No More Learning

That city, which formerly by its armies and fleets had disputed the possession of the island with Carthage, had through internal dissension and the weakness of its government fallen so low that it was obliged to seek for safety in the protection of its walls and in foreign aid ; and none could afford that aid but king Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus was the husband of Agathocles's daughter, and his son Alexander, then sixteen years of age, was Agathocles's grandson. Both were in every respect natural heirs of the ambitious schemes of the ruler of Syracuse ;
and if her freedom was at an end, Syracuse might find com pensation in becoming the capital of a Hellenic empire of the West. So the Syracusans, like the Tarentines, and under similar conditions, voluntarily offered their sovereignty to king Pyrrhus (about 475) ; and by a singular conjuncture of affairs everything seemed to concur towards the success of the magnificent plans of the Epirot king, based as they primarily were on the possession of Taren tum and Syracuse.
The immediate effect, indeed, of this union of the Italian and Sicilian Greeks under one control was a closer concert also on the part of their antagonists. Carthage and Rome now converted their old commercial treaties into an offensive
Pyrrhus invited to Syracuse.
279.
League between Rome and Carthage.
chap, vil AND ROME 39
and defensive league against Pyrrhus (475), the tenor of tit. which was that, if Pyrrhus invaded Roman or Carthaginian territory, the party which was not attacked should furnish
that which was assailed with a contingent on its own terri
tory and should itself defray the expense of the auxiliary troops ; that in such an event Carthage should be bound to furnish transports and to assist the Romans also with a war fleet, but the crews of that fleet should not be obliged to fight for the Romans by land ; that lastly, both states should pledge themselves not to conclude a separate peace with Pyrrhus. The object of the Romans in entering into the treaty was to render possible an attack on Tarentum and to cut off Pyrrhus from his own country, neither of which ends could be attained without the co-operation of the Punic fleet; the object of the Carthaginians was to detain the king in Italy, so that they might be able without molestation to carry into effect their designs on Syracuse. 1 It was accordingly the interest of both powers in the first instance to secure the sea between Italy and Sicily. A powerful Carthaginian fleet of 120 sail under the admiral Mago proceeded from Ostia, whither Mago seems to have gone to conclude the treaty, to the Sicilian straits. The Mamertines, who anticipated righteous punishment for their outrage upon the Greek population of Messana in the event of Pyrrhus becoming ruler of Sicily and Italy, attached themselves closely to the Romans and Carthaginians, and secured for them the Sicilian side of the straits. The allies would willingly have brought Rhegium also on the opposite coast under their power ; but Rome could not possibly
1 The later Romans, and the modems following them, give a version of the league, as if the Romans had designedly avoided accepting the Cartha ginian help in Italy. This would have been irrational, and the facts pro nounce against it. The circumstance that Mago did not land at Ostia is to be explained not by any such foresight, but simply by the fact that tattain was not at all threatened by Pyrrhus and so did not need Cartha ginian aid ; and the Carthaginians certainly fought for Rome in front of
30
STRUGGLE BETWEEN PYRRHUS book ii
pardon the Campanian garrison, and an attempt of the combined Romans and Carthaginians to gain the city by force of arms miscarried. The Carthaginian fleet sailed thence for Syracuse and blockaded the city by sea, while at the same time a strong Phoenician army began the siege by
278. land (476). It was high time that Pyrrhus should appear Third year at Syracuse : but, in fact, matters in Italy were by no means
o t e war.
m gucn a con(iition that he and his troops could be dis- 278. pensed with there. The two consuls of 476, Gaius Fabri-
cius Luscinus, and Quintus Aemilius Papus, both experi enced generals, had begun the new campaign with vigour, and although the Romans had hitherto sustained nothing but defeat in this war, it was not they but the victors that were weary of it and longed for peace. Pyrrhus made another attempt to obtain accommodation on tolerable terms. The consul Fabricius had handed over to the king a wretch, who had proposed to poison him on condition of being well paid for Not onlv did the king in token of gratitude release all his Roms*. prisoners without ransom, but he felt himself so moved the generosity of his brave opponents that he offered, way of personal recompense,
singularly fair and favourable peace. Cineas appears to have gone once more to Rome, and Carthage seems to have been seriously apprehensive that Rome might come to terms. But the senate remained firm, and repeated its former answer. Unless the king was willing to allow Syracuse to fall into the hands of the Carthaginians and to have his grand scheme thereby disconcerted, no other course remained than to abandon his Italian allies and to confine himself for the time being to the occupation of the most important seaports, particularly Tarentum and Locri. In vain the Lucanians and Samnites conjured him not to desert them in vain the Tarentines summoned him either to comply with his duty as their general or to give them back their city. The king met their complaints and reproaches with
;
a
by
by
it.
chap, vii AND ROME
31
the consolatory assurance that better times were coming, or with abrupt dismissal. Milo remained behind in Tarentum ; Alexander, the king's son, in Locri ; and Pyrrhus, with his main force, embarked in the spring of 476 at Tarentum for Syracuse.
Embarka-
"°1tJ%! S' for Sicily.
By the departure of Pyrrhus the hands of the Romans The war in
Italy fla8s,
were set free in Italy ; none ventured to oppose them in
the open field, and their antagonists everywhere confined themselves to their fastnesses or their forests. The struggle
however was not terminated so rapidly as might have been
expected ; partly in consequence of its nature as a warfare
of mountain skirmishes and sieges, partly also, doubtless,
from the exhaustion of the Romans, whose fearful losses
are indicated by a decrease of 17,000 in the burgess-roll
from 473 to 479. In 476 the consul Gaius Fabricius 281. 875.
succeeded in inducing the considerable Tarentine settle
ment of Heraclea to enter into a separate peace, which was granted to it on the most favourable terms. In the campaign of 477 a desultory warfare was carried on in 277. Samnium, where an attack thoughtlessly made on some entrenched heights cost the Romans many lives, and thereafter in southern Italy, where the Lucanians and Bruttians were defeated. On the other hand Milo, issuing from Tarentum, anticipated the Romans in their attempt
to surprise Croton : whereupon the Epirot garrison made even a successful sortie against the besieging army. At length, however, the consul succeeded by a stratagem in inducing it to march forth, and in possessing himself of the undefended town (477). An incident of more moment 277. was the slaughter of the Epirot garrison by the Locrians,
who had formerly surrendered the Roman garrison to the king, and now atoned for one act of treachery by another. By that step the whole south coast came into the hands of the Romans, with the exception of Rhegium and Tarentum. These successes, however, advanced the main object but
Pyrrhus Siriiy.
