No More Learning

[Polybius] also says, that “when
the south wind is to blow, a thick cloud lies stretched round the
island, so that one cannot see even as far as Sicily in the distance;
but when there is to be a north wind, the clear flames ascend to a great
height above the said crater, and great rumblings are heard; while for
the west wind effects are produced about half way between these two. The
other craters are similarly affected, but their exhalations are not so
violent. Indeed, it is possible to foretell what wind will blow three
days beforehand, from the degree of intensity of the rumbling, and also
from the part whence the exhalations, flames, and smoky blazes issue. It
is said indeed that some of the inhabitants of the Lipari Islands, at
times when there has been so great a calm that no ship could sail out of
port, have predicted what wind would blow, and have not been mistaken. ”
From hence indeed that which seems to be the most fabulous invention of
the poet, appears not to have been written without some foundation, and
he appears to have merely used an allegorical style, while guided by the
truth, when he says that Æolus is the steward of the winds;[2363]
however, we have formerly said enough as to this. [2364] We will now
return to the point whence we digressed.

11. We have noticed the islands of Lipari and Thermessa. As for
Strongyle,[2365] it takes its name from its form. [2366] Like the other
two, it is subigneous, but is deficient in the force of the flames which
are emitted, while their brightness is greater. It is here they say that
Æolus resided. [2367] The fourth is Didyma; this island also is named
from its form. [2368] Of the others, [the fifth and sixth] are [CAS. 276]
Ericussa[2369] and Phœnicussa;[2370] they are called from the plants
which they produce, and are given up to pasture. The seventh [island] is
called Euonymus;[2371] it is the farthest in the sea and barren. It is
called Euonymus because it lies the most to the left when you sail from
the island of Lipari to Sicily,[2372] and many times flames of fire have
been seen to rise to the surface, and play upon the sea round the
islands: these flames rush with violence from the cavities at the bottom
of the sea,[2373] and force for themselves a passage to the open air.
Posidonius says, that at a time so recent as to be almost within his
recollection, about the summer solstice and at break of day, between
Hiera and Euonymus, the sea was observed to be suddenly raised aloft,
and to abide some time raised in a compact mass and then to subside.
Some ventured to approach that part in their ships; they observed the
fish dead and driven by the current, but being distressed by the heat
and foul smell, were compelled to turn back. One of the boats which had
approached nearest lost some of her crew, and was scarcely able to reach
Lipari with the rest, and they had fits like an epileptic person, at one
time fainting and giddy, and at another returning to their senses; and
many days afterwards a mud or clay was observed rising in the sea, and
in many parts the flames issued, and smoke and smoky blazes; afterwards
it congealed and became a rock like mill-stones. Titus Flaminius,[2374]
who then commanded in Sicily, despatched to the senate [of Rome] a full
account of the phenomenon; the senate sent and offered sacrifices to the
infernal and marine divinities both in the little island [which had thus
been formed] and the Lipari Islands. Now the chorographer reckons that
from Ericodes to Phœnicodes are 10 miles, from thence to Didyma 30, from
thence to the northernmost point[2375] of Lipari 29, and from thence to
Sicily 19, while from Strongyle are 16. [2376] Melita[2377] lies
before[2378] Pachynus; from thence come the little dogs called
Maltese;[2379] so does also Gaudus,[2380] both of them are situated
about 88 miles distant from that promontory. Cossura[2381] is situated
before Cape Lilybæum, and opposite the Carthaginian city Aspis, which
they call [in Latin] Clypea, it is situated in the midst of the space
which lies between those [CAS. 277] two places, and is distant from each
the number of miles last given. [2382] Ægimurus also and other little
islands lie off Sicily and Africa. So much for the islands.




CHAPTER III.


1. Having previously passed over the regions of ancient Italy as far as
Metapontium, we must now proceed to describe the rest. After it
Iapygia[2383] comes next in order; the Greeks call it Messapia, but the
inhabitants, dividing it into cantons, call one the Salentini,[2384]
that in the neighbourhood of the Cape[2385] Iapygia, and another the
Calabri;[2386] above these towards the north lie the Peucetii,[2387] and
those who are called Daunii[2388] in the Greek language, but the
inhabitants call the whole region beyond the Calabri, Apulia. Some of
these people are called Pœdicli,[2389] especially the Peucetii. Messapia
forms a peninsula; the isthmus extending from Brentesium[2390] to
Tarentum, which bounds it, being 310 stadia, and the circumnavigation
round the Iapygian promontory[2391] about [one thousand][2392] four
hundred. [Tarentum[2393]] is distant from Metapontium[2394] about two
hundred and [twenty[2393]] stadia. The course to it by sea runs in an
easterly direction. The Gulf of Tarentum is for the most part destitute
of a port, but here there is a spacious and commodious [harbour[2395]],
closed in by a great bridge. It is 100 stadia[2396] in circuit. This
port, at the head of its basin which recedes most inland, forms, with
the exterior sea, an isthmus which connects the peninsula with the land.
The city is situated upon this peninsula. The neck of land is so low
that ships are easily hauled over it from either side. The site of the
city likewise is extremely low; the ground, however, rises slightly
towards the citadel. The old wall of the city has an immense circuit,
but now the portion towards the isthmus is deserted, but that standing
near the mouth of the harbour, where the citadel is situated, still
subsists, and contains a considerable city. It possesses a noble
gymnasium and a spacious forum, in which there is set up a brazen
colossus of Jupiter, the largest that ever was, with the exception of
that of Rhodes. The citadel is situated between the forum and the
entrance of the harbour, it still preserves some slight relics of its
ancient magnificence [CAS. 278] and gifts, but the chief of them were
destroyed either by the Carthaginians[2397] when they took the city, or
by the Romans[2398] when they took it by force and sacked it. Amongst
other booty taken on this occasion[2399] was the brazen colossus of
Hercules, the work of Lysippus, now in the Capitol, which was dedicated
as an offering by Fabius Maximus, who took the city.

