercepted letter from Flamininus to Deme trius did the rest, and induced the father to give orders that his son should be put to death. Philip learned, when was too late, the intrigues which Perseus had concocted; and death overtook him, as he was medi tating the punishment of the fratricide and his exclusion
178. from the throne. He died in 575 at Demetrias, his
in
it
a
It
a it;
; it
;
a
It
in
in
a
;
a by
if
it,
chap, x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
489
fifty-ninth year. He left behind him a shattered kingdom and a distracted household, and with a broken heart confessed to himself that all his toils and all his crimes had been in vain.
His son Perseus then entered on the government, with- King
out encountering opposition either in Macedonia or in the Roman senate. He was a man of stately aspect, expert in all bodily exercises, reared in the camp and accustomed to command, imperious like his father and unscrupulous in the choice of his means. Wine and women, which too often led Philip to forget the duties of government, had no charm for Perseus ; he was as steady and persevering as his father had been fickle and impulsive. Philip, a king while still a boy, and attended by good fortune during the first twenty years of his reign, had been spoiled and ruined by destiny ; Perseus ascended the throne in his thirty-first year, and, as he had while yet a boy borne a part in the unhappy war with Rome and had grown up under the pressure of humiliation and under the idea that a revival of the state was at hand, so he inherited along with the kingdom of his father his troubles, resentments, and hopes. In fact he entered with the utmost determination on the continuance of his father's work, and prepared more zealously than ever for war against Rome ; he was stimulated, moreover, by the reflection, that he was by no means indebted to the goodwill of the Romans for his wearing the diadem of Macedonia. The proud Macedonian nation looked with pride upon the prince whom they had been accustomed to see marching and fighting at the head of their youth ; his countrymen, and many Hellenes of every variety of lineage, conceived that in him they had found the right general for the impending war of liberation. But he was not what he seemed. He wanted Philip's geniality and Philip's elasticity —those truly royal qualities, which success obscured and tarnished, but which under the purifying power of adversity
erseu""
Resource!
recovered their lustre. Philip was self-indulgent, and allowed things to take their course ; but, when there was occasion, he found within himself the vigour necessary for rapid and earnest action. Perseus devised comprehensive and subtle plans, and prosecuted them with unwearied perseverance; but, when the moment arrived for action and his plans and preparations confronted him in living reality, he was frightened at his own work. As is the wont of narrow minds, the means became to him the end; he heaped up treasures on treasures for war with the Romans, and, when the Romans were in the land, he was unable to part with his golden pieces. It is a significant indication of character that after defeat the father first hastened to destroy the papers in his cabinet that might compromise him, whereas the son took his treasure-chests and embarked. In ordinary times he might have made an average king, as good as or better than many another; but he was not adapted for the conduct of an enterprise, which was from the first a hopeless one unless some extraordinary man should become the soul of the movement
The power of Macedonia was far from inconsiderable. The devotion of the land to the house of the Antigonids was unimpaired; in this one respect the national feeling was not paralyzed by the dissensions of political parties. A monarchical constitution has the great advantage, that every change of sovereign supersedes old resentments and quarrels and introduces a new era of other men and fresh hopes. The king had judiciously availed himself of this, and had begun his reign with a general amnesty, with the recall of fugitive bankrupts, and with the remission of arrears of taxes. The hateful severity of the father thus not only yielded benefit, but conciliated affection, to the son. Twenty-six years of peace had partly of themselves
filled up the blanks in the Macedonian population, partly given opportunity to the government to take serious steps
490
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book til
chap, X THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
491
towards rectifying this which was really the weak point of the land. Philip urged the Macedonians to marry and raise up children ; he occupied the coast towns, whose inhabitants he carried into the interior, with Thracian colonists of trusty valour and fidelity. He formed a barrier on the north to check once for all the desolating incursions of the Dardani, by converting the space intervening between the Macedonian frontier and the barbarian territory into a desert, and by founding new towns in the northern pro vinces. In short he took step by step the same course in Macedonia, as Augustus afterwards took when he laid afresh the foundations of the Roman empire. The army was numerous —30,000 men without reckoning contingents and hired troops —and the younger men were well exercised in the constant border warfare with the Thracian barbarians. It is strange that Philip did not try, like Hannibal, to organize his army after the Roman fashion; but we can understand it when we recollect the value which the Mace donians set upon their phalanx, often conquered, but still withal believed to be invincible. Through the new sources of revenue which Philip had created in mines, customs, and tenths, and through the flourishing state of agriculture and commerce, he had succeeded in replenishing his treasury, granaries, and arsenals. When the war began, there was in the Macedonian treasury money enough to pay the existing army and 10,000 hired troops for ten years, and there were in the public magazines stores of grain for as long a period (18,000,000 medimni or 27,000,000 bushels), and arms for an army of three times the strength of the existing one. In fact, Macedonia had become a very different state from what it was when surprised by the outbreak of the second war with Rome. The power of the kingdom was in all respects at least doubled : with a power in every point of view far inferior Hannibal had been able to shake Rome to its foundations.
Attempted coalition against Roma.
Its external relations were not in so favourable a posi tion. The nature of the case required that Macedonia should now take up the plans of Hannibal and Antiochus, and should try to place herself at the head of a coalition of all oppressed states against the supremacy of Rome; and certainly threads of intrigue ramified in all directions from the court of Pydna. But their success was slight It was indeed asserted that the allegiance of the Italians was wavering ; but neither friend nor foe could fail to see
that an immediate resumption of the Samnite wars was not at all probable. The nocturnal conferences likewise be tween Macedonian deputies and the Carthaginian senate, which Massinissa denounced at Rome, could occasion no alarm to serious and sagacious men, even if they were not, as is very possible, an utter fiction. The Macedonian court sought to attach the kings of Syria and Bithynia to its interests by intermarriages ; but nothing further came
of except that the immortal simplicity of the diplomacy which seeks to gain political ends by matrimonial means once more exposed itself to derision. Eumenes, whom
would have been ridiculous to attempt to gain, the agents of Perseus would have gladly put out of the way he was to have been murdered at Delphi on his way homeward from Rome, where he had been active against Macedonia but the pretty project miscarried.