little. Lower Italy itself had long been defenceless ; but Pyrrhus was not subdued so long as Tarentum remained in his hands and thus rendered it possible for him to renew the war at his pleasure, and the Romans could not think of undertaking the siege of that city. Even apart from the fact that in siege-warfare, which had been revolutionized by Philip of Macedonia and Demetrius Poliorcetes, the Romans were at a very decided disadvantage when matched against an experienced and resolute Greek commandant, a strong fleet was needed for such an enterprise, and, although the Carthaginian treaty promised to the Romans support by sea, the affairs of Carthage herself in Sicily were by no means in such a condition as to enable her to grant that support,
The landing of Pyrrhus on the island, which, in spite of the Carthaginian fleet, had taken place without interruption, had changed at once the aspect of matters there. He had immediately relieved Syracuse, had in a short time united under his sway all the free Greek cities, and at the head of the Sicilian confederation had wrested from the Cartha
ginians nearly their whole possessions. It was with difficulty that the Carthaginians could, by the help of their fleet which at that time ruled the Mediterranean without a rival, maintain themselves in Lilybaeum; it was with difficulty, and amidst constant assaults, that the Mamertines held their ground in Messana. Under such circumstances,
3a
STRUGGLE BETWEEN PYRRHUS book ii
279. agreeably to the treaty of 475, it would have been the duty of Rome to lend her aid to the Carthaginians in Sicily, far rather than that of Carthage to help the Romans with her fleet to conquer Tarentum ; but on the side of neither ally was there much inclination to secure or to extend the power of the other. Carthage had only offered help to the Romans when the real danger was past ; they in their turn had done nothing to prevent the departure of the king from Italy and the fall of the Carthaginian power in Sicily.
CHAP. Vil AND ROME
33
Indeed, in open violation of the treaties Carthage had even proposed to the king a separate peace, offering, in return
for the undisturbed possession of Lilybaeum, to give up all claim to her other Sicilian possessions and even to place at
the disposal of the king money and ships of war, of course with a view to his crossing to Italy and renewing the war against Rome. It was evident, however, that with the possession of Lilybaeum and the departure of the king the position of the Carthaginians in the island would be nearly
the same as it had been before the landing of Pyrrhus;
the Greek cities if left to themselves were powerless, and
the lost territory would be easily regained. So Pyrrhus rejected the doubly perfidious proposal, and proceeded to build for himself a war fleet. Mere ignorance and short sightedness in after times censured this step ; but it was really as necessary as it was, with the resources of the island, easy of accomplishment. Apart from the considera
tion that the master of Ambracia, Tarentum, and Syracuse could not dispense with a naval force, he needed a fleet to conquer Lilybaeum, to protect Tarentum, and to attack Carthage at home as Agathocles, Regulus, and Scipio did before or afterwards so successfully. Pyrrhus never was so near to the attainment of his aim as in the summer of 478, 276 when he saw Carthage humbled before him, commanded Sicily, and retained a firm footing in Italy by the possession
of Tarentum, and when the newly-created fleet, which was to connect, to secure, and to augment these successes, lay ready for sea in the harbour of Syracuse.
The real weakness of the position of Pyrrhus lay in his The faulty internal policy. He governed Sicily as he had seen J^aa. Ptolemy rule in Egypt : he showed no respect to the local =nent <*
constitutions ; he placed his confidants as magistrates over the cities whenever, and for as long as, he pleased; he made his courtiers judges instead of the native jurymen ; he pronounced arbitrary sentences of confiscation, banish-
^^ m
vou II
35
Departure of Pyrrhus
merit, or death, even against those who had been most active in promoting his coming thither ; he placed garrisons in the towns, and ruled over Sicily not as the leader of a national league, but as a king. In so doing he probably reckoned himself according to oriental-Hellenistic ideas a good and wise ruler, and perhaps he really was so ; but the Greeks bore this transplantation of the system of the Diadochi to Syracuse with all the impatience of a nation that in its long struggle for freedom had lost all habits of discipline; the Carthaginian yoke very soon appeared to the foolish people more tolerable than their new military government. The most important cities entered into communications with the Carthaginians, and even with the Mamertines ; a strong Carthaginian army ventured again to appear on the island; and everywhere supported by the Greeks, it made rapid progress. In the battle which Pyrrhus fought with it fortune was, as always, with the " Eagle " ; but the circumstances served to show what the state of feeling was in the island, and what might and must ensue, if the king should depart.
To this first and most essential error Pyrrhus added a second ; he proceeded with his fleet, not to Lilybaeum, but to Tarentum. It was evident, looking to the very ferment in the minds of the Sicilians, that he ought first of all to have dislodged the Carthaginians wholly from the island, and thereby to have cut off the discontented from their last support, before he turned his attention to Italy; in that quarter there was nothing to be lost, for Tarentum was safe enough for him, and the other allies were of little moment now that they had been abandoned. It is conceivable that his soldierly spirit impelled him to wipe off the stain of his
34
STRUGGLE BETWEEN PYRRHUS book it
278. not very honourable departure in the year 476 by a brilliant return, and that his heart bled when he heard the com plaints of the Lucanians and Samnites. But problems, such as Pyrrhus had proposed to himself, can only be
chat, vii AND ROME
35
solved by men of iron nature, who are able to control their feelings of compassion and even their sense of honour ; and Pyrrhus was not one of these.
The fatal embarkation took place towards the end of Fall of the
On the voyage the new Syracusan fleet had to ^Bxiam sustain a sharp engagement with that of Carthage, in which
it lost a considerable number of vessels. The departure of
the king and the accounts of this first misfortune sufficed
for the fall of the Sicilian kingdom. On the arrival of the
news all the cities refused to the absent king money and
troops ; and the brilliant state collapsed even more rapidly
than it had arisen, partly because the king had himself undermined in the hearts of his subjects the loyalty and affection on which every commonwealth
because the people lacked the devotedness to renounce freedom for perhaps but a short term in order to save their
Thus the enterprise of Pyrrhus was wrecked, Recom- and the plan of his life was ruined irretrievably ; he was ! 5^J. cemen, thenceforth an adventurer, who felt that he had been great Italian war. and was so no longer, and who now waged war no longer
as a means to an end, but in order to drown thought
amidst the reckless excitement of the game and to find, if
possible, in the tumult of battle a soldier's death. Arrived
on the Italian coast, the king began by an attempt to get possession of Rhegium ; but the Campanians repulsed the
attack with the aid of the Mamertines, and in the heat of
the conflict before the town the king himself was wounded
in the act of striking down an officer of the enemy. On
the other hand he surprised Locri, whose inhabitants
suffered severely for their slaughter of the Epirot garrison,
and he plundered the rich treasury of the temple of Persephone there, to replenish his empty exchequer. Thus
he arrived at Tarentum, it is said with 20,000 infantry and
3000 cavalry. But these were no longer the experienced
veterans of former days, and the Italians no longer hailed
478.
nationality.
depends, partly
Battle near tumeV[276
them as deliverers; the confidence and hope with which they had received the king five years before were gone ; the allies were destitute of money and of men.