2. Antiochus, speaking of the foundation of this city, says that after
the Messenian war[2400] such of the Lacedæmonians as did not join the
army were sentenced to be slaves, and denominated Helots; and that such
as were born during the period of the war they termed Partheniæ, and
decreed to be base: but these not bearing the reproach, (for they were
many,) conspired against the free citizens,[2401] but the chief
magistrates, becoming acquainted with the existence of the plot,
employed certain persons, who, by feigning friendship to the cause,
should be able to give some intelligence of the nature of it. Of this
number was Phalanthus, who was apparently the chief leader of them, but
who was not quite pleased with those who had been named to conduct their
deliberations. [2402] It was agreed that at the Hyacinthine games,
celebrated in the temple of Amyclæ, just at the conclusion of the
contest, and when Phalanthus should put on his helmet,[2403] they should
make a simultaneous attack. The free citizens[2401] were distinguishable
from others by their hair. They, having been secretly warned as to the
arrangements made for the signal of Phalanthus, just as the chief
contest came off, a herald came forward and proclaimed, “Let not
Phalanthus put on his helmet. ” The conspirators perceiving that the plot
was disclosed, some fled, and others supplicated mercy. When the chief
magistrates had bid them not to fear, they committed them to prison,
but sent Phalanthus to inquire after a new settlement. He received from
the oracle the following response,

“To thee Satyrium[2404] I have given, and the rich country of
Tarentum to inhabit, and thou shalt become a scourge to the
Iapygians. ”

The Partheniæ accordingly accompanied Phalanthus to their destination,
and the barbarians and Cretans,[2405] who already possessed the country,
received them kindly. They say that these Cretans were the party who
sailed with Minos to Sicily, and that after his death, which took place
at Camici,[2406] in the palace of Cocalus, they took ship and set sail
from Sicily, but in their voyage they were cast by tempest on this
coast, some of whom, afterwards coasting the Adriatic on foot, reached
Macedonia, and were called Bottiæi. [2407] They further add, that all the
people who reach as far as Daunia were called Iapygians, from Iapyx, who
was born to Dædalus by a Cretan woman, and became a chief leader of the
Cretans. The city Tarentum was named from a certain hero. [2408]

3. Ephorus gives the following account of the foundation. The
Lacedæmonians waged war against the Messenians, who had murdered their
king, Teleclus,[2409] when he visited Messene to offer sacrifice. They
took an oath that they would not return home before they had destroyed
Messene, or should be [CAS. 279] all slain. They left only the youngest
and oldest of the citizens to keep their own country. After this, in the
tenth [year] of the war, the Lacedæmonian matrons assembled and deputed
certain women to remonstrate with the citizens, and show them that they
were carrying on the war with the Messenians on very disadvantageous
terms, for they, abiding in their own country, procreated children,
while the Lacedæmonians, leaving their wives in a state like widowhood,
remained away in the war; and to expose the great peril there was of the
depopulation of their country. The Lacedæmonians, being both desirous of
observing their oath, and taking into consideration the representations
of their wives, sent a deputation of the most vigorous, and, at the same
time, most juvenile of the army, whom they considered, in a manner, not
to have participated in the oath, because they had been but children
when they accompanied their elders to the war, and charged them all to
company with all the maidens, reckoning that by that means they would
bear the more children; which having been accordingly obeyed, the
children who were born were denominated Partheniæ. Messene was taken
after a war of nineteen years, as Tyrtæus says,

“The fathers of our fathers, armed for war,
Possessing ever patient courage, fought at Messene
For nineteen years with unremitting toil.
Till on the twentieth, leaving their rich soil,
The enemy forsook the towering heights of Ithome. ”[2410]

Thus then did they destroy Messenia, but returning home, they neglected
to honour the Partheniæ like other youths, and treated them as though
they had been born out of wedlock. The Partheniæ, leaguing with the
Helots, conspired against the Lacedæmonians, and agreed to raise a
Laconic felt hat[2411] in the market-place as a signal for the
commencement of hostilities. Some of the Helots betrayed the plot, but
the government found it difficult to resist them by force, for they were
many, and all unanimous, and looked upon each other as brothers; those
in authority therefore commanded such as were appointed to raise the
signal, to depart out of the market-place; when they therefore perceived
that their plot was disclosed they desisted, and the Lacedæmonians
persuaded them, through the instrumentality of their fathers, to leave
the country and colonize: and advised them, if they should get
possession of a convenient place, to abide in it, but if not, they
promised that a fifth part of Messenia should be divided amongst them on
their return. So they departed and found the Greeks carrying on
hostilities against the barbarians, and taking part in the perils of the
war, they obtained possession of Tarentum, which they colonized.

4. At one time, when the government of the Tarentines had assumed a
democratic form, they rose to great importance; for they possessed the
greatest fleet of any state in those parts, and could bring into the
field an army of 30,000 foot and 3000 horse, exclusive of a select body
of 1000 cavalry called Hipparchi. [2412] They likewise encouraged the
Pythagorean philosophy, and Archytas, who for a long time presided over
the government of their state, gave it his special support. [2413] But at
a later period their luxury, which was produced by their prosperity,
increased to that degree that their general holidays or festivals
exceeded in number the days of the year; and hence arose an inefficient
government, and as one proof of their unstatesmanlike acts we may adduce
their employment of foreign generals; for they sent for Alexander,[2414]
king of the Molossi, to come and assist them against the Messapii and
Leucani. They had before that employed Archidamus, the son of
Agesilaus;[2415] afterwards they called in Cleonymus[2416] and
Agathocles,[2417] and later, when they rose against the Romans,
Pyrrhus. [2418] They were not able even to retain the respect of those
whom they had invited, but rather merited their disgust. Alexander [of
Epirus] was so displeased with them that he endeavoured to remove the
seat of the general council of the Greek states in Italy, which was
accustomed to assemble at Heraclea, a city of the Tarentines, to a city
of the Thurii; and he commanded that some place on the river
Acalandrus,[2419] [CAS. 281] commodious for their meetings, should be
properly fortified for their reception. —And indeed they say that the
misfortune[2420] of that prince was chiefly due to a want of good
feeling on their part. They were deprived of their liberty during the
wars[2421] of Hannibal, but have since received a Roman colony,[2422]
and now live in peace and are in a more prosperous state than ever. They
also engaged in war with the Messapii concerning Heraclea, when they
counted the kings of the Daunii and of the Peucetii as allies. [2423]

5. The remainder of the country of the Iapygii is very fair,
notwithstanding unfavourable appearances; for although, for the most
part, it appears rugged, yet when it is broken up the soil is found to
be deep; and although it lacks water, yet it appears well-suited for
pasture, and is furnished with trees. At one time it was thickly
inhabited throughout its whole extent, and possessed thirteen cities,
but now it is so depopulated that, with the exception of Tarentum and
Brentesium,[2424] they only deserve the name of hamlets. They say that
the Salentini are a colony of Cretans. Here is the temple of
Minerva,[2425] which formerly was rich, and the rock called Acra
Iapygia,[2426] which juts out far into the sea towards the rising of the
sun in winter,[2427] and turning, as it were, towards Cape Lacinium,
which lies opposite to it on the west, it closes the entrance of the
Gulf of Tarentum, as on the other side, the Ceraunian Mountains,
together with the said Cape, close the entrance of the Ionian Gulf, the
run across is about 700 stadia from that,[2428] both to the Ceraunian
Mountains and to Cape Lacinium. [2429] In coasting along the shore from
Tarentum to Brentesium there are 600 stadia as far as the little city of
Baris, which is at the present time called Veretum,[2430] and is
situated on the extremities of the Salentine territory; the approach to
it from Tarentum is much easier on foot[2431] than by sea. Thence to
Leuca are 80 stadia; this too is but a small village, in which there is
shown a well of fetid water, and the legend runs, that when Hercules
drove out the last of the giants from Phlegra in Campania, who were
called Leuternians, some fled and were buried here, and that from their
blood a spring issues to supply the well; on this account likewise the
coast is called the Leuternian coast. [2432] From Leuca to Hydrus,[2433]
a small town, 150 stadia. From thence to Brentesium 400, and the like
distance also [from Hydrus] to the island Saso,[2434] which is situated
almost in the midst of the course from Epirus to Brentesium; and
therefore when vessels are unable to obtain a direct passage they run to
the left from Saso to Hydrus, and thence watching for a favourable wind
they steer towards the haven of Brentesium, or the passengers
disembarking proceed on foot by a shorter way through Rudiæ, a Grecian
city, where the poet Ennius was born. [2435] The district which we have
followed by sea from [CAS. 282] Tarentum to Brentesium is like a
peninsula. The road by land from Brentesium to Tarentum is but a day’s
journey for a light person on foot, it constitutes the isthmus of the
said peninsula, which people in general call Messapia, Iapygia,
Calabria, or Salentinum, without being at all particular; but some, as
we have said before, do make a distinction. Thus have we described the
towns on the sea-coast.

