goire is notably the most important eighteenth-century source for Weber's chapter on language in
Peasants
into Frenchmen, 67-94.
Cult of the Nation in France
sentants en mission did produce bilingual affiches on their own initiative.
See Brunot, IX, pt.
I, 155- 62; Dentzel, Rapport et projet de de?
cret faits au nom de la commission de traduction, par le citoyen Dentzel, de Landau (Paris, 1792).
Local languages were still spoken by the lower classes in many peripheral cit- ies. However, as Mona Ozouf points out, eighteenth-century writers took for granted that cities were a "crucible of homogeneity" and that "only in the countryside did the relationship between men and the land fully express it- self. " Ozouf, L'e? cole de la France (see Ch. 4, n. 37), 29.
Gre? goire's questionnaire is reprinted in de Certeau et al. , Une politique de la langue, 11-28. On the confusion between the de? crets of the National Assem- bly and de? crets de prise de corps, see Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336. For later pronouncements by Gre? goire antedating his report to the Convention, see Guillaume, ed. , Proce`s-verbaux du Comite? d'Instruction publique (see Ch. 5, n. 90), II, 177 (July 30, 1793); III, 368 (3 Pluvio^se, II). For a legislative report by Talleyrand that pays attention to language, see Jules Mavidal and Emile Laurent, eds. , Archives parlementaires de 1787 a` 1860, 1st series, 82 vols. (Paris, 1862-1913), XXX, 472 (September 10, 1791). The other major report, by the Girondin Lanthenas, is discussed in Brunot, IX, pt. I, 135. In general, for other legislative activity on language from this period, particularly in the Convention's Comite? d'Instruction, see Brunot, IX, pt. I, 135-48. Among other revolutionary writings addressing the topic are Adresse aux Communes et aux socie? te? s populaires de la Re? publique . . . lue au Conseil Ge? ne? ral de la Commune de Paris (Paris, 1792), 7 (Bibliothe`que de la Socie? te? de Port-Royal, hereafter B. S. P. , Re? v. 223, no. 14); Pierre-Vincent Chalvet, Des qualite? s et des devoirs d'un Instituteur publique (Paris, 1793); the Chronique de Paris of No- vember 10, 1792; the prospectus for the Feuille villageoise, the newspaper aimed explicitly at the peasantry (reprinted in de Certeau et al. , 283-85).
On the continuing need for translation, see de Certeau et al. , 298-99; Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 310. Gre? goire served on the Convention's com-
32.
mittee on translations in 1793, and while in Nice as a repre? sentant en mission, himself had proclamations translated into Italian. See Henri Gre? goire et al. , Egualianza, liberta`. Proclama. I commisari della Convenzione nazionale ai cittadini del dipartimento delle Alpi-Maritimi (Nice, 1793). Even his report on the need to eradicate patois was translated into Italian, by the French govern- ment: Henri Gre? goire, Rapporto sulla necessita` e sui mezzi d'abolire i Dialetti rozzi, e di rendere l'uso della Lingua Francese, universale (Paris, 1794).
33. Bare`re's report is reprinted in de Certeau, et al. , 292-99. Quote from 295.
34. Henri Gre? goire, "Rapport sur la ne? cessite? et les moyens d'ane? antir les patois et d'universaliser l'usage de la langue franc? aise" (1794), reprinted in de
Certeau et al. , 300-317.
35. Ibid. , 301, 316.
36. Alphonse Aulard, Actes du Comite? de Salut Publique, XIII (Paris, 1900), 105;
Brunot, IX, pt. I, 186. The Jacobin Prieur de la Co^te d'Or delivered another scathing address on the subject entitled Adresse de la Convention Nationale au Peuple Franc? ais. 16 Prairial II (B. S. P. , Re? v. 223, no. 13).
37. F. C. Heitz, ed. , Les socie? te? s populaires de Strasbourg pendant les anne? es 1790 a` 1793: Extraits de leurs proce`s-verbaux (Strasbourg, 1863), 252 and 346; Le? vy, II, 22; R. R. Palmer, Twelve Who Ruled (Princeton, 1941), 190; Michel Brunet, Le Roussillon: Une socie? te? contre l'e? tat, 1780-1820 (Perpignan, 1990), 521. The principal evidence for a linguistic terror in Provence is effectively dismissed
by Merle, 369-71.