The king took the field in the spring of 479 with the v'ew o^ aiding the hard-pressed Samnites, in whose territory the Romans had passed the previous winter; and he forced the consul Manius Curius to give battle near Beneventum on the campus Arusinus, before he could form
a junction with his colleague advancing from Lucania. But the division of the army, which was intended to take the Romans in flank, lost its way during its night march in the woods, and failed to appear at the decisive moment ; and after a hot conflict the elephants again decided the battle, but decided it this time in favour of the Romans, for, thrown into confusion by the archers who were stationed to protect the camp, they attacked their own people. The victors occupied the camp ; there fell into their hands
1300 prisoners and four elephants—the first that were seen in Rome—besides an immense spoil, from the proceeds of which the aqueduct, which conveyed the water of the Anio from Tibur to Rome, was subsequently built Without troops to keep the field and without money, Pyrrhus applied to his allies who had contributed to his equipment for Italy, the kings of Macedonia and Asia ; but even in his native land he was no longer feared, and his request was refused. Despairing of success against Rome and exasper
Pyrrhus
Italy
ated by these refusals, Pyrrhus left a garrison in Tarentum, 275. and went home himself in the same year (479) to Greece, where some prospect of gain might open up to the desperate player sooner than amidst the steady and measured course of Italian affairs. In fact, he not only rapidly recovered the portion of his kingdom that had been taken away, but
once more grasped, and not without success, at the Mace donian throne. But his last plans also were thwarted by the calm and cautious policy of Antigonus Gonatas, and
36
STRUGGLE BETWEEN PYRRHUS book ii
chap, vn AND ROME
37
still more by his own vehemence and inability to tame his Death of proud spirit ; he still gained battles, but he no longer ^rr "*. gained any lasting success, and met his death in a miserable
street combat in Peloponnesian Argos (482). 272.
In Italy the war came to an end with the battle of Last Beneventum ; the last convulsive struggles of the national i^i^y* party died slowly away. So long indeed as the warrior
prince, whose mighty arm had ventured to seize the reins
of destiny in Italy, was still among the living, he held, even
when absent, the stronghold of Tarentum against Rome. Although after the departure of the king the peace party recovered ascendency in the city, Milo, who commanded
there on behalf of Pyrrhus, rejected their suggestions and
allowed the citizens favourable to Rome, who had erected
a separate fort for themselves in the territory of Tarentum,
to conclude peace with Rome as they pleased, without on
that account opening his gates. But when after the death
of Pyrrhus a Carthaginian fleet entered the harbour, and
Milo saw that the citizens were on the point of delivering
up the city to the Carthaginians, he preferred to hand over
the citadel to the Roman consul Lucius Papirius (482), 271 and by that means to secure a free departure for himself
and his troops. For the Romans this was an immense
piece of good fortune. After the experiences of Philip
before Perinthus and Byzantium, of Demetrius before
Rhodes, and of Pyrrhus before Lilybaeum, it may be doubted whether the strategy of that period was at all able to compel the surrender of a town well fortified, well defended, and freely accessible by sea ; and how different a turn matters might have taken, had Tarentum become to the Phoenicians in Italy what Lilybaeum was to them in Sicily 1 What was done, however, could not be undone. The Carthaginian admiral, when he saw the citadel in the hands of the Romans, declared that he had only appeared before Tarentum conformably to the treaty to lend
Capture of arentum-
Submission Iuj WCT
assistance to his allies in the siege of the town, and set sail for Africa ; and the Roman embassy, which was sent to Carthage to demand explanations and make complaints re garding the attempted occupation of Tarentum, brought back nothing but a solemn confirmation on oath of that allega tion as to its ally's friendly design, with which accordingly the Romans had for the time to rest content The Taren- tines obtained from Rome, presumably on the intercession of their emigrants, the restoration of autonomy ; but their arms and ships had to be given up and their walls had to be pulled down.
In the same year, in which Tarentum became Roman, ^e Samnites, Lucanians, and Bruttians finally submitted. The latter were obliged to cede the half of the lucrative, and for ship-building important, forest of Sila.
At length also the band that for ten years had sheltered themselves in Rhegium were duly chastised for the breach of their military oath, as well as for the murder of the citizens of Rhegium and of the garrison of Croton. In this instance Rome, while vindicating her own rights vin dicated the general cause of the Hellenes against the bar barians. Hiero, the new ruler of Syracuse, accordingly supported the Romans before Rhegium by sending sup plies and a contingent, and in combination with the Roman expedition against the garrison of Rhegium he made an attack upon their fellow-countrymen and fellow-criminals, the Mamertines of Messana. The siege of the latter town was long protracted. On the other hand Rhegium, although the mutineers resisted long and obstinately, was
38
STRUGGLE BETWEEN PYRRHUS book ii
270. stormed by the Romans in 484 ; the survivors of the garrison were scourged and beheaded in the public market at Rome, while the old inhabitants were recalled and, as far as possible, reinstated in their possessions. Thus all
270. Italy was, in 484, reduced to subjection. The Samnites alone, the most obstinate antagonists of Rome, still in
chap. Vil AND ROME
39
spite of the official conclusion of peace continued the struggle as "robbers," so that in 485 both consuls had to be once more despatched against them. But even the most high-spirited national courage—the bravery of despair —comes to an end; the sword and the gibbet at length carried quiet even into the mountains of Samnium.
269.
For the securing of these immense acquisitions a new
series of colonies was instituted: Paestum and Cosa in
I. ucania (481): Beneventum (486), and Aesernia (about
491) to hold Samnium in check ; and, as outposts against
the Gauls, Ariminum (486), Firmum in Picenum (about 268.
490), and the burgess colony of Castrum Novum. Prepara- 264.
tions were made for the continuation of the great southern highway—which acquired in the fortress of Beneventum a
new station intermediate between Capua and Venusia —as
far as the seaports of Tarentum and Brundisium, and for
the colonization of the latter seaport, which Roman policy
had selected as the rival and successor of the Tarentine emporium. The construction of the new fortresses and
roads gave rise to some further wars with the small tribes,
whose territory was thereby curtailed : with the Picentes
(485, 486), a number of whom were transplanted to the 269. 268.
district of Salernum ; with the Sallentines about Brundisium
(487, 488); and with the Umbrian Sassinates (487, 488), 267. 266. who seem to have occupied the territory of Ariminum after
the expulsion of the Senones. By these establishments the
dominion of Rome was extended over the interior of
Lower Italy, and over the whole Italian east coast from
the Ionian sea to the Celtic frontier.
Before we describe the political organization under which Maritime the Italy which was thus united was governed on the part rela001* of Rome, it remains that we should glance at the maritime
relations that subsisted in the fourth and fifth centuries. At
this period Syracuse and Carthage were the main competi tors for the dominion of the western waters. On the whole,
Constroc-
^^f* and roads.