6. In the inland are Rudiæ and Lupiæ, and at a short distance from the
sea Aletia;[2436] about the middle of the isthmus is Uria,[2437] in
which is still shown the palace of a certain famous nobleman. [2438] As
Hyria[2439] is described by Herodotus as situated in Iapygia, and as
founded by the Cretans who strayed from the fleet of Minos while sailing
to Sicily;[2440] we must suppose that he meant either this place [Uria]
or Veretum. It is said that a colony of Cretans settled in
Brentesium,[2441] but the tradition varies; some say they were those who
came with Theseus from Cnossus;[2442] others, that they were some out of
Sicily who had come with Iapyx; they agree however in saying that they
did not abide there, but went thence to Bottiæa. At a later period, when
the state was under the government of a monarch, it lost a large portion
of its territories, which was taken by the Lacedæmonians who came over
under Phalanthus; notwithstanding this the Brundusians received him when
he was expelled from Tarentum, and honoured him with a splendid tomb at
his death. They possess a district of superior fertility to that of the
Tarentines; for its soil is light, still it is fruitful, and its honey
and wools are amongst the most esteemed; further, the harbour of
Brentesium is superior to that of Tarentum, for many havens are
protected by the single entrance,[2443] and rendered perfectly smooth,
many bays [or reaches] being formed within it, so that it resembles in
fashion the antlers of a stag, whence its name, for the place, together
with the city, is exceedingly like the head of a stag, and in the
Messapian language the stag’s head is called Brentesium; while the port
of Tarentum is not entirely safe, both on account of its lying very
open, and of certain shallows near its head.

7. Further, the course for passengers from Greece and Asia is most
direct to Brentesium, and in fact all who are journeying to Rome
disembark here. Hence there are two ways to Rome; one, which is only
walked by mules, through the Peucetii, who are called Pœdicli, the
Daunii, and the Samnites, as far as Beneventum, on which road is the
city Egnatia,[2444] then Celia,[2445] Netium,[2446] Canusium,[2447] and
Herdonia. [2448] That through Tarentum is a little to the left, it runs
about a day’s journey round for one traversing the whole distance; it is
called the Appian Way, and is more of a carriage road than the other. On
it stands the city Uria,[2449] and Venusia;[2450] the one [Uria] between
Tarentum and Brentesium, the other on the confines of the Samnites and
Lucani. Both the roads from Brentesium run into one near Beneventum and
Campania, and thence to Rome it receives the name of Appian, and runs
through Caudium,[2451] Calatia,[2452] Capua,[2453] and Casilinum,[2454]
to Sinuessa. [2455] The way from thence to Rome has been already
described. —The whole length of the Appian Way from Rome to Brentesium
is 360 miles.

There is a third way from Rhegium, through the Bruttii, Lucani, and
Samnites, along the chain of the Apennines, into [CAS. 283] Campania,
where it joins the Appian Way;[2456] it is longer than those from
Brentesium by about three or four days’ journey.

8. From Brentesium the sea is traversed by two passages to the opposite
coast, one crossing to the Ceraunian[2457] Mountains and the adjacent
coasts of the Epirus and Greece, the other to Epidamnus,[2458] which is
the longer[2459] of the two, being 1800[2460] stadia. Still this is
habitually traversed, on account of the situation of the city
[Epidamnus] being convenient for the nations of Illyria and Macedonia.
As we coast along the shore of the Adriatic from Brentesium we come to
the city Egnatia,[2461] it is the general place to stop at for those
travelling to Barium,[2462] as well by land as by sea. The run is made
when the wind blows from the south. The territory of the Peucetii
extends as far as this along the coast, in the interior of the land it
reaches as far as Silvium. [2463] It is throughout rugged and
mountainous, and chiefly occupied by the Apennine mountains. It is
thought to have been colonized by a party of Arcadians. The distance
from Brentesium to Barium is about 700 stadia. [Tarentum] is about
equally distant from both. [2464] The Daunii inhabit the adjoining
district, then the Apuli as far as the Phrentani. As the inhabitants of
the district, except in ancient times, have never been particular in
speaking of the Peucetii or Daunii precisely, and as the whole of this
country is now called Apulia, the boundaries of these nations are
necessarily but ill defined: wherefore we ourselves shall not be very
exact in treating of them.

9. From Barium to the river Ofanto,[2465] on which the Canusitæ have
established an emporium, there are 400[2466] stadia. The course up the
river to the emporium is 90 [stadia]. Near it is Salapia,[2467] the port
of the Argyrippeni. For the two cities, Canusium and Argyrippa, are
situated at no great distance from the sea, and in the midst of a plain;
at one time they were the most important cities of the Greeks of Italy,
as is manifest from the circumference of their walls, but now they have
fallen off. One of them was originally called Argos Hippium, then
Argyrippa, and then again Arpi. They are said to have been both founded
by Diomed, and both the plain of Diomed and many other things are shown
in these districts as evidence of his having possessed them. Such were
the ancient offerings in the temple of Minerva, at Luceria. [2468] That
was an ancient city of the Daunii, but now it is of no account. Again,
in the neighbouring sea there are two islands called the Diomedean
islands, one of which is inhabited, but the other, they say, is desert:
in the latter it is fabled that Diomed disappeared from the earth, and
that his companions were transformed into birds,[2469] and indeed the
fable goes so far as to prolong their race to the present time, saying
that they are tame, and lead a sort of human life, both in respect of
food, and their readiness to approach men of gentle manners, and to shun
the evil and wanton. We have already noticed[2470] what is currently
reported amongst the Heneti concerning this hero [Diomed] and the
honours decreed to him by custom. It is thought also that Sipus[2471]
was a settlement founded by Diomed, [CAS. 284] it is distant from
Salapia about 140 stadia, and was called by the Greeks Sepius, from the
numbers of cuttle fish[2472] thrown up by the sea along its shore.
Between Salapia and Sipus is a navigable river, and a considerable
estuary; by both of these channels the merchandise, and wheat
especially, of Sipus is conveyed to the sea. Two heroa or shrines are
shown on a hill of Daunia, called Drium, one on the very brow of the
hill sacred to Calchas, those who are about to inquire of the oracle
offer a black ram to him, and sleep upon the fleece, the other below
near the foot of the hill is dedicated to Podalirius, it is about a
hundred stadia distant from the sea; from this hill also flows a
stream,[2473] which is a potent cure for all manner of diseases among
cattle. [2474] The promontory of Garganum[2475] running into the sea,
juts out from this bay about 300 stadia. [2476] As you turn the point you
perceive the town of Urium,[2477] while off the headland are seen the
Diomedean islands. All this coast produces everything in great
abundance, it is exceedingly well adapted for horses and sheep, and the
wool is finer than that of Tarentum, but less glossy. The district is
mild on account of the cup-like situation of the plains. There are some
who report that Diomed attempted to cut a canal to the sea, but being
sent for to return home, where he died, left it incomplete, as well as
other undertakings. This is one account of him: another makes him abide
here till the end of his days; a third is the fable I have already
noticed, that he vanished in the island [of Teutria], and one might
reckon as a fourth that of the Heneti,[2478] for they somehow make out
that he finished his career among them, as they assert his apotheosis.
The distances I have thus given are laid down in accordance with those
of Artemidorus.