Of greater moment were the efforts made to stir up the northern barbarians and the Hellenes to rebellion
492
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR BOOK in
Bastaraae.
barous horde of Germanic descent brought from the left bank of the Danube, the Bastarnae, and of then marching in person with these and with the whole avalanche peoples thus set in motion by the land-route to Italy and invading Lombardy, the Alpine passes leading to
Rome. Philip had conceived the project crushing the old enemies of Macedonia, the Dardani what now Servia, by means of another still more bar
against
of
in of
:
is
;
it
it,
chap, x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
493
which he had already sent spies to reconnoitre —a grand project, worthy of Hannibal, and doubtless immediately
suggested by Hannibal's passage of the Alps. It is more than probable that this gave occasion to the founding
of the Roman fortress of Aquileia (p. 372), which was formed towards the end of the reign of Philip (573), and 181 did not harmonize with the system followed elsewhere by
the Romans in the establishment of fortresses in Italy. The plan, however, was thwarted by the desperate resist
ance of the Dardani and of the adjoining tribes concerned ; the Bastarnae were obliged to retreat, and the whole horde were drowned in returning home by the giving way of the ice on the Danube. The king now sought at least to extend his clientship among the chieftains of the Illyrian land, the modern Dalmatia and northern Albania. One of these who faithfully adhered to Rome, Arthetaurus, perished, not without the cognizance of Perseus, by the hand of an assassin. The most considerable of the whole, Genthius the son and heir of Pleuratus, was, like his father, nominally in alliance with Rome ; but the ambassadors of Issa, a Greek town on one of the Dalmatian islands, in formed the senate, that Perseus had a secret understanding
with the young, weak, and drunken prince, and that the envoys of Genthius served as spies for Perseus in Rome.
Genthfas,
In the regions on the east of Macedonia towards the Cotjt lower Danube the most powerful of the Thracian chieftains,
the brave and sagacious Cotys, prince of the Odrysians
and ruler of all eastern Thrace from the Macedonian frontier on the Hebrus (Maritza) down to the fringe of coast covered with Greek towns, was in the closest alliance with Perseus. Of the other minor chiefs who in
that quarter took part with Rome, one, Abrupolis prince of the Sagaei, was, in consequence of a predatory ex pedition directed against Amphipolis on the Strymon, defeated by Perseus and driven out of the country. From
Greek _„,_
these regions Philip had drawn numerous colonists, and mercenaries were to be had there at any time and in any number.
Among the unhappy nation of the Hellenes Philip and Perseus had, long before declaring war against Rome, carried on a lively double system of proselytizing, attempt ing to gain over to the side of Macedonia on the one
hand the national, and on the other—if we may be per mitted the expression — the communistic, party. As a matter of course, the whole national party among the Asiatic as well as the European Greeks was now at heart Macedonian; not on account of isolated unrighteous acts on the part of the Roman deliverers, but because the restoration of Hellenic nationality by a foreign
494
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book, iii
power involved a contradiction in terms, and now, when it was
in truth too late, every one perceived that the most de testable form of Macedonian rule was less fraught with evil for Greece than a free constitution springing from the noblest intentions of honourable foreigners. That the most able and upright men throughout Greece should be opposed to Rome was to be expected ; the venal aristo cracy alone was favourable to the Romans, and here and there an isolated man of worth, who, unlike the great majority, was under no delusion as to the circumstances and the future of the nation. This was most painfully felt by Eumenes of Pergamus, the main upholder of that extraneous freedom among the Greeks. In vain he treated
the cities subject to him with every sort of consideration ; in vain he sued for the favour of the communities and diets by fair-sounding words and still better-sounding gold ; he had to learn that his presents were declined, and that all the statues that had formerly been erected to him were broken in pieces and the honorary tablets were melted down, in accordance with a decree of the diet, simultane-
170. ously throughout the Peloponnesus (5 84). The name 0/
chap, x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
495
Perseus was on all lips; even the states that formerly were most decidedly anti- Macedonian, such as the Achaeans, deliberated as to the cancelling of the laws directed against Macedonia; Byzantium, although situated within the kingdom of Pergamus, sought and obtained protection and a garrison against the Thracians not from Eumenes, but from Perseus, and in like manner Lampsacus on the Hellespont joined the Macedonian : the powerful and prudent Rhodians escorted the Syrian bride of king Perseus from Antioch with their whole magnificent war- fleet —for the Syrian war-vessels were not allowed to appear in the Aegean—and returned home highly honoured and furnished with rich presents, more especially with wood for shipbuilding ; commissioners from the Asiatic cities,
and consequently subjects of Eumenes, held secret con ferences with Macedonian deputies in Samothrace. That sending of the Rhodian war-fleet had at least the aspect of a demonstration; and such, certainly, was the object of king Perseus, when he exhibited himself and all his army before the eyes of the Hellenes under pretext of performing a religious ceremony at Delphi. That the king should appeal to the support of this national partisanship in the impending war, was only natural. But it was wrong in him to take advantage of the fearful economic disorganiza tion of Greece for the purpose of attaching to Macedonia all those who desired a revolution in matters of property and of debt It is difficult to form any adequate idea of the unparalleled extent to which the commonwealths as well as individuals in European Greece — excepting the Peloponnesus, which was in a somewhat better position in
this respect — were involved in debt. Instances occurred of one city attacking and pillaging another merely to get money—the Athenians, for example, thus attacked Oropus —and among the Aetolians, Perrhaebians, and Thessalians formal battles took place between those that had property
Rupture Perseus.