2g«'
4o
STRUGGLE BETWEEN PYRRHUS book ii
notwithstanding the great temporary successes which 406-865. Dionysius (348-389), Agathocles (437-465), and Pyrrhus
(476-47 8) obtained at sea, Carthage had the preponderance, and Syracuse sank more and more into a naval power of the second rank. The maritime importance of Etruria was wholly gone 415); the hitherto Etruscan island of Corsica, did not quite pass into the possession, fell under the maritime supremacy, of the Carthaginians. Tarentum, which for time had played considerable part, had its power broken the Roman occupation. The brave Massiliots maintained their ground in their own waters; but they exercised no material influence over the course of events in those of Italy. The other maritime cities hardly came as yet into serious account-
Rome itself was not exempt from similar fate; its the Roman own waters were likewise commanded by foreign fleets. power. was indeed from the first maritime city, and in the
of its vigour never was so untrue to its ancient traditions as wholly to neglect its war marine or so foolish as to desire to be a mere continental power. Latium furnished the finest timber for ship-building, far surpassing the famed growths of Lower Italy; and the very docks constantly maintained in Rome are enough to show that the Romans never abandoned the idea of possessing fleet of their own. During the perilous crises, however, which the expulsion of the kings, the internal disturbances in the Romano-Latin confederacy, and the unhappy wars with the Etruscans and Celts brought upon Rome, the Roman? could take but little interest in the state of matters in the Mediterranean; and, in consequence of the policy of Rome directing itself more and more decidedly to the subjugation of the Italian continent, the growth of its naval power was arrested. There hardly any mention of Latin vessels of war up to the end of the fourth century,
e. 850. except that the votive offering from the Veientine spoil was
278 27e!
Decline of
period
is
a
a
It
a
a
by
(i. a
if it
chap, Til AND ROME
41
sent to Delphi in a Roman vessel (360). The Antiates 891. indeed continued to prosecute their commerce with armed vessels and thus, as occasion offered, to practise the trade
of piracy also, and the "Tyrrhene corsair" Postumius, whom Timoleon captured about 415, may certainly have 889. been an Antiate; but the Antiates were scarcely to be reckoned among the naval powers of that period, and, had they been so, the fact must from the attitude of Antium towards Rome have been anything but an advantage to the latter. The extent to which the Roman naval power had declined about the year 400 is shown by the plundering of 850. the Latin coasts by a Greek, presumably a Sicilian, war fleet in 405, while at the same time Celtic hordes were 819. traversing and devastating the Latin land 43 In the following year (406), and beyond doubt under the 818. immediate impression produced these serious events,
the Roman community and the Phoenicians of Carthage, acting respectively for themselves and for their dependent allies, concluded treaty of commerce and navigation — the oldest Roman document of which the text has reached us, although only in Greek translation. 1 In that treaty the Romans had to come under obligation not to navigate the Libyan coast to the west of the Fair Promontory (Cape Bon) excepting cases of necessity. On the other hand they obtained the privilege of freely trading, like the natives, in Sicily, so far as was Carthaginian and in Africa and Sardinia they obtained at least the right to dispose of their merchandise at price fixed with the concurrence of the Carthaginian officials and guaranteed by the Carthaginian community. The privilege of free trading seems to have been granted to the Carthaginians at least in Rome, perhaps in all Latium only they bound them-
The grounds for assigning the document given in Polyblns (ill. a3)
not to 345, bat to 406, are set forth in my Rim. Chronologic, 320 609. US. [translated in the Appendix to this volume
p.
/.
1
1;
it a
;
(i. a).
in
a
a
by
283. 268.
and, on the coast of the Adriatic, Sena Gallica and Castrum Novum about 471 12), and Ariminum 486 39); to which falls to be added the occupation of Brundisium, which took place immediately after the close of the Pyrrhic
4S
STRUGGLE BETWEEN PYRRHUS book ii
selves neither to do violence to the subject Latin communi ties 452), nor, they should set foot as enemies on Latin soil, to take up their quarters for night on shore— in other words, not to extend their piratical inroads into the interior —nor to construct any fortresses in the Latin land.
We may probably assign to the same period the already mentioned 12) treaty between Rome and Tarentum, respecting the date of which we are only told that was
282. concluded considerable time before 472. By the Romans bound themselves — for what concessions on the part of Tarentum not stated—not to navigate the waters to the east of the Lacinian promontory stipulation which they were thus wholly excluded from the eastern basin of the Mediterranean.
These were disasters no less than the defeat on the Allia, and tjje Roman senate seems to have felt them as such and coast. to have made use of the favourable turn, which the Italian
Roman fortifica- uon of the
relations assumed soon after the conclusion of the humiliat ing treaties with Carthage and Tarentum, with all energy to improve its depressed maritime position. The most import ant of the coast towns were furnished with Roman colonies: Pyrgi the seaport of Caere, the colonization of which probably falls within this period along the west coast, Antium in 415 462), Tarracina in 425 462), the island
889. 829.
818. of Pontia in 441 476), so that, as Ardea and Circe had
previously received colonists, all the Latin seaports of con sequence in the territory of the Rutuli and Volsci had now become Latin or burgess colonies further, in the territory
295. of the Aurunci, Minturnae and Sinuessa in 459 492); 278. in that of the Lucanians, Paestum and Cosa in 481 (p. 39);
(p.
in (p.
(i.
;
;
(i. (i.
if
ii
it it
(i.
;a a
by
a is
(p.
(i.
crap, VII AND ROME
43
war. In the greater part of these places—the burgess or maritime colonies 1—the young men wer<? exempted from serving in the legions and destined solely for the watching of the coasts. The well-judged preference given at the same time to the Greeks of Lower Italy over their Sabellian neighbours, particularly to the considerable communities of Neapolis, Rhegium, Locri, Thurii, and Heraclea, and their similar exemption under the like conditions from furnishing contingents to the land army, completed the network drawn by Rome around the coasts of Italy.
But with a statesmanlike sagacity, from which the sue- The ceeding generations might have drawn a lesson, the leading ? £mav men of the Roman commonwealth perceived that all these
coast fortifications and coast garrisons could not but prove inadequate, unless the war marine of the state were again placed on a footing that should command respect. Some
sort of nucleus for this purpose was already furnished on
the subjugation of Antium (416) by the serviceable war- 388. galleys which were carried off to the Roman docks; but
the enactment at the same time, that the Antiates should abstain from all maritime traffic,' is a very clear and dis tinct indication how weak the Romans then felt themselves
at sea, and how completely their maritime policy was still summed up in the occupation of places on the coast.
1 These were Pyrgi, Ostia, Antium, Tarracina, Minturnae, Sinuessa Sena Gallica, and Castrum Novum.
* This statement is quite as distinct (Liv. viii. 14 ; inttrdictum mari Antiati populo est) as it is intrinsically credible ; for Antium was inhabited
not merely by colonists, but also by its former citizens who had been nursed
in enmity to Rome 462). This view is, no doubt, inconsistent with the Greek accounts, which assert that Alexander the Great 431) and 823. Demetrius Poliorcetes 471) lodged complaints at Rome regarding 283. Antiate pirates.
The former statement of the same stamp, and perhaps
from the same source, with that regarding the Roman embassy to Babylon (p. 1). It seems more likely that Demetrius Poliorcetes may have tried by edict to put down piracy in the Tyrrhene sea which he had never set eyes upon, and not at all inconceivable that the Antiates may have even as Roman citizens, in defiance of the prohibition, continued for time their old trade in an underhand fashion much dependence must not. how ever, be placed even on the second story.