10. The chorographer indeed gives only 165 miles from Brentesium[2479]
to Garganum, but Artemidorus makes them more. [2480] Thence to Ancona,
the first says there are 254 miles, whilst Artemidorus has given but
1250 stadia to the Fiumesino,[2481] near to Ancona, which is much
shorter. Polybius says that from Iapygia the distance has been laid down
in miles, and that there are 562 miles thence to the town of Sila,[2482]
thence to Aquileia 178. These geographers do not agree as to the length
to be assigned to the line of the sea-coast of Illyria, run from the
Ceraunian Mountains[2483] to the head[2484] of the Adriatic, some of
them stating it to be above 6000 [stadia], and making it longer than the
opposite coast [of Italy], while it is much shorter. [2485] Indeed they
all generally differ among themselves in stating distances, as we often
have occasion to remark. Wherever it is possible to discriminate we set
forth what appears to us to be correct, but where it is impossible to
come to any safe conclusion we think it our duty to publish their
several assertions. However, when we have no data furnished by them, it
must not be wondered at, if we should leave some points untouched in
treating of such and so vast a subject as we have undertaken. We would
not indeed omit any of the important particulars, but trifling
circumstances, even when they are noted, are of little advantage, and
when taken no heed of, are not missed, nor does their omission at all
impair the whole work, or, if it does, at most not much.

[CAS. 285] 11. Immediately beyond the Garganum comes a deep bay. [2486]
Those who dwell round it call themselves Apuli,[2487] they speak the
same language as the Daunii and Peucetii, and at the present time
resemble them in every other particular; however it is likely that they
were formerly distinct, since their names completely differ from those
of the others. In ancient times the whole of this country was
flourishing, but Hannibal and the wars which subsequently occurred have
wasted it. Here too was fought the battle of Cannæ, where there was so
great a slaughter of the Roman forces and their allies. [2488] Near this
gulf there is a lake,[2489] and above the lake in the interior is the
Apulian Teanum,[2490] having a like name with that of the
Sidicini. [2491] It is between this and the neighbourhood of
Dicæarchia[2492] that the breadth of Italy is so contracted as to form
an isthmus of less than 1000 stadia from sea to sea. [2493] Leaving the
lake we sail next to Buca,[2494] and the country of the Frentani. There
are 200 stadia from the lake both to Buca and to the Garganum. The
remainder of the towns in the vicinity of Buca have been before
described. [2495]




CHAPTER IV.


1. So great indeed is Italy, and much as we have described it; we will
now advert to the chief of the many things that have been described,
which have conduced to raise the Romans to so great a height of
prosperity. One point is its insular position, by which it is securely
guarded, the seas forming a natural protection around it with the
exception of a very inconsiderable frontier, which too is fortified by
almost impassable mountains. A second is, that there are but few
harbours, and those few capacious and admirably situated. These are of
great service both for enterprises against foreign places, and also in
case of invasions undertaken against the country, and the reception of
abundant merchandise. And a third, that it is situated so as to possess
many advantages of atmosphere and temperature of climate, in which both
animals and plants, and in fact all things available for sustaining
life, may be accommodated with every variety both of mild and severe
temperature; its length stretches in a direction north and south.
Sicily, which is extensive, may be looked upon as an addition to its
length, for we cannot consider it in any other light than as a part of
it. The salubrity or severity of the atmosphere of different countries,
is estimated by the amount of cold or heat, or the degrees of
temperature between those extremes; in this way we shall find that
Italy, which is situated in the medium of both the extremes, and having
so great a length, largely participates in a salubrious atmosphere, and
that in many respects. This advantage is still secured to it in another
way, for the chain of the Apennines extending through its whole length,
and leaving on each side plains and fruitful hills, there is no district
which does not participate in the advantages of the best productions
both of hill and plain. We must also enumerate the magnitude and number
of its rivers and lakes, and the springs of hot and cold waters supplied
by nature in various localities for the restoration of health; and in
addition to these, its great wealth in mines of all the metals,
abundance of timber, and excellent food both for man and for beasts of
all kinds. Italy, likewise, being situated in the very midst of the
greatest nations, I allude to Greece and the best provinces of Asia, is
naturally in a [CAS. 286] position to gain the ascendency, since she
excels the circumjacent countries both in the valour of her population
and in extent of territory, and by being in proximity to them seems to
have been ordained to bring them into subjection without difficulty.