Notes to Pages 175-177
38. Heitz, 64-5.
39. On these issues see Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language," 172-258.
40. Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 291-2.
41. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 314.
42. See Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen (see Intro. , n. 28), 67-94, 312-13; Jean-
Franc? ois Chanet, L'e? cole re? publicaine et les petites patries (Paris, 1996), 203-
41.
43. See, for instance, Brunot, IX, pt. I; Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, 67-94;
Renzi, La politica linguistica (see Intro. , n. 63); R. D. Grillo, Dominant Lan- guages: Language and Hierarchy in Britain and France (Cambridge, 1989). The literature on revolutionary language policies is immense. For summaries, see an earlier version of this chapter: David A. Bell, "Lingua Populi, Lingua Dei: Language, Religion and the Origins of French Revolutionary Nationalism," American Historical Review, C/5 (1995), 1403-37, esp. nn. 9, 32, and 43. Sub- sequent works include Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language"; Sophia A. Rosenfeld, "Universal Languages and National Consciousness during the French Revolution," in David A. Bell et al. , eds. , Raison universelle et culture nationale au sie`cle des lumie`res (Paris, 1999), 119-34; Brigitte Schlieben- Lange, Ide? ologie, Re? volution, et uniformite? de la langue (Lie`ge, 1996).
Notes to Pages 175-177 279
? 280
Notes to Pages 178-180
? 44.
45. 46.
47. 48. 49.
50.
51.
Notes to Pages 178-180
52. 53.
54.
55. 56.
57.
58.
Dentzel, Rapport, 2; Gre? goire cited in de Certeau et al. , 21; cited in Brunot, IX, pt. I, 142; Gre? goire in Gazier, Lettres (see Intro. , n. 70), 293.
Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 302.
To quote his report: "The vigorous accent of liberty and equality is the same, whether it comes out of the mouth of an inhabitant of the Alps or the Vosges, the Pyrenees or the Cantal, Mont-Blanc or Mont-Terrible. " Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 291.
Quoted in Wahnich, L'impossible citoyen (see Intro. , n. 33), 59.
Re? impression de l'ancien Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336-37.
For the most recent studies of the disturbances, see Jean Boutier, Campagnes en e? moi: Re? voltes et Re? volution en Bas-Limousin, 1789-1800 (Treignac, 1987), and John Markoff, The Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords and Legislators in the French Revolution (University Park, Penn. , 1996), esp. 203-426, 542-47. Boutier barely mentions the language issue and does not consider it an important cause of the revolts (see esp. 263-66). Markoff raises it only in passing, on 342. The reports of the deputies on the riots can be found in Re? impression de l'ancien Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336-39.
Claire Asselin and Anne McLaughlin, in "Patois ou franc? ais la langue de la Nouvelle France au dix-septie`me sie`cle," Langage et socie? te? , 17 (1981), 3-57. Yves Castan, "Les languedociens du 18e sie`cle et l'obstacle de la langue e? crite," 96e Congre`s national des Socie? te? s savantes, Toulouse, 1971: Section d'histoire moderne et contemporaine (Paris, 1976), I, 73-84.
Gre?
goire is notably the most important eighteenth-century source for Weber's chapter on language in Peasants into Frenchmen, 67-94.
On these points see Louis-Jean Chalvet, La sociolinguistique (Paris, 1993); Pi- erre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson, trans. (Oxford, 1991).
See the works of Robert Lafont, beginning with Lettre ouverte aux Franc? ais d'un Occitan (Paris, 1973). As Maryon MacDonald has noted in "We Are Not French! " (see Intro. , n. 27), regionalist militants generally try to make their languages sound as un-French as possible.
Weber, 3-22.
Consider Weber, p. 76, where he quotes from "teachers and school inspec- tors" who "furnish useful information" in the 1870s. Might these teachers and inspectors have consciously or unconsciously exaggerated the height of the linguistic barriers between them and their pupils? See Lehning, Peasant and French, esp 144-45, and Ford, Creating the Nation (see Intro. , n. 28).
De Certeau et al, esp. 155-69. The same point of view is expressed more con- cisely in the classic essay of de Certeau, Julia, and Revel, "La beaute? du mort," in Michel de Certeau, La culture au pluriel (Paris, 1978), 49-76.
See Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language. "
Notes to Pages 181-183 281
? 59. Only two of the sixty correspondents who responded to Gre? goire's enque^te actively defended patois, and the many legislative reports on language aroused little resistance. See Brunot, IX, pt. I, 9. Correspondents who re- ported on their uses of patois included Auguste Rigaud of Montpellier (Gazier, 13), and Pierre Bernadau of Bordeaux (ibid. , 128). Dithurbide of the Basque Country (ibid. , 158-60) had previously volunteered as a French- Basque translator (Arch. Nat. AA 32, fol. 22r). The proposals to standardize the regional languages came from the Strasbourg professor Je? re? mie-Jacques Oberlin (BN NAF 2798, fol. 95), and the Montauban Protestant Antoine Gautier-Sauzin (Arch. Nat. F17 1309, reprinted in de Certeau et al. , 259-63). Significantly, both were Protestants.
60. Both Brunot and Patrice Higonnet (in his excellent article "The Politics of Linguistic Terrorism"; see Ch. 3, n. 125) see the language policies as products of the radical revolution.
61. On the attempt to create a new, uniform revolutionary culture, see Hunt, Pol- itics, Culture and Class (see Ch. 5, n. 75), esp. 52-86.
62. See esp. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 301, 306.
63. Gre? goire, Essai sur la re? ge? ne? ration (see Intro. , n. 61), 161.
64. See Talleyrand in Archives parlementaires XXX, 472. Notes to Pages 181-183
65. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Anderson, Imagined Communities (see
Intro. , n. 13).
66. Salivas, Abis salutari de M. Salivas lou Xoube? al brabe? mounde? de las cam-
pagnos (Albi, [1790 or 1791]) (Bibliothe`que Municipale de Toulouse, hereaf- ter B. M. T. , Re? serve Cxviii 151). Salivas identifies himself as a wool merchant on 12.
67. Ibid. , 4-6. The awkward English sentence beginning "France will be the first" reads in the original: "La Franc? o sera la premeiro qu'en se randen libro respendra & proupagara la lei de nostre? Seigne? , & las Natieus de l'Europo que dexa bolou imita nostro Counstitutieu, espousaran tabe? toute la puretat de l'Ebanxeli, & aital s'accoumplira lou desir de nostre? Redemptiou. "
68. Ibid. , 7.
69. On the Civil Constitution, see the fundamental work of Timothy Tackett, Re-
ligion, Revolution and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ec-
clesiastical Oath of 1791 (Princeton, 1986).
70. Much larger even than in the provincial newspapers studied by Jeremy
Popkin in "The Provincial Newspaper Press and Revolutionary Politics," French Historical Studies, XVIII/2 (1993), esp. 448-49. For the texts in Occitan, the largest part of the corpus, this conclusion was evident to the leading nineteenth-century specialist in the subject, Jean-Baptiste Noulet, in Essai sur l'histoire litte? raire des patois du midi de la France au xviiie sie`cle (Paris, 1877), 137.
282
Notes to Pages 183-184
? 71. 72.
73.
74.
75.
Notes to Pages 183-184
76.
Discour d'un pe? isan a sous councitouyens (Montpellier, 1791), 9.
Compare Garres, Rasounomens, 20, and Abis d'un boun pastou a sous parrouquias (n. p. , n. d. ), 15 (B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 2). Claude-Franc? ois Marie Primat, Herderlyken brief van Mr. den bisschop van het departement van het noorden (Paris, 1791), 4 (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 650-53). On the case of Flanders in general, see Cooraert, La Flandre.
In the absence of the necessary Breton language skills, I am forced here to rely on Bernard, "La Re? volution franc? aise et la langue bretonne. " One of the (bi- lingual) pamphlets in question is partially reproduced on pp. 301-9. The other is Adresse de la Socie? te? des Amis de la Constitution, e? tablie a` Brest, aux habitants de la campagne (Brest, 1791) (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 643-49).
Die neuesten Religionsbegebenheiten in Frankreich, published in Strasbourg and cited in Popkin, "The Provincial Press," 449. As Popkin points out, there were also several provincial periodicals founded in French for the same pur- pose.
Contemporary historians of Occitan generally subscribe to this view. But these authors, who generally champion increased autonomy (at the least) for the modern Midi, have an ideological committment to excavate the remains of a complete Occitan civilization from under the oppressive structures of (northern) French domination, and it ill suits this purpose to give undue weight to religious uses of their language alone. See, for instance, Martel, "Les textes occitans," 232; Fournier, "La production toulousaine," 367, 391; Merle, 349. Regardless of their regionalist convictions, however, these scholars have produced serious and important work, informed by a deep knowledge of sociolinguistics and the history of their language.