and those that had none. Under such circumstances the worst outrages were perpetrated as a matter of course; among the Aetolians, for instance, a general amnesty was proclaimed and a new public peace was made up solely for the purpose of entrapping and putting to death a number of emigrants. The Romans attempted to mediate ; but their envoys returned without success, and announced that both parties were equally bad and that their animosities were not to be restrained. In this case there was, in fact, no longer other help than the officer and the executioner ; sentimental Hellenism began to be as repulsive as from the first it had been ridiculous. Yet king Perseus sought to gain the support of this party, if it deserve to be called such — of people who had nothing, and least of all an honourable name, to lose—and not only issued edicts in favour of Macedonian bankrupts, but also caused placards
to be put up at Larisa, Delphi, and Delos, which summoned all Greeks that were exiled on account of political or other offences or on account of their debts to come to Mace donia and to look for full restitution of their former honours and estates. As may easily be supposed, they came; the social revolution smouldering throughout northern Greece now broke out into open flame, and the national-social party there sent to Perseus for help. If Hellenic nationality was to be saved only by such means, the question might well be asked, with all respect for Sophocles and Phidias, whether the object was worth the cost.
The senate saw that it had delayed too long already, and tnat it was «me t0 pu* an end to such proceedings. The expulsion of the Thracian chieftain Abrupolis who was in alliance with the Romans, and the alliances of Macedonia
496
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book hi
with the Byzantines, Aetolians, and part of the Boeotian 197. cities, were equally violations of the peace of 557, and suf ficed for the official war-manifesto : the real ground of wax
chap, x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
497
was that Macedonia was seeking to convert her formal sovereignty into a real one, and to supplant Rome in the protectorate of the Hellenes. As early as 581 the Roman 17« envoys at the Achaean diet stated pretty plainly, that an alliance with Perseus was equivalent to casting off the alliance of Rome. In 582 king Eumenes came in person 172. to Rome with a long list of grievances and laid open to the senate the whole situation of affairs ; upon which the senate unexpectedly in a secret sitting resolved on an immediate declaration of war, and furnished the landing-places in Epirus
with garrisons. For the sake of form an embassy was sent
to Macedonia, but its message was of such a nature that Perseus, perceiving that he could not recede, replied that he
was ready to conclude with Rome a new alliance on really equal terms, but that he looked upon the treaty of 557 as 197. cancelled ; and he bade the envoys leave the kingdom within three days. Thus war was practically declared.
This was in the autumn of 582. Perseus, had he wished, 172. might have occupied all Greece and brought the Mace donian party everywhere to the helm, and he might perhaps have crushed the Roman division of 5000 men stationed under Gnaeus Sicinius at Apollonia and have disputed the landing of the Romans. But the king, who already began
to tremble at the serious aspect of affairs, entered into
discussions with his guest- friend the consular
Marcius Philippus, as to the frivolousness of the Roman declaration of war, and allowed himself to be thereby induced to postpone the attack and once more to make an effort for peace with Rome : to which the senate, as might have been expected, only replied by the dismissal of all Macedonians from Italy and the embarkation of the legions. Senators of the older school no doubt censured the " new wisdom " of their colleague, and his un-Roman artifice ; but the object was gained and the winter passed awav ^'tb out any movement on the part of Perseus. The Roman
vol. 11
64
Quintus
498
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book III
diplomatists made all the more zealous use of the interval to deprive Perseus of any support in Greece. They were sure of the Achaeans. Even the patriotic party among them—who had neither agreed with those social movements, nor had soared higher than the longing after a prudent neutrality — had no idea of throwing themselves into the arms of Perseus; and, besides, the opposition party there had now been brought by Roman influence to the helm, and attached itself absolutely to Rome. The Aetolian league had doubtless asked aid from Perseus in its internal troubles ; but the new strategus, Lyciscus, chosen under the eyes of the Roman ambassadors, was more of a Roman partisan than the Romans themselves. Among the Thessalians also the Roman party retained the ascendency. Even the Boeotians, old partisans as they were of Macedonia, and sunk in the utmost financial disorder, had not in their collective capacity declared openly for Perseus ; nevertheless at least three of their cities, Thisbae, Haliartus and Coronea, had of their own accord entered into engagements with him. When on the complaint of the Roman envoy the govern ment of the Boeotian confederacy communicated to him the position of things, he declared that it would best appear which cities adhered to Rome, and which did not, if they would severally pronounce their decision in his presence ; and thereupon the Boeotian confederacy fell at once to pieces. It is not true that the great structure of Epami- nondas was destroyed by the Romans ; it actually collapsed before they touched and thus indeed became the prelude to the dissolution of the other still more firmly consolidated leagues of Greek cities. 1 With the forces of the Boeotian towns friendly to Rome the Roman envoy Publius Lentulus laid siege to Haliartus, even before the Roman fleet appeared in the Aegean.
The legal dissolution of the Boeotian confederacy, however, took place not at this time, but only after the destruction of Corinth (Pausan. vii. 14, xvi. 6).