2. If, in addition to our description of Italy, a few words should be
summarily added about the Romans who have possessed themselves of it,
and prepared it as a centre from whence to enforce their universal
dominion, we would offer the following. —The Romans, after the
foundation of their state, discreetly existed as a kingdom for many
years, till Tarquin, the last [Roman king], abused his power, when they
expelled him, and established a mixed form of government, being a
modification both of the monarchical and aristocratical systems; they
admitted both the Sabines[2496] and Latins[2497] into their alliance,
but as neither they nor the other neighbouring states continued to act
with good faith towards them at all times, they were under the necessity
of aggrandizing themselves by the dismemberment of their
neighbours. [2498] Having thus, by degrees, arrived at a state of
considerable importance, it chanced that they lost their city suddenly,
contrary to the expectation of all men, and again recovered the same
contrary to all expectation. [2499] This took place, according to
Polybius, in the nineteenth year after the naval engagement of
Ægos-potami,[2500] about the time of the conclusion of the peace of
Antalcidas. [2501] Having escaped these misfortunes, the Romans first
reduced all the Latins[2502] to complete obedience, they then subdued
the Tyrrheni,[2503] and stayed the Kelts, who border the Po, from their
too frequent and licentious forays; then the Samnites, and after them
they conquered the Tarentines and Pyrrhus,[2504] and presently after the
remainder of what is now considered as Italy, with the exception of the
districts on the Po. While these still remained a subject of dispute
they passed over into Sicily,[2505] and having wrested that island from
the Carthaginians[2506] they returned to complete the conquest of the
people dwelling along the Po. While this war was still in hand Hannibal
entered Italy,[2507] thus the second war against the Carthaginians
ensued, and after a very short interval the third, in which Carthage was
demolished. [2508] At the same time the Romans became masters of
Africa,[2509] and of such portions of Spain as they won from the
Carthaginians. Both the Greeks and the Macedonians, and the nations of
Asia who dwelt on the hither side of the river Kizil-Irmak[2510] and the
Taurus, took part in these struggles with the Carthaginians: over these
Antiochus[2511] was king, and Philip and Perseus,[2512] these therefore
the Romans found themselves obliged to subdue. The people likewise of
Illyria and Thrace, who were next neighbours to the Greeks and
Macedonians, at this time commenced the war with the Romans that never
ceased, until the subjugation of all the people who inhabit the
countries on the hither side of the Danube[2513] and the
Kizil-Irmak[2510] had been effected. The Iberians, and Kelts, and all
the rest who are subject to the Romans, shared a similar fate, for the
Romans never rested in the subjugation of the land to their sway until
they had entirely overthrown it: in the first instance they took
Numantia,[2514] and subdued Viriathus,[2515] and afterwards vanquished
Sertorius,[2516] and last of all the Cantabrians,[2517] who were brought
to subjection by Augustus Cæsar. [2518] Likewise the whole of Gaul both
within and beyond the Alps with Liguria were annexed at first by a
partial occupation, but subsequently divus Cæsar and then Augustus
subdued them completely in open war, so that now[2519] the Romans direct
their expeditions against the Germans from these countries as the most
convenient rendezvous, and have already adorned their own country with
several triumphs over them. Also in Africa all that did not belong to
the Carthaginians has been left to the charge of kings owning dependence
on the Roman state, while such as have attempted to assert their
independence have been overpowered. At the present moment both Maurusia
and much of the rest [CAS. 288] of Africa have fallen to the portion of
Juba[2520] on account of his good will and friendship towards the
Romans. The like things have taken place in Asia. At first it was
governed by kings who were dependent on the Romans, and afterwards when
their several lines of succession failed, as of that of the kings
Attalus,[2521] the kings of the Syrians,[2522] the Paphlagonians,[2523]
Cappadocians,[2524] and Egyptians,[2525] [or] when they revolted and
were subsequently deposed, as it happened in the case of Mithridates
Eupator, and Cleopatra of Egypt, the whole of their territories within
the Phasis[2526] and the Euphrates,[2527] with the exception of some
tribes of Arabs, were brought completely under the dominion of the
Romans and the dynasties set up by them. The Armenians and the people
who lie beyond Colchis, both the Albani and Iberians, require nothing
more than that Roman governors should be sent among them, and they would
be easily ruled; their attempted insurrections are merely the
consequence of the want of attention from the Romans, who are so much
occupied elsewhere: the like may be asserted of those who dwell beyond
the Danube,[2528] and inhabit the banks of the Euxine, excepting only
those who dwell on the Bosphorus[2529] and the Nomades;[2530] of these
the former are in subjection to the Romans, and the latter are
unprofitable for commerce on account of their wandering life, and only
require to be watched. The rest of the countries [of Asia] are chiefly
inhabited by Scenites[2531] and Nomades who dwell at a great distance.
The Parthians indeed border on them and are very powerful, but they have
yielded so far to the superiority of the Romans and our emperors, that
they have not only sent back[2532] to Rome the trophies which they had
at a still more distant period taken from the Romans, but Phraates has
even sent his sons and his sons’ sons to Augustus Cæsar, as hostages,
assiduously courting his friendship:[2533] indeed the [Parthians] of the
present time frequently send for a king from hence,[2534] and are almost
on the point of relinquishing all power to the Romans.
We now see Italy,
which has frequently been torn by civil war even since it came under the
dominion of the Romans, nay, even Rome herself, restrained from rushing
headlong into confusion and destruction by the excellence of her form of
government and the ability of her emperors. Indeed it were hard to
administer the affairs of so great an empire otherwise than by
committing them to one man as a father. [2535] For it would never have
been in the power of the Romans and their allies to attain to a state of
such perfect peace, and the enjoyment of such abundant prosperity, as
Augustus Cæsar afforded them from the time that he took upon himself the
absolute authority; and which his son Tiberius, who has succeeded him,
still maintains, who takes his father for a pattern in his government
and ordinances. And in their turn his sons, Germanicus and Drusus,[2536]
who are exercising the functions of government under their father, take
him for their model.




BOOK VII.

GERMANY. —THE CIMBRI, GETÆ, DACI. —MOUTHS OF THE DANUBE. —THE
TAURICA CHERSONESUS, ILLYRICUM, HUNGARY, EPIRUS, DODONA,
MACEDONIA, THRACE. —THE HELLESPONT.

SUMMARY.


In the Seventh Book Strabo describes the remaining portions of
Europe. That on the east is the country beyond the Rhine, as far
as the Don[2537] and the mouth of the Sea of Azof;[2538] and on
the south, that which the Danube[2539] bounds, lying between the
Adriatic and the left shores of the Euxine, as far as Greece and
the Sea of Marmora,[2540] including the whole of Macedonia.




CHAPTER I.


1. We have described Spain and the Keltic nations, together with Italy
and the islands adjacent, and must now speak of the remaining portions
of Europe, dividing it in the best way we can. That which remains is, on
the east, all the country beyond the Rhine, as far as the Don and the
mouth of the Sea of Azof; and, on the south, that which the Danube
bounds, lying between the Adriatic and the left shores of the Euxine, as
far as Greece and the Sea of Marmora, for the Danube, which is the
largest of the rivers of Europe, divides the whole territory of which we
have spoken, into two portions. This river from its commencement flows
southwards, then, making a sudden turn, continues its course from west
to east, which [terminates] in the Euxine Sea. It takes its rise in the
western confines of Germany, not far from the head of the Adriatic,
being distant from it about 1000 stadia,[2541] and falls into the Euxine
near the mouths of the Dniester[2542] and the Dnieper,[2543] inclining a
little towards the north. Thus the countries beyond the Rhine and
Keltica are situated to the north of the Danube, and are occupied by the
Galatic and German tribes, as far as the territory of the
Bastarnæ,[2544] the Tyregetæ,[2545] and the river Dnieper; so also is
the country situated between the Dnieper, the Don, and the mouth of the
Sea of Azof, which on one side stretches back as far as the [Northern]
Ocean,[2546] and on another is washed by the Euxine. To the south of the
Danube are situated the people of Illyria and Thrace, and mixed with
them certain tribes of Kelts and other races, extending as far as
Greece.