The lion's share of these pamphlets can be found at the B. M. T. in the follow- ing recueils: Re? serve Dxviii 243, 248, 756; Re? serve Dxix 134. See also Fournier, "La production toulousaine," esp. 400, and Noulet, Essai, 137. For Sermet, see Discours, 18.
Boyer et al. , Le texte occitan, 173. These figures leave out Occitan pamphlets published outside of the period 1789-1794 and undatable pamphlets. I am indebted to the meticulous and tireless authors of this book for locating much of the evidence discussed here.
Martel, "Les textes occitans," 239. Martel himself argues, somewhat bizarrely (232), that since the map of Occitan publications does not coincide with the map of religious conflict (measured by the percentage of priests who refused to swear allegiance to the Civil Constitution), the Civil Constitution cannot have been a crucial factor--as if regions of resistance such as the Massif cen- tral, which utterly lacked any serious tradition of publication in Occitan, would have matched Toulouse in their rates of publication!
Ibid. , 225. The Toulouse newspaper was called L'home? franc, Journal tout
77.
78.
79.
80.
noubel e? n patois, Fait espre`s per Toulouso, no. 1 (Feb. 8, 1791). Only one issue of this paper was printed. It was devoted in large part to the conflict over the Civil Constitution. On the rates of "juring" priests, see Tackett, 355, 373. On the religious situation in Toulouse, see Meyer, La vie religieuse en Haute- Garonne.
81. [Pierre Barrau], Discours prounounc? at, le de? cadi 30 Floure? al, deuxiemo annado de la Re? publiquo Franceso uno et indibisiblo, per Pierre Barrau, Agent natiounal proche le District de Rioux, imprimat d'aprex la de? liberatiou de la Soucie? tat poupulario de Rioux, le premie? Prairial de la memo annado (Tou- louse, 1794), pp. 6-7 (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 12). See also, for instance, Discours prounounc? at par Pierre Barrau, jutge? de? pax de? la coumuno de? Rioux, departomen de?
Local languages were still spoken by the lower classes in many peripheral cit- ies. However, as Mona Ozouf points out, eighteenth-century writers took for granted that cities were a "crucible of homogeneity" and that "only in the countryside did the relationship between men and the land fully express it- self. " Ozouf, L'e? cole de la France (see Ch. 4, n. 37), 29.
Gre? goire's questionnaire is reprinted in de Certeau et al. , Une politique de la langue, 11-28. On the confusion between the de? crets of the National Assem- bly and de? crets de prise de corps, see Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336. For later pronouncements by Gre? goire antedating his report to the Convention, see Guillaume, ed. , Proce`s-verbaux du Comite? d'Instruction publique (see Ch. 5, n. 90), II, 177 (July 30, 1793); III, 368 (3 Pluvio^se, II). For a legislative report by Talleyrand that pays attention to language, see Jules Mavidal and Emile Laurent, eds. , Archives parlementaires de 1787 a` 1860, 1st series, 82 vols. (Paris, 1862-1913), XXX, 472 (September 10, 1791). The other major report, by the Girondin Lanthenas, is discussed in Brunot, IX, pt. I, 135. In general, for other legislative activity on language from this period, particularly in the Convention's Comite? d'Instruction, see Brunot, IX, pt. I, 135-48. Among other revolutionary writings addressing the topic are Adresse aux Communes et aux socie? te? s populaires de la Re? publique . . . lue au Conseil Ge? ne? ral de la Commune de Paris (Paris, 1792), 7 (Bibliothe`que de la Socie? te? de Port-Royal, hereafter B. S. P. , Re? v. 223, no. 14); Pierre-Vincent Chalvet, Des qualite? s et des devoirs d'un Instituteur publique (Paris, 1793); the Chronique de Paris of No- vember 10, 1792; the prospectus for the Feuille villageoise, the newspaper aimed explicitly at the peasantry (reprinted in de Certeau et al. , 283-85).