S
:
is
a
it is
(i. (t
(t
44
STRUGGLE BETWEEN PYRRHUS book ii
Thereafter, when the Greek cities of southern Italy, Neapolis S26. leading the way in 428, were admitted to the clientship of
Rome, the war-vessels, which each of these cities bound itself to furnish as a war contribution under the alliance to the Romans, formed at least a renewed nucleus for a Roman
•11. fleet. In 443, moreover, two fleet-masters (duoviri navales) were nominated in consequence of a resolution of the
burgesses specially passed to that effect, and this Roman naval force co-operated in the Samnite war at the siege of Nuceria 480). Perhaps even the remarkable mission of Roman fleet of twenty-five sail to found " colony
Corsica, which Theophrastus mentions his History of 808. Plants" written about 446, belongs to this period. But
how little was immediately accomplished with all this pre
paration, shown the renewed treaty with Carthage in •M. 848. 448. While the stipulations of the treaty of 406 relating to Italy and Sicily 41) remained unchanged, the Romans
were now prohibited not only from the navigation of the eastern waters, but also from that of the Atlantic Ocean which was previously permitted, as well as debarred from holding commercial intercourse with the subjects of Carthage in Sardinia and Africa, and also, all probability, from effecting settlement in Corsica so that only Carthaginian Sicily and Carthage itself remained open to their traffic. We recognize here the jealousy of the dominant maritime power, gradually increasing with the extension of the Roman dominion along the coasts. Carthage compelled the
Romans to acquiesce in her prohibitive system, to submit to be excluded from the seats of production in the west and
According to Servius (in Aen. iv. 628) was stipulated in the Romano-Carthaginian treaties, that no Roman should set foot on (or rather occupy) Carthaginian, and no Carthaginian on Roman, soil, but Corsica was to remain in a neutral position between them (ut tuque Romani ad Mora Carthaginicnsium accederent tuque Carthaginienses ad litora Roma- norum Cr-sica esset media inter Romano! et Curlhaginienses). This appears to refer to our present period, and the colonization of Corsica seems to have been prevented by this very treaty.
1
a
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in
a
a
is
(i.
;i
in
(p.
by
in
hap, vii AND ROME
45
east (connected with which exclusion is the story of a public reward bestowed on the Phoenician mariner who at the sacrifice of his own ship decoyed a Roman vessel, steering after him into the Atlantic Ocean, to perish on a sand-bank), and to restrict their navigation under the treaty to the narrow space of the western Mediterranean —and all this for the mere purpose of averting pillage from their coasts and of securing their ancient and important trading connec tion with Sicily. The Romans were obliged to yield to these terms ; but they did not desist from their efforts to rescue their marine from its condition of impotence.
A comprehensive measure with that view was the Quaestors institution of four quaestors of the fleet (guaestorcs dassici) ° *** in 487 : of whom the first was stationed at Ostia the port 267.
of Rome ; the second, stationed at Cales then the capital
of Roman Campania, had to superintend the ports of Campania and Magna Graecia; the third, stationed at Ariminum, superintended the ports on the other side of
the Apennines ; the district assigned to the fourth is not
known. These new standing officials were intended to
exercise not the sole, but a conjoint, guardianship of the
coasts, and to form a war marine for their protection. The Variance
objects of the Roman senate —to recover their independence
by sea, to cut off the maritime communications of Tarentum, Carthage. to close the Adriatic against fleets coming from Epirus, and
to emancipate themselves from Carthaginian supremacy —
were very obvious. Their already explained relations
with Carthage during the last Italian war discover traces
of such views. King Pyrrhus indeed compelled the two
cities once more — it was for the last time — to conclude an offensive alliance ; but the lukewarmness and faithlessness of that alliance, the attempts of the Carthaginians to establish themselves in Rhegium and Tarentum, and the immediate occupation of Brundisium by the Romans after the termination of the war, show
great
Ro^^
Rome and
n^aj powen.
46
UNION OF ITALY book h
clearly how much their respective interests already came into collision.
Rome very naturally sought to find support against Carthage from the Hellenic maritime states. Her old and close relations of amity with Massilia continued uninter rupted. The votive offering sent by Rome to Delphi, after the conquest of Veii, was preserved there in the treasury
of the Massiliots. After the capture of Rome by the Celts there was a collection in Massilia for the sufferers by the fire, in which the city chest took the lead ; in return the Roman senate granted commercial advantages to the Massiliot merchants, and, at the celebration of the games in the Forum assigned a position of honour (Graecostasis) to the Massiliots by the side of the platform for the senators. To the same category belong the treaties of commerce
806. and amity concluded by the Romans about 448 with Rhodes and not long after with Apollonia, a considerable mercantile town on the Epirot coast, and especially the closer relation, so fraught with danger for Carthage, which immediately after the end of the Pyrrhic war sprang up between Rome and Syracuse (p. 38).
United '•
850.
While the Roman power by sea was thus very far from keeping pace with the immense development of their power by land, and the war marine belonging to the Romans in particular was by no means such as from the geographical and commercial position of the city it ought to have been, yet it began gradually to emerge out of the complete nullity to which it had been reduced about the year 400 ; and, considering the great resources of Italy, the Phoenicians might well follow its efforts with anxious eyes.
The crisis in reference to the supremacy of the Italian waters was approaching ; by land the contest was decided. For the first time Italy was united into one state under the sovereignty of the Roman community. What political prerogatives the Roman community on this occasion with
chap. Vil UNION OF ITALY
47
drew from all the other Italian communities and took into its own sole keeping, or in other words, what conception in state-law is to be associated with this sovereignty of Rome, we are nowhere expressly informed, and—a signifi cant circumstance, indicating prudent calculation —there does not even exist any generally current expression for that conception. 1 The only privileges that demonstrably belonged to it were the rights of making war, of concluding treaties, and of coining money. No Italian community could declare war against any foreign state, or even negotiate with or coin money for circulation. On the other hand every declaration of war made by the Roman people and every state -treaty resolved upon by were binding in law on all the other Italian communities, and
the silver money of Rome was legally current throughout all Italy. It probable that the formulated prerogatives of the leading community extended no further. But to these there were necessarily attached rights of sovereignty that practically went far beyond them.
The relations, which the Italians sustained to the leading The full community, exhibited in detail great inequalities. In this K°ma? point 01 view, in addition to the full burgesses of Rome,
there were three different classes of subjects to be dis tinguished. The full franchise itself, in the first place, was extended as far as was possible, without wholly abandoning
the idea of an urban commonwealth as applied to the Roman commune. The old burgess-domain had hitherto been enlarged chiefly by individual assignation in such a way that southern Etruria as far as towards Caere and
The clause, by which dependent people binds" itself to uphold in a friendly manner the sovereignty of that of Rome (maiesiatem populi Romani comiler conservare), certainly the technical appellation of that mildest form of subjection, but probably did not come into use till a considerably later period (Cic. pro Balbo, 16, 35). The appellation of clientship derived from private law, aptly as in its very indefiniteness denotes the relation (Dig. xlix. 15, 7, 1), was scarcely applied to officially in earlier times.