We will first speak of those nations to the north of the Danube, for
their history is less involved than that of the tribes situated on the
other side of the river.

2. Next after the Keltic nations come the Germans who inhabit the
country to the east beyond the Rhine; and these differ but little from
the Keltic race, except in their being more fierce, of a larger stature,
and more ruddy in countenance; but in every other respect, their figure,
their customs and manners of life, are such as we have related of the
Kelts. [2547] The Romans therefore, I think, have very appositely applied
to them the name “Germani,” as signifying genuine; for in the Latin
language Germani signifies genuine. [2548]

3. The first division of this country is the land extending along the
Rhine from its source to its embouchure. Indeed, the valley of that
river extends nearly as far as the whole breadth of Germany on the west.
Of the people who occupied this country, some have been transplanted by
the Romans into Keltica, the others have retired to the interior, as the
Marsi;[2549] there are but few remaining, and some portion of them [CAS.
290] are Sicambri;[2550] next to the inhabitants of this valley succeeds
the tribe dwelling between the Rhine and the river Elbe,[2551] which
river flows towards the ocean in a direction nearly parallel with the
Rhine, and traversing a country of no less extent. There are also
between these other navigable rivers, such as the Ems,[2552] on which
Drusus defeated the Bructeri[2553] in a naval engagement; all likewise
flowing from south to north, and falling into the ocean; for the whole
country rises towards the south, and forms a ridge of mountains near the
Alps, which extends eastward as though it were a continuation of the
Alps;[2554] and some have even so described it, as well on account of
its position as because it produces the same system of vegetation;
nevertheless, the altitude of this ridge in no part equals that of the
Alps. Here is situated the Hercynian Wood,[2555] and the tribes of the
Suevi,[2556] some of whom inhabit the forest, as do likewise some of the
Quadi. [2557] Among these latter people is situated Bujæmum, the royal
city of Marobodus, whither he has assembled many strangers and many of
the Marcomanni, a kindred nation with his own. This Marobodus, from a
private station, raised himself to the administration of affairs after
his return from Rome. For he went to that city while a youth, and was
patronized by Augustus. After he came home, he acquired the sovereignty
of his country, and added to the people I have enumerated, the
Luji,[2558] a powerful nation, and the Zumi,[2559] and the Gutones[2560]
and Mugilones and Sibini, besides the Semnones, another considerable
tribe of the Suevi. As I have previously stated, a portion of the Suevi
dwells within the Forest, while another portion occupies the territory
beyond, on the frontiers of the Getæ; wherefore the nation of the Suevi
is the most considerable, as it extends from the Rhine as far as the
Elbe, and even a part of them, as the Hermonduri and the Langobardi,
inhabit the country beyond the Elbe; but at the present time these
tribes, having been defeated, have retired entirely beyond the Elbe. All
these nations easily change their abode, on account of the scantiness of
provisions, and because they neither cultivate the lands nor accumulate
wealth, but dwell in miserable huts, and satisfy their wants from day to
day, the most part of their food being supplied by the herd, as amongst
the nomade races, and in imitation of them they transfer their
households in waggons, wandering with their cattle to any place which
may appear most advantageous. There are many other smaller German
tribes, as the Cherusci, Chatti, Gamabrivi,[2561] Chattuarii, and next
the ocean the Sicambri, Chaubi,[2562] Bructeri,[2563] Cimbri, Cauci,
Caulci, Campsiani,[2564] and many others.

In the same direction with the Ems,[2565] the Weser[2566] and the river
Lippe[2567] take their course, the latter, distant about 600 stadia from
the Rhine, flows through the territory of the Lesser Bructeri. And there
is also the river Sala,[2568] between which and the Rhine Drusus
Germanicus died, whilst in the midst of his victories. He not only
subdued the greater part of the German tribes, but also the islands on
the coast he passed along, one amongst which is Byrchanis,[2569] which
he took by siege.

4. All these nations became known through their wars with [CAS. 291] the
Romans, at one time submitting, at another revolting and quitting their
habitations; and we should have become acquainted with a greater number
of their tribes, if Augustus had permitted his generals to pass the
Elbe, in pursuit of those who had fled thither; but he considered the
war on hand would be more easily brought to a conclusion, if he left the
people on the other side of the Elbe unmolested, and not by attacking
provoke them to make common cause with his enemies.

The Sicambri inhabiting the country next the Rhine were the first to
commence the war, under the conduct of their leader, Melon; other
nations afterwards followed their example, at one time being victorious,
at another defeated, and again recommencing hostilities, without regard
to hostages or the faith of treaties. Against these people mistrust was
the surest defence; for those who were trusted effected the most
mischief. For example, the Cherusci, and those who were subject to them,
amongst whom three Roman legions with their general, Quintilius Varus,
perished by ambush, in violation of the truce; nevertheless all have
received punishment for this perfidy, which furnished to Germanicus the
Younger the opportunity of a most brilliant triumph, he leading publicly
as his captives the most illustrious persons, both men and women,
amongst whom were Segimuntus,[2570] the son of Segestes, the chief of
the Cherusci, and his sister, named Thusnelda, the wife of Armenius, who
led on the Cherusci when they treacherously attacked Quintilius Varus,
and even to this day continues the war; likewise his son Thumelicus, a
boy three years old, as also Sesithacus, the son of Segimerus,[2571]
chief of the Cherusci, and his wife Rhamis, the daughter of
Ucromirus,[2572] chief of the Chatti,[2573] and Deudorix, the son of
Bætorix, the brother of Melon, of the nation of the Sicambri; but
Segestes, the father-in-law of Armenius, from the commencement opposed
the designs of his son-in-law, and taking advantage of a favourable
opportunity, went over to the Roman camp and witnessed the triumphal
procession over those who were dearest to him, he being held in honour
by the Romans. There was also led in triumph Libes the priest of the
Chatti, and many other prisoners of the various vanquished nations, the
Cathylci and the Ampsani, the Bructeri, the Usipi, the Cherusci, the
Chatti, the Chattuarii, the Landi,[2574] the Tubattii. [2575]

The Rhine is distant from the Elbe about 3000 stadia, if one could
travel in a direct line; but we are compelled to go a circuitous route,
on account of the windings of the marshes and the woods.