1 4;
it,
chap, x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
499
Chalcis was occupied with Achaean, and the province of Prepara- Orestis with Epirot, forces : the fortresses of the Dassa- „^ " retae and Illyrians on the west frontier of Macedonia were occupied by the troops of Gnaeus Sicinius ; and as soon as
the navigation was resumed, Larisa received a garrison of
2000 men. Perseus during all this remained inactive and
had not a foot's breadth of land beyond his own territory, when in the spring, or according to the official calendar in June, of 583, the Roman legions landed on the west coast 171. It is doubtful whether Perseus would have found allies of
any mark, even had he shown as much energy as he dis played remissness ; but, as circumstances stood, he remained of course completely isolated, and those prolonged attempts at proselytism led, for the time at least, to no result. Carthage, Genthius of Illyria, Rhodes and the free cities of Asia Minor, and even Byzantium hitherto so very friendly with Perseus, offered to the Romans vessels of war ; which these, how ever, declined. Eumenes put his land army and his ships on a war footing. Ariarathes king of Cappadocia sent hostages, unsolicited, to Rome. The brother-in-law of
Perseus, Prusias II. king of Bithynia, remained neutral. No one stirred in all Greece. Antiochus IV. king of Syria, designated in court style "the god, the brilliant bringer of victory," to distinguish him from his father the " Great," bestirred himself, but only to wrest the Syrian coast during this war from the entirely impotent Egypt
But, though Perseus stood almost alone, he was no con- Beginning temptible antagonist His army numbered 43,000 men; ofthew*» of these 21,000 were phalangites, and 4000 Macedonian
and Thracian cavalry ; the rest were chiefly mercenaries.
The whole force of the Romans in Greece amounted to
between 30,000 and 40,000 Italian troops, besides more
than 10,000 men belonging to Numidian, Ligurian, Greek,
Cretan, and especially Pergamene contingents. To these
added the fleet, which numbered only 40 decked
The Romans invade Thessaly.
vessels, as there was no fleet of the enemy to oppose it— Perseus, who had been prohibited from building ships of war by the treaty with Rome, was only now erecting docks at Thessalonica —but it had on board 10,000 troops, as it was destined chiefly to co-operate in sieges. The fleet was commanded by Gaius Lucretius, the land army by the consul Publius Licinius Crassus.
The consul left a strong division in Illyria to harass Ma cedonia from the west, while with the main force he started, as usual, from Apollonia for Thessaly. Perseus did not think of disturbing their arduous march, but contented him self with advancing into Perrhaebia and occupying the nearest fortresses. He awaited the enemy at Ossa, and not far from Larisa the first conflict took place between the cavalry and light troops on both sides. The Romans were decidedly beaten. Cotys with the Thracian horse had de feated and broken the Italian, and Perseus with his Mace donian horse the Greek, cavalry ; the Romans had 2000 foot and 200 horsemen killed, and 600 horsemen made prisoners, and had to deem themselves fortunate in being allowed to cross the Peneius without hindrance. Perseus employed the victory to ask peace on the same terms which Philip had obtained : he was ready even to pay the same sum. The Romans refused his request : they never concluded peace after a defeat, and in this case the conclusion of peace would certainly have involved as a consequence the loss of Greece.
The wretched Roman commander, however, knew not how or where to attack ; the army marched to and fro in Thessaly, without accomplishing anything of importance. Perseus might have assumed the offensive ; he saw that the Romans were badly led and dilatory ; the news had passed like wildfire through Greece, that the Greek army had been brilliantly victorious in the first engagement ; a second victory might lead to a general rising of the patriot party,
500
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR BOOK III
Their lax cessfuTSUC"
chap, x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
501
and, by commencing a guerilla warfare, might produce incalculable results. But Perseus, while a good soldier, was not a general like his father ; he had made his preparations for a defensive war, and, when things took a different turn, he felt himself as it were paralyzed. He made an unimport ant success, which the Romans obtained in a second cavalry
combat near Phalanna, a pretext for reverting, as is the habit of narrow and obstinate minds, to his first plan and evacuating Thessaly. This was of course equivalent to re nouncing all idea of a Hellenic insurrection : what might have been attained by a different course was shown by the
fact that, notwithstanding what had occurred, the Epirots changed sides. Thenceforth nothing serious was accom plished on either side. Perseus subdued king Genthius, chastised the Dardani, and, by means of Cotys, expelled from Thrace the Thracians friendly to Rome and the Per- gamene troops. On the other hand the western Roman army took some Illyrian towns, and the consul busied himself
in clearing Thessaly of the Macedonian garrisons and making sure of the turbulent Aetolians and Acarnanians by occupying Ambracia. But the heroic courage of the Romans
was most severely felt by the unfortunate Boeotian towns which took part with Perseus ; the inhabitants as well of Thisbae, which surrendered without resistance as soon as
the Roman admiral Gaius Lucretius appeared before the city,
as of Haliartus, which closed its gates against him and had
to be taken by storm, were sold by him into slavery; Corcnea was treated in the same manner by the consul Crassus in spite even of its capitulation Never had a Roman army exhibited such wretched discipline as the force under these commanders. They had so disorganized the army that, even in the next campaign of 584, the new consul Aulus Hostilius could not think of undertaking anything 170. serious, especially as the new admiral Lucius Hortensius showed himself to be as incapable and unprincipled as his
Sea
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book in
predecessor. The fleet visited the towns on the Thracian
coast without result The western army under
Claudius, whose head-quarters were at Lychnidus in the territory of the Dassaretae, sustained one defeat after another : after an expedition to Macedonia had been utterly unsuccessful, the king in turn towards the beginning of winter assumed the aggressive with the troops which were no longer needed on the south frontier in consequence of the deep snow blocking up all the passes, took from Appius numerous townships and a multitude of prisoners, and entered into connections with king Genthius ; he was able in fact to attempt an invasion of Aetolia, while Appius allowed himself to be once more defeated in Epirus by the garrison of a fortress which he had vainly besieged. The Roman main army made two attempts to penetrate into Macedonia : first, ovei the Cambunian mountains, and then through the Thessalian passes ; but they were negligently planned, and both were repulsed by Perseus.