f
it it
it
a is
1
'
is
it,
it
48
UNION OF ITALY book ii
Falerii 433), the districts taken from the Hernici on the Sacco and on the Anio 485) the largest part of the Sabine country 492) and large tracts of the territory formerly Volscian, especially the Pomptine plain 463, 464) were converted into land for Roman farmers, and new burgess- districts were instituted mostly for their inhabitants. The same course had even already been taken with the
Falernian district on the Volturnus ceded by Capua
All these burgesses domiciled outside of Rome were with out commonwealth and an administration of their own on the assigned territory there arose at the most market- villages (fora et conciliabuld). In position not greatly different were placed the burgesses sent out to the so-called maritime colonies mentioned above, who were likewise left in possession of the full burgess-rights of Rome, and whose self-administration was of little moment. Towards the close of this period the Roman community appears to have begun to grant full burgess-rights to the adjoining communities of passive burgesses who were of like or closely kindred nationality; this was probably done first
for Tusculum,1 and so, presumably, also for the other
communities of passive burgesses in Latium proper, then l«8. at the end of this period (486) was extended to the Sabine towns, which doubtless were even then essentially Latinized and had given sufficient proof of their fidelity in the last severe war. These towns retained the restricted self-
administration, which under their earlier legal position belonged to them, even after their admission into the Roman burgess-union was they more than the maritime colonies that furnished the model for the special common wealths subsisting within the body of Roman full burgesses
That Tusculum as was the first to obtain passive burgess-rights 448) was also the first to exchange these for the rights of full burgesses,
probable in itself and presumably in the latter and not in the former
463).
respect that the town named by Cicero (pro Mur. tiUufuisiimum.
19) municifium
8,
is (i.
1
is
it
; it
it is
a
a
(i. ;
(i.
(i.
(i.
(i.
CHAP, vil UNION OF ITALY
49
and so, in the course of time, for the Roman municipal organization. Accordingly the range of the full Roman burgesses must at the end of this epoch have extended northward as far as the vicinity of Caere, eastward as far as the Apennines, and southward as far as Tarracina; although in this case indeed we cannot speak of boundary in a strict sense, partly because a number of federal towns with Latin rights, such as Tibur, Praeneste, Signia, Norba, Circeii, were found within these bounds, partly because beyond them the inhabitants of Minturnae, Sinuessa, of the Falernian territory, of the town Sena Gallica and some other townships, likewise possessed the full franchise, and families of Roman farmers were presumably to be even now found scattered throughout Italy, either isolated or united in villages.
Among the subject communities the passive burgesses Subject {fives sine suffragio), apart from the privilege of electing and tieJa being elected, stood on an equality of rights and duties
with the full burgesses. Their legal position was regulated
by the decrees of the Roman comitia and the rules issued
for them by the Roman praetor, which, however, were doubtless based essentially on the previous arrangements. Justice was administered for them by the Roman
or his deputies (pratfecti) annually sent to the individual communities. Those of them in a better position, such as
the city of Capua 463), retained self-administration and
along with the continued use of the native language, and
had officials of their own who took charge of the levy and the census. The communities of inferior rights such as Caere
433) were deprived even of self-administration, and this was doubtless the most oppressive among the different forms of subjection. However, as was above remarked, there already apparent at the close of this period an effort to incorporate these communities, at least so far as they were dc facto Latinized among the full burgesses.
VOL. 11
36
praetor
is
(i.
it
(i.
So Latins.
UNION OF ITALY book ii
Among the subject communities the most privileged and most important class was that of the Latin towns, which obtained accessions equally numerous and important in the autonomous communities founded by Rome within and even beyond Italy—the Latin colonies, as they were called — and was always increasing in consequence of new settlements of the same nature. These new urban com munities of Roman origin, but with Latin rights, became more and more the real buttresses of the Roman rule over Italy. These Latins, however, were by no means those with whom the battles of the lake Regillus and Trifanum had been fought They were not those old members of the Alban league, who reckoned themselves originally equal to, if not better than, the community of Rome, and who felt the dominion of Rome to be an oppressive yoke, as the fearfully rigorous measures of security taken against Praeneste at the beginning of the war with Pyrrhus, and the collisions that evidently long continued to occur with the Praenestines in particular, show. This old Latium had essentially either perished or become merged in Rome, and it now numbered but few communities politically self- subsisting, and these, with the exception of Tibur and
Praeneste, throughout insignificant The Latium of the later times of the republic, on the contrary, consisted almost exclusively of communities, which from the be ginning had honoured Rome as their capital and parent city ; which, settled amidst regions of alien language and of alien habits, were attached to Rome by community of language, of law, and of manners ; which, as the petty tyrants of the surrounding districts, were obliged doubtless to lean on Rome for their very existence, like advanced posts leaning upon the main army; and which, in fine, in consequence of the increasing material advantages of Roman citizenship, were ever deriving very considerable benefit from their equality of rights with the Romans,
CHAP. Vtl UNION OF ITALY
51
limited though it was. A portion of the Roman domain, for instance, was usually assigned to them for their separate use, and participation in the state leases and contracts was open to them as to the Roman burgess. Certainly in their case also the consequences of the self-subsistence granted to them did not wholly fail to appear. Venusian inscrip tions of the time of the Roman republic, and Beneventane inscriptions recently brought to light,1 show that Venusia as well as Rome had its plebs and its tribunes of the people, and that the chief magistrates of Beneventum bore the title of consul at least about the time of the Hannibalic war. Both communities are among the most recent of the
Latin colonies with older rights : we perceive what pre tensions were stirring in them about the middle of the fifth century. These so-called Latins, issuing from the Roman burgess -body and feeling themselves in every respect on a level with already began to view with displeasure their subordinate federal rights and to strive after full equaliza tion. Accordingly the senate had exerted itself to curtail these Latin communities —however important they were for Rome—as far as possible, in their rights and privileges, and to convert their position from that of allies to that of subjects, so far as this could be done without removing the wall of partition between them and the non-Latin com munities of Italy. We have already described the abolition of the league of the Latin communities itself as well as of their former complete equality of rights, and the loss of the most important political privileges belonging to them. On the complete subjugation of Italy further step was taken, and a beginning was made towards the restriction of the personal rights — that had not hitherto been touched — of the individual Latin, especially the important right of freedom of settlement In the case of Ariminum founded
V. Cervio A. ami dcdicavit and Iunonti Qttiritti mtrm. C FtiaUus L. emul itiitmiU
/, /.
it,
1
a
j* UNION OF ITALY book ii
M&. in 486 and of all the autonomous communities constituted afterwards, the advantage enjoyed by them, as compared with other subjects, was restricted to their equalization with burgesses of the Roman community so far as regarded private rights—those of traffic and barter as well as those of inheritance. 1 Presumably about the same time the full right of free migration allowed to the Latin communities hitherto established —the title of every one of their burgesses to gain by transmigration to Rome full burgess-rights there —was, for the Latin colonies of later erection, restricted to those persons who had attained to the highest office of the community in their native home ; these alone were allowed to exchange their colonial burgess-rights for the Roman. This clearly shows the complete revolution in the position of Rome. So long as Rome was still but one among the many urban communities of Italy, although that one might be the first, admission even to the unrestricted Roman franchise was universally regarded as a gain for the ad
1 According to the testimony of Cicero (pro Caa. 35) Sulla gave to the Volaterrans the former ius of Ariminum, that is — adds the orator — the ius of the "twelve colonies" which had not the Roman civitas but had full commcrcium with the Romans. Few things have been so much discussed as the question to what places this ius of the twelve towns refers ; and yet the answer is not far to seek. There were in Italy and Cisalpine Gaul — laying aside some places that soon disappeared again —thirty-four Latin colonies established in all. The twelve most recent of these — Ariminum Beneventum, Firmum, Aesernia, Brundisium, Spoletium, Cremona, Placentia, Copia, Valentia, Bononia,and Aquileia —are those here referred to ; and because Ariminum was the oldest of these and the town for which this new organization was primarily established, partly perhaps also because it was the first Roman colony founded beyond Italy, the ius of these colonies rightly took its name from Ariminum. This at the same time demon strates the truth of the view—which already had on other grounds very high probability —that all the colonies established in Italy (in the wider sense of the term) after the founding of Aquileia belonged to the class of burgess-colonies.