On the continuing need for translation, see de Certeau et al. , 298-99; Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 310. Gre? goire served on the Convention's com-
32.
mittee on translations in 1793, and while in Nice as a repre? sentant en mission, himself had proclamations translated into Italian. See Henri Gre? goire et al. , Egualianza, liberta`. Proclama. I commisari della Convenzione nazionale ai cittadini del dipartimento delle Alpi-Maritimi (Nice, 1793). Even his report on the need to eradicate patois was translated into Italian, by the French govern- ment: Henri Gre? goire, Rapporto sulla necessita` e sui mezzi d'abolire i Dialetti rozzi, e di rendere l'uso della Lingua Francese, universale (Paris, 1794).
33. Bare`re's report is reprinted in de Certeau, et al. , 292-99. Quote from 295.
34. Henri Gre? goire, "Rapport sur la ne? cessite? et les moyens d'ane? antir les patois et d'universaliser l'usage de la langue franc? aise" (1794), reprinted in de
Certeau et al. , 300-317.
35. Ibid. , 301, 316.
36. Alphonse Aulard, Actes du Comite? de Salut Publique, XIII (Paris, 1900), 105;
Brunot, IX, pt. I, 186. The Jacobin Prieur de la Co^te d'Or delivered another scathing address on the subject entitled Adresse de la Convention Nationale au Peuple Franc? ais. 16 Prairial II (B. S. P. , Re? v. 223, no. 13).
37. F. C. Heitz, ed. , Les socie? te? s populaires de Strasbourg pendant les anne? es 1790 a` 1793: Extraits de leurs proce`s-verbaux (Strasbourg, 1863), 252 and 346; Le? vy, II, 22; R. R. Palmer, Twelve Who Ruled (Princeton, 1941), 190; Michel Brunet, Le Roussillon: Une socie? te? contre l'e? tat, 1780-1820 (Perpignan, 1990), 521. The principal evidence for a linguistic terror in Provence is effectively dismissed
by Merle, 369-71.
Notes to Pages 175-177
38. Heitz, 64-5.
39. On these issues see Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language," 172-258.
40. Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 291-2.
41. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 314.
42. See Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen (see Intro. , n. 28), 67-94, 312-13; Jean-
Franc? ois Chanet, L'e? cole re? publicaine et les petites patries (Paris, 1996), 203-
41.
43. See, for instance, Brunot, IX, pt. I; Weber, Peasants into Frenchmen, 67-94;
Renzi, La politica linguistica (see Intro. , n. 63); R. D. Grillo, Dominant Lan- guages: Language and Hierarchy in Britain and France (Cambridge, 1989). The literature on revolutionary language policies is immense. For summaries, see an earlier version of this chapter: David A. Bell, "Lingua Populi, Lingua Dei: Language, Religion and the Origins of French Revolutionary Nationalism," American Historical Review, C/5 (1995), 1403-37, esp. nn. 9, 32, and 43. Sub- sequent works include Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language"; Sophia A. Rosenfeld, "Universal Languages and National Consciousness during the French Revolution," in David A. Bell et al. , eds. , Raison universelle et culture nationale au sie`cle des lumie`res (Paris, 1999), 119-34; Brigitte Schlieben- Lange, Ide? ologie, Re? volution, et uniformite? de la langue (Lie`ge, 1996).
Notes to Pages 175-177 279
? 280
Notes to Pages 178-180
? 44.
45. 46.
47. 48. 49.
50.
51.
Notes to Pages 178-180
52. 53.
54.
55. 56.
57.
58.
Dentzel, Rapport, 2; Gre? goire cited in de Certeau et al. , 21; cited in Brunot, IX, pt. I, 142; Gre? goire in Gazier, Lettres (see Intro. , n. 70), 293.
Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 302.
To quote his report: "The vigorous accent of liberty and equality is the same, whether it comes out of the mouth of an inhabitant of the Alps or the Vosges, the Pyrenees or the Cantal, Mont-Blanc or Mont-Terrible. " Bare`re, in de Certeau et al. , 291.
Quoted in Wahnich, L'impossible citoyen (see Intro. , n. 33), 59.
Re? impression de l'ancien Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336-37.
For the most recent studies of the disturbances, see Jean Boutier, Campagnes en e? moi: Re? voltes et Re? volution en Bas-Limousin, 1789-1800 (Treignac, 1987), and John Markoff, The Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords and Legislators in the French Revolution (University Park, Penn. , 1996), esp. 203-426, 542-47. Boutier barely mentions the language issue and does not consider it an important cause of the revolts (see esp. 263-66). Markoff raises it only in passing, on 342. The reports of the deputies on the riots can be found in Re? impression de l'ancien Moniteur, February 9, 1790, 336-39.