The consul employed himself chiefly in the reorganization of the army—a work which was above all things needful, but which required a sterner man and an officer of greater mark. Discharges and furloughs might be bought, and therefore the divisions were never up to their full numbers; the men were put into quarters in summer, and, as the officers plundered on a large, the common soldiers plundered on a small, scale. Friendly peoples were subjected to the most shameful suspicions: for instance, the blame of the disgraceful defeat at Larisa was imputed to the pretended treachery of the Aetolian cavalry, and, what was hitherto unprecedented, its officers were sent to be criminally tried at Rome ; and the Molossians in Epirus were forced false suspicions into actual revolt The allied states had war-contributions imposed upon them as if they had been conquered, and if they appealed to the Roman senate, their citizens were executed or sold into slavery : this was done,
Appius
Abases in the army.
by
chap, x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
503
for instance, at Abdera, and similar outrages were committed at Chalcis. The senate interfered very earnestly : * it enjoined the liberation of the unfortunate Coroneans and Abderites, and forbade the Roman magistrates to ask contributions from the allies without its leave. Gaius Lucretius was unanimously condemned by the burgesses. But such steps could not alter the fact, that the military result of these first two campaigns had been null, while the political result had been a foul stain on the Romans, whose extraordinary successes in the east were based in no small degree on their reputation for moral purity and solidity as compared with the scandals of Hellenic administration. Had Philip commanded instead of Perseus, the war would
presumably have begun with the destruction of the Roman army and the defection of most of the Hellenes ; but Rome was fortunate enough to be constantly outstripped in blunders by her antagonists. Perseus was content with entrenching himself in Macedonia—which towards the south and west is a true mountain-fortress —as in a beleaguered town.
The third commander-in-chief also, whom Rome sent to Macedonia in 585, Quintus Marcius Philippus, that already- mentioned upright guest-friend of the king, was not at all equal to his far from easy task. He was ambitious and enterprising, but a bad officer. His hazardous venture of crossing Olympus by the pass of Lapathus westward of Tempe, leaving behind one division to face the garrison of the pass, and making his way with his main force through impracticable defiles to Heracleum, is not excused by the fact of its success. Not only might a handful of resolute men have blocked the route, in which case retreat was out of the question ; but even after the passage, when he stood
Marcius SSgS1 through JhePftSSO'
1 The recently discovered decree of the senate of 9th Oct 584, which 170. regulates the legal relations of Thisbae (Ephemeris tpigraphica, 187a, p.
978, fig. ; Milth. d. arch. Inst, in Athen, iv. 335, fig. ), gives a clear insight into these relations.
The armies Eipiuj
advance of the Romans. So the Roman
during the rest of the summer and the winter, hemmed in in the farthest corner of Thessaly ; and, while the crossing of the passes was certainly a success and the first substantial one in the war, it was due not to the ability of the Roman, but to the blundering of the Macedonian, general. The Roman fleet in vain attempted the capture of Demetrias, and performed no exploit whatever. The light ships of
504
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book hi
with the Macedonian main force in front and the strongly- fortified mountain -fortresses of Tempe and Lapathus behind him, wedged into a narrow plain on the shore and without supplies or the possibility of foraging for them, his position was no less desperate than when, in his first con sulate, he had allowed himself to be similarly surrounded in the Ligurian defiles which thenceforth bore his name. But as an accident saved him then, so the incapacity of Perseus saved him now. As if he could not comprehend the idea of defending himself against the Romans other wise than by blocking the passes, he strangely gave himself over as lost as soon as he saw the Romans on the Mace donian side of them, fled in all haste to Pydna, and ordered his ships to be burnt and his treasures to be sunk. But even this voluntary retreat of the Macedonian army did not rescue the consul from his painful position. He advanced indeed without hindrance, but was obliged after four days' march to turn back for want of provisions ; and, when the king came to his senses and returned in all haste to resume the position which he had abandoned, the Roman army would have been in great danger, had not the impregnable Tempe surrendered at the right moment and handed over its rich stores to the enemy. The com munication with the south was by this means secured to the Roman army ; but Perseus had strongly barricaded
himself in his former well-chosen position on the bank of the little river Elpius, and there checked the farther
army remained,
chap, X THE THIRD MACEDONIAN "WAR
504
Perseus boldly cruised between the Cyclades, protected the corn-vessels destined for Macedonia, and attacked the transports of the enemy. With the western army matters were still worse : Appius Claudius could do nothing with his weakened division, and the contingent which he asked from Achaia was prevented from coming to him by the
jealousy of the consul. Moreover, Genthius had allowed himself to be bribed by Perseus with the promise of a great sum of money to break with Rome, and to imprison the Roman envoys ; whereupon the frugal king deemed it superfluous to pay the money which he had promised, since Genthius was now forsooth compelled, independently of
to substitute an attitude of decided hostility to Rome for the ambiguous position which he had hitherto maintained. Accordingly the Romans had further petty war the side of the great one, which had already lasted three years. In fact had Perseus been able to part with his money, he might easily have aroused enemies still more dangerous to the Romans. Celtic host under Clondicus — 10,000 horsemen and as many infantry —offered to take service with him in Macedonia itself but they could not agree as to the pay. In Hellas too there was such ferment that guerilla warfare might easily have been kindled with little dexterity and full exchequer but, as Perseus had no desire to give and the Greeks did nothing gratuitously, the land remained quiet
At length the Romans resolved to send the right man Pauilus. to Greece. This was Lucius Aemilius Paullus, son of the
consul of the same name that fell at Cannae man of the
old nobility but of humble means, and therefore not so successful the comitia as on the battle- field, where he had remarkably distinguished himself in Spain and still more
so in Liguria. The people elected him for the second time consul the year 586 on account of his merits— 168.
course which was at that time rare and exceptional. He
a
in in
a
; a
a
;
;a
a
by
a
it,
A
P"3*TM
back to Pydna.