5. The Hercynian Forest[2576] is extremely dense, and overgrown with
very large trees, covering an immense circuit of country, fortified by
nature. In the midst of it is situated the region well suited for
habitation, of which we have spoken. Near this forest are the sources of
the Danube and the Rhine, and the lake[2577] situated between these,
together with the marshes formed by the Rhine. The circuit of the lake
is more than 300[2578] stadia, and the distance across about 200. In
this lake is an island which served Tiberius as an arsenal, in the naval
war with the Vindelici. This lake is south of the sources of the Danube
and the Hercynian Forest, so that in passing from Keltica[2579] to the
forest, one has first to cross the lake, then the Danube, and afterwards
by a more passable country, and over elevated plains, you approach the
forest. When Tiberius had proceeded but one day’s journey from the lake,
he came in sight of the sources of the Danube. [2580]

The territory of the Rhæti[2581] borders some portion of this lake, but
the greater part of the shores belong to the Helvetii[2582] [CAS. 292]
and Vindelici,[2583] [the Norici come next after the Vindelici in an
easterly direction,][2584] and the desert of the Boii. [2585] The nations
as far as the Pannonians,[2586] but more especially the Helvetii and
Vindelici, inhabit high table lands. The Rhæti and the Norici,[2587]
verging towards Italy, extend over the very summits of the Alps; the
former confining with the Insubri,[2588] the latter the Carni,[2589] and
the districts about Aquileia. There is likewise another great forest,
named Gabreta, on this side the territory of the Suevi, while beyond
them lies the Hercynian Wood, which also is in their possession.




CHAPTER II.


1. Some of the accounts which we receive respecting the Cimbri are not
worthy of credit, while others seem likely enough: for instance, no one
could accept the reason given for their wandering life and piracy, that,
dwelling on a peninsula, they were driven out of their settlements by a
very high tide;[2590] for they still to this day possess the country
which they had in former times, and have sent as a present to Augustus
the caldron held most sacred by them, supplicating his friendship, and
an amnesty for past offences; and having obtained their request, they
returned home. Indeed, it would have been ridiculous for them to have
departed from their country in a pet, on account of a natural and
constant phenomenon, which recurs twice every day. It is likewise
evidently a fiction, that there ever occurred an overwhelming
flood-tide, for the ocean, in the influences of this kind which it
experiences, receives a certain settled and periodical increase and
decrease. [2591] Neither is it true, as has been related,[2592] that the
Cimbri take arms against the flood-tides, or that the Kelts, as an
exercise of their intrepidity, suffer their houses to be washed away by
them, and afterwards rebuild them; and that a greater number of them
perish by water than by war, as Ephorus relates. For the regular order
the flood-tides observe, and the notoriety of the extent of the country
subject to inundation by them, could never have given occasion for such
absurd actions. For the tide flowing twice every day, how could any one
think for an instant that it was not a natural and harmless phenomenon,
and that it occurs not only on their coasts, but on all others bordering
on the ocean? Is not this quite incredible? Neither is Clitarchus to be
trusted,[2593] when he says that their cavalry, on seeing the sea
flowing in, rode off at full speed, and yet scarcely escaped by flight
from being overtaken by the flood; for we know, by experience, that the
tide does not come in with such impetuosity, but that the sea advances
stealthily by slow degrees. And we should think, besides, that a
phenomenon of daily occurrence, which would naturally strike the ear of
such as [CAS. 293] approached it, before even they could see it with
their eyes, could not by any means terrify them so as to put them to
flight, as if they had been surprised by some unexpected catastrophe.

2. For such fables as these, Posidonius justly blames these writers, and
not inaptly conjectures that the Cimbri, on account of their wandering
life and habits of piracy, might have made an expedition as far as the
countries around the Palus Mæotis, and that from them has been derived
the name of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, or what we should more correctly
denominate the Cimbrian Bosphorus, for the Greeks call the Cimbri
Cimmerii.

He likewise tells us that the Boii formerly inhabited the Hercynian
Forest, and that the Cimbri, having made an incursion into those parts,
were repulsed by them, and driven towards the Danube, and the country
occupied by the Scordisci, a Galatic tribe, and from thence to the
Tauristæ, or Taurisci, a people likewise of Galatic origin, and farther
to the Helvetii, who were at that time a rich and peaceful people; but,
perceiving that the wealth of these freebooters far exceeded their own,
the Helvetii, and more especially the Tigureni and the Toygeni,
associated themselves with their expeditions. But both the Cimbri and
their auxiliaries were vanquished by the Romans, the one part when they
crossed the Alps and came down upon Italy, the others on the other side
of the Alps.

3. It is reported that the Cimbri had a peculiar custom. They were
accompanied in their expeditions by their wives; these were followed by
hoary-headed priestesses,[2594] clad in white, with cloaks of
carbasus[2595] fastened on with clasps, girt with brazen girdles, and
bare-footed. These individuals, bearing drawn swords, went to meet the
captives throughout the camp, and, having crowned them, led them to a
brazen vessel containing about 20 amphoræ, and placed on a raised
platform, which one of the priestesses having ascended, and holding the
prisoner above the vessel, cut his throat; then, from the manner in
which the blood flowed into the vessel, some drew certain divinations;
while others, having opened the corpse, and inspected the entrails,
prophesied victory to their army. In battle too they beat skins
stretched on the wicker sides of chariots, which produces a stunning
noise.

4. As we have before stated, the northernmost of the Germans inhabit a
country bordering on the ocean; but we are only acquainted with those
situated between the mouths of the Rhine and the Elbe, of which the
Sicambri[2596] and Cimbri[2597] are the most generally known: those
dwelling along the coast[2598] beyond the Elbe are entirely unknown to
us; for none of the ancients with whom I am acquainted have prosecuted
this voyage towards the east as far as the mouths of the Caspian Sea,
neither have the Romans as yet sailed coastwise beyond the Elbe, nor has
any one travelling on foot penetrated farther into this country. But it
is evident, by the _climates_ and the parallels of distances, that in
following a longitudinal course towards the east we must come to the
countries near the Dnieper, and the regions on the north side of the
Euxine. But as for any particulars as to Germany beyond the Elbe, or of
the countries which lie beyond it in order, whether we should call them
the Bastarnæ, as most geographers suppose, or whether other nations
intervene, such as the Jazyges,[2599] or the Roxolani,[2600] or any
others of the tribes dwelling in waggons, it is not easy to give any
account. Neither can we say whether these nations extend as far as the
[Northern] Ocean, along the whole distance, or whether [between them and
the Ocean] there are countries rendered unfit for habitation by the cold
or by any other cause; or whether men of a different race are situated
between the sea and the most eastern of the Germans.

The same uncertainty prevails with regard to the other [CAS. 294]
nations[2601] of the north, for we know neither the Bastarnæ nor the
Sauromatæ;[2602] nor, in a word, any of those tribes situate above the
Euxine: we are ignorant as to what distance they lie from the
Atlantic,[2603] or even whether they extend as far as that sea.




CHAPTER III.