We cannot fully determine the extent to which the curtailment of the rights of the more recent Latin towns was carried, as compared with the earlier. If intermarriage, as is not improbable but is in fact anything but definitely established ( i. 132 ; Diodor. p. 590, 62, fr. Vat. p. 130, Din J. ), formed a constituent element of the original federal equality of rights, it was, at any rate, no longer conceded to the Latin colonies of more recent origin.
chap, yii UNION OF ITALY 53 ***-
mhting community, and the acquisition of that franchise by non-burgesses was facilitated in every way, and was in fact often imposed on them as a punishment. But after the Roman community became sole sovereign and all the others were its servants, the state of matters changed. The Roman community began jealously to guard its fran chise, and accordingly put an end in the first instance to the old full liberty of migration; although the statesmen of that period were wise enough still to keep admission to the Roman franchise legally open at least to the men of eminence and of capacity in the highest class of subject communities. The Latins were thus made to feel that Rome, after having subjugated Italy mainly by their aid, had now no longer need of them as before.
Lastly, the relations of the non-Latin allied communities were subject, as a matter of course, to very various rules, just as each particular treaty of alliance had defined them. Several of these perpetual alliances, such as that with the Hernican communities 445), passed over to footing of complete equalization with the Latin. Others, in which this was not the case, such as those with Neapolis 469), Nola 47 and Heraclea 31), granted rights com paratively comprehensive while others, such as the Tarentine and Samnite treaties, may have approximated to despotism.
Non-Latin munitieg,
As general rule, may be taken for granted that not Dissolution only the Latin and Hernican national confederations —as °fnatlonal to which the fact expressly stated —but all such confede
rations subsisting in Italy, and the Samnite and Lucanian
leagues in particular, were legally dissolved or at any rate
reduced to insignificance, and that in general no Italian community was allowed the right of acquiring property or
of intermarriage, or even the right of joint consultation and resolution, with any other. Further, provision must have Fumlshlnf been made, under different forms, for placing the military L^'"1*
is
it
a
(i. 5),
;
(i. (p.
a (L
System of govern-
54
UNION OF ITALY book n
and financial resources of all the Italian communities at the disposal of the leading community. Although the burgess militia " on the one hand, and the contingents of the " Latin name on the other, were still regarded as the main and integral constituents of the Roman army, and in that way
its national character was on the whole preserved, the Roman cives sine suffragio were called forth to join its ranks, and not only so, but beyond doubt the non-Latin federate communities also were either bound to furnish ships of war, as was the case with the Greek cities, or were placed on the roll of contingent-furnishing Italians (formula togatorum), as must have been ordained at once or gradually in the case of the Apulians, Sabellians, and Etruscans. In general this contingent, like that of the Latin communities, appears to have had its numbers definitely fixed, although, in case of necessity, the leading community was not
from making a larger requisition. This at the same time involved an indirect taxation, as every community was bound itself to equip and to pay its own contingent Accordingly it was not without design that the supply of the most costly requisites for war devolved chiefly on the Latin, or non-Latin federate communities; that the war marine was for the most part kept up by the Greek cities ; and that in the cavalry service the allies, at least subsequently, were called upon to furnish a proportion thrice as numerous as the Roman burgesses, while in the infantry the old principle, that the contingent of the allies should not be more numerous than the burgess army, still remained in force for a long time at least as the rule.
The system, on which this fabric was constructed and kept together, can no longer be ascertained in detail from the few notices that have reached us. Even the numerical proportions of the three classes of subjects relatively to each other and to the full burgesses, can no longer be
precluded
chap, vii UNION OF ITALY
55
determined even approximately ; * and in like manner the geographical distribution of the several categories over Italy is but imperfectly known. The leading ideas on which the structure was based, on the other hand, are so obvious that it is scarcely necessary specially to set them forth. First of all, as we have already said, the immediate circle of the ruling community was extended—partly by the settlement of full burgesses, partly by the conferring of passive burgess -rights — as far as was possible without completely decentralizing the Roman community, which
1 It is to be regretted that we are unable to give satisfactory information
as to the proportional numbers. We may estimate the number of Roman burgesses capable of bearing arms in the later regal period as about 20,000 123). Now from the fall of Alba to the conquest of Veii the immediate territory of Rome received no material extension in perfect accordance with which we find that from the first institution of the twenty-
one tribes about 259 360), which involved no, or at any rate no con- 495. siderable, extension of the Roman bounds, no new tribes were instituted
till 367. However abundant allowance we make for increase by the 387. excess of births over deaths, by immigration, and by manumissions,
absolutely impossible to reconcile with the narrow limits of a territory of hardly 650 square miles the traditional numbers of the census, according
to which the number of Roman burgesses capable of bearing arms in the second half of the third century varied between 104,000 and 150,000, and
362, regarding which a special statement extant, amounted to 152,573- 392. These numbers must rather stand on a parallel with the 84,700 burgesses
of the Servian census and in general the whole earlier census-lists, carried
back to the four lustres of Servius Tullius and furnished with copious numbers, must belong to the class of those apparently documentary tradi
tions which delight in, and betray themselves by the very fact of, such numerical details.
It was only with the second half of the fourth century that the large extensions of territory, which must have suddenly and considerably augmented the burgess roll, began. It reported on trustworthy authority and intrinsically credible, that about 416 the Roman burgesses 838. numbered 165,000; which very well agrees with the statement that ten
years previously, when the whole militia was called out against Latium and the Gauls, the first levy amounted to ten legions, that is, to 50,000 men. Subsequently to the great extensions of territory in Etruria, Latium, and Campania, in the fifth century the effective burgesses numbered, on an average, 250,000 immediately before the first Punic war, 280,000 to 290,000. These numbers are certain enough, but they are not quite available historically for another reason, namely, that in them probably the Roman full burgesses and the "burgesses without vote" not serving, like the Campanians, in legions of their own, —such, e. g. , as the Caerites, — are included together in the reckoning, while the latter must at any rate. defacto be counted among the subjects {Rom. Forsch. ii, 396).
;
;
is
is
in
is
it is
(i.
;
(i.