was in all respects the right man : an excellent general of the old school, strict as respected both himself and his troops, and, notwithstanding his sixty years, still hale and vigorous; an incorruptible magistrate — "one of the few Romans of that age, to whom one could not offer money," as a contemporary says of him — and a man of Hellenic culture, who, even when commander-in-chief, embraced the opportunity of travelling through Greece to inspect its works of art
As soon as the new general arrived in the camp at Hera- cleum, he gave orders for the ill-guarded pass at Pythium j0 De surprised by Publius Nasica, while skirmishes between the outposts in the channel of the river Elpius occupied the attention of the Macedonians; the enemy was thus
506
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book hi
Battle of turned, and was obliged to retreat to Pydna. There on Pydna-lg8 the Roman 4th of September, 586, or on the 22nd of
June of the Julian calendar — an eclipse of the moon, which a scientific Roman officer announced beforehand to the army that it might not be regarded as a bad omen, affords in this case the means of determining the date— the outposts accidentally fell into conflict as they were
their horses after midday ; and both sides determined at once to give the battle, which it was originally intended to postpone till the following day. Passing through the ranks in person, without helmet or shield, the grey-headed Roman general arranged his men. Scarce were they in position, when the formidable phalanx assailed them; the general himself, who had witnessed many a hard fight, afterwards acknowledged that he had trembled. The Roman vanguard dispersed ; a Paelignian cohort was overthrown and almost annihilated ; the legions themselves hurriedly retreated till they reached a hill close upon the Roman camp. Here the fortune of the day changed. The uneven ground and the hurried pursuit had disordered the ranks of the phalanx; the Romans
watering
chap, X THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
507
in single cohorts entered at every gap, and attacked it on
the flanks and in rear ; the Macedonian cavalry which
alone could have rendered aid looked calmly on, and
soon fled in a body, the king among the foremost ; and
thus the fate of Macedonia was decided in less than an
hour. The 3000 select phalangites allowed themselves
to be cut down to the last man ; it was as if the phalanx,
which fought its last great battle at Pydna, had itself
wished to perish there. The overthrow was fearful ;
20,000 Macedonians lay on the field of battle, 11,000 were prisoners. The war was at an end, on the fifteenth day
after Paullus had assumed the command; all Macedonia submitted in two days. The king fled with his gold
—he still had more than 6000 talents (;£i,460,000)
in his chest — to Samothrace, accompanied by a few
faithful attendants. But he himself put to death one of
these, Evander of Crete, who was to be called to account as instigator of the attempted assassination of Eumenes ; and
then the king's pages and his last comrades also deserted
him. For a moment he hoped that the right of asylum
would protect him ; but he himself perceived that he was clinging to a straw. An attempt to take flight to Cotys
failed. So he wrote to the consul ; but the letter was
not received, because he had designated himself in it as
king. He recognized his fate, and surrendered to the Perseus Romans at discretion with his children and his treasures. ' ! ^en„
pusillanimous and weeping so as to disgust even his con querors. With a grave satisfaction, and with thoughts turning rather on the mutability of fortune than on his own present success, the consul received the most illustrious captive whom Roman general had ever brought home. Perseus died a few years after, as a state prisoner, at Alba on the Fucine lake ; * his son in after years
1 The story, that the Romans, in order at once to keep the promise which had guaranteed his life and to take vengeance on him, put him to death by depriving him of sleep, is certainly a fable.
prisoner.
Defeat and Genthius*
Macedonia brokenup.
earned a living in the same Italian country town as a clerk.
Thus perished the empire of Alexander the Great, which had subdued and Hellenized the east, 144 years after its founder's death.
That the tragedy, moreover, might not be without its accompanrment 0I" farce, at the same time the war against " king " Genthius of Illyria was also begun and ended by the praetor Lucius Anicius within thirty days. The piratical fleet was taken, the capital Scodra was captured, and the two kings, the heir of Alexander the Great and the heir of Pleuratus, entered Rome side by side as prisoners.
So8
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book III
The senate had resolved that the peril, which the unsea- sonable gentleness of Flamininus had brought on Rome, should not recur. Macedonia was abolished. In the conference at Amphipolis on the Strymon the Roman commission ordained that the compact, thoroughly mon archical, single state should be broken up into four republican -federative leagues moulded on the system of the Greek confederacies, viz. that of Amphipolis in the eastern regions, that of Thessalonica with the Chal- cidian peninsula, that of Pella on the frontiers of Thessaly, and that of Pelagonia in the interior.
Intermarriages between persons belonging to different confederacies were to be invalid, and no one might be a freeholder in more than one of them. All royal officials, as well as their grown-up sons, were obliged to leave the country and
resort to Italy on pain of death ; the Romans still dreaded, and with reason, the throbbings of the ancient loyalty. The law of the land and the former constitution otherwise remained in force ; the magistrates were of course nomi nated by election in each community, and the power in the communities as well as in the confederacies was placed in the hands of the upper class. The royal domains and
chaf. x THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
509
royalties were not granted to the confederacies, and these
were specially prohibited from working the gold and silver mines, a chief source of the national wealth ; but in 596 158. they were again permitted to work at least the silver- mines. 1 The import of salt, and the export of timber
for shipbuilding, were prohibited. The land-tax hitherto
paid to the king ceased, and the confederacies and com munities were left to tax themselves ; but these had to pay
to Rome half of the former land-tax, according to a rate fixed once for all, amounting in all to 100 talents annually
The whole land was for ever disarmed, and the fortress of Demetrias was razed ; on the northern frontier alone a chain of posts was to be retained to guard
against the incursions of the barbarians. Of the arms given up, the copper shields were sent to Rome, and the rest were burnt
The Romans gained their object The Macedonian land still on two occasions took up arms at the call of princes of the old reigning house ; but otherwise from that time to the present day it has remained without a history.