Claire Asselin and Anne McLaughlin, in "Patois ou franc? ais la langue de la Nouvelle France au dix-septie`me sie`cle," Langage et socie? te? , 17 (1981), 3-57. Yves Castan, "Les languedociens du 18e sie`cle et l'obstacle de la langue e? crite," 96e Congre`s national des Socie? te? s savantes, Toulouse, 1971: Section d'histoire moderne et contemporaine (Paris, 1976), I, 73-84.
Gre?
goire is notably the most important eighteenth-century source for Weber's chapter on language in Peasants into Frenchmen, 67-94.
On these points see Louis-Jean Chalvet, La sociolinguistique (Paris, 1993); Pi- erre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, Gino Raymond and Matthew Adamson, trans. (Oxford, 1991).
See the works of Robert Lafont, beginning with Lettre ouverte aux Franc? ais d'un Occitan (Paris, 1973). As Maryon MacDonald has noted in "We Are Not French! " (see Intro. , n. 27), regionalist militants generally try to make their languages sound as un-French as possible.
Weber, 3-22.
Consider Weber, p. 76, where he quotes from "teachers and school inspec- tors" who "furnish useful information" in the 1870s. Might these teachers and inspectors have consciously or unconsciously exaggerated the height of the linguistic barriers between them and their pupils? See Lehning, Peasant and French, esp 144-45, and Ford, Creating the Nation (see Intro. , n. 28).
De Certeau et al, esp. 155-69. The same point of view is expressed more con- cisely in the classic essay of de Certeau, Julia, and Revel, "La beaute? du mort," in Michel de Certeau, La culture au pluriel (Paris, 1978), 49-76.
See Rosenfeld, "A Revolution in Language. "
Notes to Pages 181-183 281
? 59. Only two of the sixty correspondents who responded to Gre? goire's enque^te actively defended patois, and the many legislative reports on language aroused little resistance. See Brunot, IX, pt. I, 9. Correspondents who re- ported on their uses of patois included Auguste Rigaud of Montpellier (Gazier, 13), and Pierre Bernadau of Bordeaux (ibid. , 128). Dithurbide of the Basque Country (ibid. , 158-60) had previously volunteered as a French- Basque translator (Arch. Nat. AA 32, fol. 22r). The proposals to standardize the regional languages came from the Strasbourg professor Je? re? mie-Jacques Oberlin (BN NAF 2798, fol. 95), and the Montauban Protestant Antoine Gautier-Sauzin (Arch. Nat. F17 1309, reprinted in de Certeau et al. , 259-63). Significantly, both were Protestants.
60. Both Brunot and Patrice Higonnet (in his excellent article "The Politics of Linguistic Terrorism"; see Ch. 3, n. 125) see the language policies as products of the radical revolution.
61. On the attempt to create a new, uniform revolutionary culture, see Hunt, Pol- itics, Culture and Class (see Ch. 5, n. 75), esp. 52-86.
62. See esp. Gre? goire, in de Certeau et al. , 301, 306.
63. Gre? goire, Essai sur la re? ge? ne? ration (see Intro. , n. 61), 161.
64. See Talleyrand in Archives parlementaires XXX, 472. Notes to Pages 181-183
65. Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Anderson, Imagined Communities (see
Intro. , n. 13).
66. Salivas, Abis salutari de M. Salivas lou Xoube? al brabe? mounde? de las cam-
pagnos (Albi, [1790 or 1791]) (Bibliothe`que Municipale de Toulouse, hereaf- ter B. M. T. , Re? serve Cxviii 151). Salivas identifies himself as a wool merchant on 12.
67. Ibid. , 4-6. The awkward English sentence beginning "France will be the first" reads in the original: "La Franc? o sera la premeiro qu'en se randen libro respendra & proupagara la lei de nostre? Seigne? , & las Natieus de l'Europo que dexa bolou imita nostro Counstitutieu, espousaran tabe? toute la puretat de l'Ebanxeli, & aital s'accoumplira lou desir de nostre? Redemptiou. "
68. Ibid. , 7.
69. On the Civil Constitution, see the fundamental work of Timothy Tackett, Re-
ligion, Revolution and Regional Culture in Eighteenth-Century France: The Ec-
clesiastical Oath of 1791 (Princeton, 1986).