Division and classi fication
of the subjects.
was an urban one and was intended to remain so. When the system of incorporation was extended up to and perhaps even beyond its natural limits, the communities that were subsequently added had to submit to a position of subjection ; for a pure hegemony as a permanent relation was intrinsically impossible. Thus not through any arbitrary monopolizing of sovereignty, but through the inevitable force of circumstances, by the side of the class of ruling burgesses a second class of subjects took its place. It was one of the primary expedients of Roman rule to subdivide the governed by breaking up the Italian con federacies and instituting as large a number as possible of comparatively small communities, and to graduate the pressure of that rule according to the different categories of subjects. As Cato in the government of his household took care that the slaves should not be on too good terms with one another, and designedly fomented variances and factions among them, so the Roman community acted on a great scale. The expedient was not generous, but it was effectual.
It was but a wider application of the same expedient, when in each dependent community the constitution was remodelled after the Roman pattern and a government of the wealthy and respectable families was installed, which was naturally more or less keenly opposed to the multitude and was induced by its material interests and by its wish for local power to lean on Roman support. The most remarkable instance of this sort is furnished by the treatment of Capua, which appears to have been from the first treated with suspicious precaution as the only Italian c». y that could come into possible rivalry with Rome. The Campanian nobility received a privileged jurisdiction, separate places of assembly, and in every respect a distinct ive position ; indeed they even obtained not inconsiderable pensions—sixteen hundred of them at 450 stateres (about
56
UNION OF ITALY BOOK II
Aristo cratic re modelling of the con stitutions of the Italian communi ties.
chap, vii UNION OF ITALY
57
annually —charged on the Campanian exchequer.
It was these Campanian equites, whose refusal to take part
in the great Latino-Campanian insurrection of 414 mainly 840. contributed to its failure, and whose brave swords decided
the day in favour of the Romans at Sentinum in 459 295,
489); whereas the Campanian infantry at Rhegium
was the first body of troops that in the war with Pyrrhus revolted from Rome 18). Another remarkable instance of the Roman practice of turning to account for their own interest the variances between the orders in the dependent communities favouring the aristocracy, furnished by the treatment which Volsinii met with in 489. 26ft. There, just as Rome, the old and new burgesses must have stood opposed to one another, and the latter must have attained legal means equality of political rights.
In consequence of this the old burgesses of Volsinii resorted
to the Roman senate with request for the restoration of their old constitution — step which the ruling party in the
city naturally viewed as high treason, and inflicted legal punishment accordingly on the petitioners. The Roman senate, however, took part with the old burgesses, and, when the city showed no disposition to submit, not only destroyed by military violence the communal constitution
of Volsinii which was In recognized operation, but also,
razing the old capital of Etruria, exhibited to the Italians fearfully palpable proof of the mastery of Rome.
But the Roman senate had the wisdom not to overlook Modera- the fact, that the only means of giving permanence to ~vem- despotism moderation on the part of the despots. On menu that account there was left with, or conferred on, the
£30)
communities an autonomy, which included shadow of independence, special share in the military and political successes of Rome, and above all free communal constitution —so far as the Italian confederacy extended, there existed no community of Helots. On that account
dependent
a
a
a
a
by
(p.
is
aaby is
by
in
(i.
Inter mediate function aries.
also Rome from the very first, with a clear-sightedness and magnanimity perhaps unparalleled in history, waived the most dangerous of all the rights of government, the right of taxing her subjects. At the most tribute was perhaps imposed on the dependent Celtic cantons : so far as the Italian confederacy extended, there was no tributary com munity. On that account, lastly, while the duty of bearing arms was partially devolved on the subjects, the ruling burgesses were by no means exempt from it ; it is probable that the latter were proportionally far more numerous than the body of the allies ; and in that body, again, probably the Latins as a whole were liable to far greater demands upon them than the non-Latin allied communities. There was thus a certain reasonableness in the appro priation by which Rome ranked first, and the Latins next to her, in the distribution of the spoil acquired in war.
The central administration at Rome solved the difficult problem of preserving its supervision and control over the mass of the Italian communities liable to furnish contin gents, partly by means of the four Italian quaestorships, partly by the extension of the Roman censorship over the
whole of the dependent communities. The quaestors of the fleet (p. 45), along with their more immediate duty, had to raise the revenues from the newly acquired domains and to control the contingents of the new allies ; they were the first Roman functionaries to whom a residence and district out of Rome were assigned by law, and they formed the necessary intermediate authority between the Roman senate and the Italian communities. Moreover, as is shown by
the later municipal constitution, the chief functionaries in every Italian community,1 whatever might be their title, had to undertake a valuation every fourth or fifth year—an
1 Not merely in every Latin one; for the censorship or so-called quinquennalitas occurs, as is well known, also among communities whose constitution was not formed according to the Latin scheme.
Valuation of the empire.
58
UNION OF ITALY book n
chap, vii UNION OF ITALY
59
institution, the suggestion of which must necessarily have emanated from Rome, and which can only have been intended to furnish the senate with a view of the resources in men and money of the whole of Italy, corresponding to the census in Rome.
Lastly, with this military administrative union of the
Italy whole peoples dwelling to the south of the Apennines, as j^TM
far as the Iapygian promontory and the straits of Rhegium, was connected the rise of a new name common to them all —that of "the men of the toga" (togati), which was their oldest designation in Roman state law, or that of the "Italians," which was the appellation originally in use among the Greeks and thence became universally current The various nations inhabiting those lands were probably first led to feel and own their unity, partly through their common contrast to the Greeks, partly and mainly through their common resistance to the Celts ; for, although an Italian community may now and then have made common cause with the Celts against Rome and employed the opportunity to recover independence, yet in the long run sound national feeling necessarily prevailed. As the " Gallic field " down to a late period stood contrasted in law with the Italian, so the " men of the toga " were thus named in contrast to the Celtic "men of the hose"
and it is probable that the repelling of the Celtic invasions played an important diplomatic part as a reason or pretext for centralizing the military resources of Italy in the hands of the Romans. Inasmuch as the Romans on the one hand took the lead in the great national struggle and on the other hand compelled the Etruscans, Latins, Sabellians, Apulians, and Hellenes (within the bounds to be immediately described) alike to fight under their standards, that unity, which hitherto had been undefined and latent rather than expressed, obtained firm consolidation and recognition in state law; and the
(braccati);
Earliest boundaries of the
Italian confeder acy.
6o UNION OF ITALY BOOK II
name Italia, which originally and even in the Greek authors of the fifth century —in Aristotle for instance — pertained only to the modern Calabria, was transferred to the whole land of these wearers of the toga.
The earliest boundaries of this great armed confederacy led by Rome, or of the new Italy, reached on the western coast as far as the district of Leghorn south of the Arnus,1 on the east as far as the Aesis north of Ancona. The townships colonized by Italians, lying beyond these limits, such as Sena Gallica and Ariminum beyond the Apennines, and Messana in Sicily, were reckoned geographically as situated out of Italy — even when, like Ariminum, they were members of the confederacy or even, like Sena, were Roman burgess communities. Still less could the Celtic cantons beyond the Apennines be reckoned among the togati, although perhaps some of them were already among the clients of Rome.
The new Italy had thus become a political unity ; it was also in the course of becoming a national unity.