(^24,000). *
Illyria was treated in a similar way. The kingdom of
Genthius was split up into three small free states. There broken UP» too the freeholders paid the half of the former land-tax to
1 The statement of Cassiodorus, that the Macedonian mines were
reopened in 596, receives its more exact interpretation by means of the 158. coins. No gold coins of the four Macedonias are extant ; either there
fore the gold - mines remained closed, or the gold extracted was converted
into bars. On the other hand there certainly exist silver coins of Ma
cedonia prima (Amphipolis) in which district the silver- mines were
situated. For the brief period, during which they must have been struck (596-608), the number of them is remarkably great, and proves either 158-148. that the mines were very energetically worked, or that the old royal money
was recoined in large quantity.
1 The statement that the Macedonian commonwealth was " relieved of seignorial imposts and taxes" by the Romans (Polyb. xxxvii. 4) does not necessarily require us to assume a subsequent remission of these taxes : it is sufficient, for the explanation of Polybius' words, to assume that the hitherto seignorial tax now became a public one. The continuance of the constitution granted to the province of Macedonia by Paullus down to at least the Augustan age (Liv. xlv. 32 ; Justin, xxxiii. a), would, it is true, be compatible also with the remission of the taxes.
iiiyria
Coqn.
Humilia
their new masters, with the exception of the towns, which had adhered to Rome and in return obtained exemption from land-tax—an exception, which there was no oppor tunity to make in the case of Macedonia. The Illyrian piratic fleet was confiscated, and presented to the more reputable Greek communities along that coast. The constant annoyances, which the Illyrians inflicted on the neighbours by their corsairs, were in this way put an end to, at least for a lengthened period.
Cotys in Thrace, who was difficult to be reached and might conveniently be used against Eumenes, obtained pardon and received back his captive son.
Thus the affairs of the north were settled, and Macedonia also was at last released from the yoke of monarchy —in fact Greece was more free than ever; a king no longer existed anywhere.
But the Romans did not confine themselves to cutting
5io
THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
tion of the the nerves and sinews of Macedonia. The senate resolved Greeks in
general
Course pursued with Pergamus.
at once to render all the Hellenic states, friend and foe, for ever incapable of harm, and to reduce all of them alike to the same humble clientship. The course pursued may itself admit of justification ; but the mode in which it was carried out in the case of the more powerful of the Greek client-states was unworthy of a great power, and showed that the epoch of the Fabii and the Scipios was at an end.
The state most affected by this change in the position of parties was the kingdom of the Attalids, which had been created and fostered by Rome to keep Macedonia in check, and which now, after the destruction of Macedonia, was forsooth no longer needed. It was not easy to find a tolerable pretext for depriving the prudent and considerate Eumenes of his privileged position, and allowing him to fall into disfavour. All at once, about the time when the Romans were encamped at Heracleum, strange reports were circulated regarding him — that he was in secret intercourse
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with Perstuj; that his fleet had been suddenly, as it were, wafted away ; that 500 talents had been offered for his non- participation in the campaign and 1500 for his mediation
to procure peace, and that the agreement had only broken down through the avarice of Perseus. As to the Pergamene fleet, the king, after having paid his respects to the consul,
went home with it at the same time that the Roman fleet went into winter quarters. The story about corruption was
as certainly a fable as any newspaper canard of the present
day ; for that the rich, cunning, and consistent Attalid, who
had primarily occasioned the breach between Rome and Macedonia by his journey in 582 and had been on that XIX
account wellnigh assassinated by the banditti of Perseus, should —at the moment when the real difficulties of a war, of whose final issue, moreover, he could never have had any serious doubt, were overcome — have sold to the instigator of the murder his share in the spoil for a few talents, and should have perilled the work of long years for so pitiful a consideration, may be set down not merely as a fabrication, but as a very silly one. That no proof was found either in the papers of Perseus or elsewhere, is sufficiently certain ; for even the Romans did not venture to express those suspicions aloud. But they gained their object Their wishes appeared in the behaviour of the Roman grandees towards Attalus, the brother of Eumenes, who had commanded the Pergamene auxiliary troops in Greece.
Their brave and faithful comrade was received in Rome with open arms and invited to ask not for his brother, but for himself — the senate would be glad to give him a kingdom of his own. Attalus asked nothing but Aenus and Maronea. The senate thought that this was only a preliminary request, and granted it with great politeness. But when he took his departure without having made any further demands, and the senate came to perceive that the reigning family in Pergamus did not live on such terms with each other as
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THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book iii
were customary in princely houses, Aenus and Maronea were declared free cities. The Pergamenes obtained not a foot's breadth of territory out of the spoil of Macedonia ; if after the victory over Antiochus the Romans had still saved forms as respected Philip, they were now disposed to hurt and to humiliate. About this time the senate appears to have declared Pamphylia, for the possession of which Eumenes and Antiochus had hitherto contended, inde pendent What was of more importance, the Galatians — who had been substantially in the power of Eumenes, ever since he had expelled the king of Pontus by force of arms from Galatia and had on making peace extorted from him the promise that he would maintain no further communi cation with the Galatian princes — now, reckoning beyond doubt on the variance that had taken place between Eumenes and the Romans, if not directly instigated by the latter, rose against Eumenes, overran his kingdom, and brought him into great danger. Eumenes besought the mediation of the Romans ; the Roman envoy declared his readiness to mediate, but thought it better that Attalus, who commanded the Pergamene army, should not accompany him lest the barbarians might be put into ill humour. Singularly enough, he accomplished nothing ; in fact, he told on his return that his mediation had only
exasperated the barbarians. No long time elapsed before the independence of the Galatians was expressly recognized and guaranteed by the senate. Eumenes determined to proceed to Rome in person, and to plead his cause in the senate. But the latter, as if troubled by an evil conscience, suddenly decreed that in future kings should not be allowed to come to Rome ; and despatched a quaestor to meet him at Brundisium, to lay before him this decree of the senate, to ask him what he wanted, and to hint to him that they
would be glad to see his speedy departure. The king was long silent ; at length he said that he desired nothing
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farther, and re-embarked. He saw how matters stood : the epoch of half-powerful and half-free alliance was at an end ; that of impotent subjection began.