70. Much larger even than in the provincial newspapers studied by Jeremy
Popkin in "The Provincial Newspaper Press and Revolutionary Politics," French Historical Studies, XVIII/2 (1993), esp. 448-49. For the texts in Occitan, the largest part of the corpus, this conclusion was evident to the leading nineteenth-century specialist in the subject, Jean-Baptiste Noulet, in Essai sur l'histoire litte? raire des patois du midi de la France au xviiie sie`cle (Paris, 1877), 137.
282
Notes to Pages 183-184
? 71. 72.
73.
74.
75.
Notes to Pages 183-184
76.
Discour d'un pe? isan a sous councitouyens (Montpellier, 1791), 9.
Compare Garres, Rasounomens, 20, and Abis d'un boun pastou a sous parrouquias (n. p. , n. d. ), 15 (B. M. T. , Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 2). Claude-Franc? ois Marie Primat, Herderlyken brief van Mr. den bisschop van het departement van het noorden (Paris, 1791), 4 (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 650-53). On the case of Flanders in general, see Cooraert, La Flandre.
In the absence of the necessary Breton language skills, I am forced here to rely on Bernard, "La Re? volution franc? aise et la langue bretonne. " One of the (bi- lingual) pamphlets in question is partially reproduced on pp. 301-9. The other is Adresse de la Socie? te? des Amis de la Constitution, e? tablie a` Brest, aux habitants de la campagne (Brest, 1791) (B. S. P. Re? v. 222, pp. 643-49).
Die neuesten Religionsbegebenheiten in Frankreich, published in Strasbourg and cited in Popkin, "The Provincial Press," 449. As Popkin points out, there were also several provincial periodicals founded in French for the same pur- pose.
Contemporary historians of Occitan generally subscribe to this view. But these authors, who generally champion increased autonomy (at the least) for the modern Midi, have an ideological committment to excavate the remains of a complete Occitan civilization from under the oppressive structures of (northern) French domination, and it ill suits this purpose to give undue weight to religious uses of their language alone. See, for instance, Martel, "Les textes occitans," 232; Fournier, "La production toulousaine," 367, 391; Merle, 349. Regardless of their regionalist convictions, however, these scholars have produced serious and important work, informed by a deep knowledge of sociolinguistics and the history of their language.
The lion's share of these pamphlets can be found at the B. M. T. in the follow- ing recueils: Re? serve Dxviii 243, 248, 756; Re? serve Dxix 134. See also Fournier, "La production toulousaine," esp. 400, and Noulet, Essai, 137. For Sermet, see Discours, 18.
Boyer et al. , Le texte occitan, 173. These figures leave out Occitan pamphlets published outside of the period 1789-1794 and undatable pamphlets. I am indebted to the meticulous and tireless authors of this book for locating much of the evidence discussed here.
Martel, "Les textes occitans," 239. Martel himself argues, somewhat bizarrely (232), that since the map of Occitan publications does not coincide with the map of religious conflict (measured by the percentage of priests who refused to swear allegiance to the Civil Constitution), the Civil Constitution cannot have been a crucial factor--as if regions of resistance such as the Massif cen- tral, which utterly lacked any serious tradition of publication in Occitan, would have matched Toulouse in their rates of publication!
Ibid. , 225. The Toulouse newspaper was called L'home? franc, Journal tout
77.
78.
79.
80.
noubel e? n patois, Fait espre`s per Toulouso, no. 1 (Feb. 8, 1791). Only one issue of this paper was printed. It was devoted in large part to the conflict over the Civil Constitution. On the rates of "juring" priests, see Tackett, 355, 373. On the religious situation in Toulouse, see Meyer, La vie religieuse en Haute- Garonne.
81. [Pierre Barrau], Discours prounounc? at, le de? cadi 30 Floure? al, deuxiemo annado de la Re? publiquo Franceso uno et indibisiblo, per Pierre Barrau, Agent natiounal proche le District de Rioux, imprimat d'aprex la de? liberatiou de la Soucie? tat poupulario de Rioux, le premie? Prairial de la memo annado (Tou- louse, 1794), pp. 6-7 (B. M. T. Re? serve Dxviii 756, no. 12). See also, for instance, Discours prounounc? at par Pierre Barrau, jutge? de? pax de? la coumuno de? Rioux, departomen de?