Similar treatment befell the Rhodians. They had a HumiU»- singularly privileged position : their relation to Rome Rhodes assumed the form not of symmachy properly so called, but
of friendly equality ; it did not prevent them from enter
ing into alliances of any kind, and did not compel them to supply the Romans with a contingent on demand. This
very circumstance was presumably the real reason why their good understanding with Rome had already for some time been impaired. The first dissensions with Rome had arisen in consequence of the rising of the Lycians, who
were handed over to Rhodes after the defeat of Antiochus, against their oppressors who had (576) cruelly reduced 178. them to slavery as revolted subjects ; the Lycians, however, asserted that they were not subjects but allies of the Rhodians, and prevailed with this plea in the Roman senate, which was invited to settle the doubtful meaning of
the instrument of peace. But in this result a justifiable sympathy with the victims of grievous oppression had perhaps the chief share ; at least nothing further was done on the part of the Romans, who left this as well as other Hellenic quarrels to take their course. When the war with Perseus broke out, the Rhodians, like all other sensible Greeks, viewed it with regret, and blamed Eumenes in par ticular as the instigator of so that his festal embassy was not even permitted to be present at the festival of Helios in Rhodes. But this did not prevent them from adhering to Rome and keeping the Macedonian party, which existed
Rhodes as well as everywhere else, aloof from the helm
of affairs. The permission given to them in 585 to export 169. grain from Sicily shows the continuance of the good under standing with Rome. All of sudden, shortly before the battle of Pydna, Rhodian envoys appeared at the Roman
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a
in
it,
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THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR book lit
headquarters and in the Roman senate, announcing that the Rhodians would no longer tolerate this war which was injurious to their Macedonian traffic and their revenue from port-dues, that they were disposed themselves to declare war against the party which should refuse to make peace, and that with this view they had already concluded an alliance with Crete and with the Asiatic cities. Many caprices are possible in a republic governed by primary
assemblies; but this insane intervention of a commercial
city — which can only have
of the pass of Tempe was known at Rhodes — requires special explanation. The key to it is furnished by the well-attested account that the consul Quintus Marcius, that master of the " new-fashioned diplomacy," had in the camp at Heracleum (and therefore after the occupation of the pass of Tempe) loaded the Rhodian envoy Agepolis with civilities and made an underhand request to him to mediate a peace. Republican wrongheadedness and vanity did the rest ; the Rhodians fancied that the Romans had given themselves up as lost ; they were eager to play the part of mediator among four great powers at once ; com munications were entered into with Perseus; Rhodian envoys with Macedonian sympathies said more than they should have said ; and they were caught The senate, which doubtless was itself for the most part unaware of those intrigues, heard the strange announcement, as may be conceived, with indignation, and was glad of the favour able opportunity to humble the haughty mercantile city. A warlike praetor went even so far as to propose to the people a declaration of war against Rhodes. In vain the
Rhodian ambassadors repeatedly on their knees adjured the senate to think of the friendship of a hundred and forty years rather than of the one offence; in vain they sent the heads of the Macedonian party to the scaffold or to Rome ; in vain they sent a massive wreath of gold in token
been resolved on after the fall
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THE THIRD MACEDONIAN WAR
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of their gratitude for the non-declaration of war. The up right Cato indeed showed that strictly the Rhodians had committed no offence and asked whether the Romans were desirous to undertake the punishment of wishes and thoughts, and whether they could blame the nations for being appre hensive that Rome might allow herself all license if she had no longer any one to fear? His words and warnings were in vain. The senate deprived the Rhodians of their possessions on the mainland, which yielded a yearly produce of 120 talents (,£29,000). Still heavier were the blows aimed at the Rhodian commerce. The very prohibition of the import of salt to, and of the export of shipbuilding timber from, Macedonia appears to have been directed against Rhodes.
Rhodian commerce was still more directly affected by the erection of the free port at Delos ; the Rhodian customs- dues, which hitherto had produced 1,000,000 drachmae (£41,000) annually, sank in a very brief period to 150,000 drachmae (£6180). Generally, the Rhodians were para lyzed in their freedom of action and in their liberal and bold commercial policy, and the state began to languish.
Even the alliance asked for was at first refused, and was
only renewed in 590 after urgent entreaties. The equally 164. guilty but powerless Cretans escaped with a sharp rebuke.
With Syria and Egypt the Romans could go to work Interren- more summarily. War had broken out between them ; 5^! ° and Coelesyria and Palaestina formed once more the Egyptian subject of dispute. According to the assertion of the war* Egyptians, those provinces had been ceded to Egypt on
the marriage of the Syrian Cleopatra : this however the court of Babylon, which was in actual possession, disputed. Apparently the charging of her dowry on the taxes of the Coelesyrian cities gave occasion to the quarrel, and the Syrian side was in the right ; the breaking out of the war
was occasioned by the death of Cleopatra in 581, with 178. which at latest the payments of revenue terminated. The
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war appears to have been begun by Egypt; but king Antiochus Epiphanes gladly embraced the opportunity of once more—and for the last time—endeavouring to achieve the traditional aim of the policy of the Seleucidae, the acquisition of Egypt, while the Romans were employed in Macedonia. Fortune seemed favourable to him.