1. As to the southern part of Germany beyond the Elbe, the country which
adjoins the bank of that river is now occupied by the Suevi. Next lies
the country of the Getæ, at first narrow, its southern side extends
along the Danube, and the opposite side along the mountains of the
Hercynian Forest, even including part of those mountains, it then
becomes broader towards the north, and extends as far as the Tyregetæ;
however, we are unable to declare its boundaries with accuracy; and it
is on account of our ignorance of these places that those who relate
fables of the Riphæan mountains and the Hyperboreans have received
credit; as also that which Pytheas of Marseilles has forged concerning
the countries bordering on the Northern Ocean, making use of his
acquaintance with astronomy and mathematics to fabricate his false
narration: let us therefore pass over them; as also what Sophocles,
speaking of Orithya in one of his tragedies, says, that she, being
snatched by the north wind, was carried

“Over the whole ocean, to the extremities of the earth,
Even to the place where night received its birth,
Where the opposite side of the heavens is beheld,
And where is situated the ancient garden of Phœbus. ”

This is of no value to our present inquiry, but must be omitted, as
Socrates has done in the Phædrus of Plato. We will relate only what we
have learnt from ancient accounts, and the reports made in our times.

2. The Greeks indeed considered the Getæ to be Thracians. They occupied
either bank of the Danube, as also did the Mysians, likewise a Thracian
people, now called the Mœsi, from whom are descended the Mysians,
settled between the Lydians, the Phrygians, and the inhabitants of the
Troad. Even the Phrygians themselves are the same as the Briges, a
people of Thrace, as also are the Mygdones, the Bebryces, the
Mædobithyni, the Bithyni, the Thyni, and, as I consider, also are the
Mariandyni. All these people quitted Europe entirely, the Mysians alone
remaining. Posidonius appears to me to have rightly conjectured that it
is the Mysians of Europe (or as I should say of Thrace) that Homer
designates when he says,

“and his glorious eyes
Averting, on the land look’d down remote
Of the horse-breeding Thracians, of the bold
Close-fighting Mysian race. . . . ”[2604]

For if any one should understand them as the Mysians of Asia, the
expression of the poet would not be fitting. For this would be, that
having turned his eyes from the Trojans towards the land of the
Thracians, he beheld at the same time the land of the Mysians, situated
not far off from where he was, but conterminous with the Troad, rather
behind it and on either side, but separated from Thrace by the breadth
of the Hellespont. [2605] This would be to confound the continents, and
at the same time to disregard the form of the poet’s expression. For “to
turn his eyes again,” is more especially to turn them behind him; but he
who extends his vision from the Trojans to the people either behind
them, or on either side of them, stretches his sight to a greater
distance, but not in the least behind him. And this also is introduced
as a proof of this very thing, that Homer classes with these the
Hippemolgi,[2606] the Galactophagi,[2607] and the Abii,[2608] who are
the Scythian Hamaxœci[2609] and Sarmatians; for at this day, all these
nations, as well as the Bastarnæ, are mixed with the Thracians, more
especially with those beyond the Danube, and some even with [CAS. 296]
the Thracians on this side the Danube; also amongst these are the Keltic
tribes of the Boii, Scordisci, and Taurisci. Some, indeed, call the
Scordisci the Scordistæ, and give to the Taurisci the names of
Ligurisci[2610] and Tauristæ.

3. Posidonius relates that the Mysians religiously abstain from eating
any thing that had life, and consequently, from cattle; but that they
lived in a quiet way on honey, milk, and cheese; wherefore they are
considered a religious people, and called Capnobatæ. [2611] He adds, that
there are amongst the Thracians some who live without wives, and who are
known by the name of Ctistæ. These are considered sacred and worthy of
honour, and live in great freedom. [He pretends] that the poet
comprehends the whole of these people when he says,

“and where abide,
On milk sustain’d, and blest with length of days,
The Hippemolgi, justest of mankind. ”[2612]

These he designates as “without life,” more particularly on account of
their living without wives, considering their solitary state as but a
half life; in the same way as he likewise designates the house of
Protesilaus “imperfect,” on account of the bereavement of his widow; in
the same manner he applies to the Mysians the epithet of
“close-fighting,” on account of their being invincible, like good
warriors. [Finally, Posidonius pretends] that in the thirteenth[2613]
book of the Iliad we ought to substitute for “the close-fighting
Mysians,” [“the close-fighting Mœsi. ”]

4. Nevertheless it would perhaps be superfluous to change the text [of
Homer], which has stood the test of so many years. For it appears more
probable to suppose that the people were anciently called Mysians, but
that their name is now altered. Further, any one would suppose that the
Abii[2614] were no more so named from being unmarried than from their
being houseless,[2615] or their dwelling in waggons. In fact, as
injustice is ordinarily committed in matters relative to bonds for money
and the acquisition of wealth, it would be natural that the people
living so frugally on such small property should be called [by Homer]
the justest of mankind: and the more so as the philosophers who place
justice next to moderation, aim at independence of others and frugality
as amongst the most desirable objects of attainment; from which however
some, having passed the bounds of moderation, have wandered into a
cynical mode of life. [2616] But [the words of the poet] sanction no such
assertion of the Thracians, and the Getæ in particular, that they live
without wives. But see what Menander says of these people, not out of
his own imagination, as it should seem, but deriving it from history.

“All the Thracians truly, and especially above all others we
Getæ, (for I myself glory in being descended from this race,) are
not very chaste. ”

And a little after he gives examples of their rage for women.

“For there is no one among us who marries fewer than ten or
eleven wives, and some have twelve, or even more. [2617] If any
one loses his life who has only married four or five wives, he is
lamented by us as unfortunate, and one deprived of the pleasures
of Hymen. ”

Such a one would be accounted as unmarried amongst them. These things
are likewise confirmed by the evidence of other historians. And it is
not likely that the same people should regard as an unhappy life that
which is passed without the enjoyment of many women, and at the same
time regard as a dignified and holy life that which is passed in
celibacy without any women. But that those living without wives should
be considered holy, and termed Capnobatæ, is entirely opposed to our
received opinions; for all agree in regarding women as the authors of
devotion to the gods, and it is they [CAS. 297] who induce the men by
their example to a more attentive worship of the gods, and to the
observance of feast-days and supplications; for scarcely is there found
a man living by himself who pays any regard to such matters. And again
attend to the words of the same poet when he speaks in one of his
characters, bringing in a man disgusted with the expenses[2618] of the
sacrifices of the women.

“The gods weary us indeed, but especially our married men, who
are always obliged to celebrate some feast. ”

And his Misogynes, complaining of the same things, exclaims,

“We sacrificed five times a day, while seven female slaves ranged
in a circle played on the cymbals, and others raised their
suppliant cries. ”

It would therefore seem absurd to suppose that only those among the Getæ
who remained without wives were considered pious, but that the care of
worshipping the Supreme Being is great among this nation is not to be
doubted, after what Posidonius has related, “and they even abstain from
animal food from religious motives,” as likewise on account of the
testimony of other historians.

5. For it is said that one of the nation of the Getæ, named
Zamolxis,[2619] had served Pythagoras, and had acquired with this
philosopher some astronomical knowledge, in addition to what he had
learned from the Egyptians, amongst whom he had travelled. He returned
to his own country, and was highly esteemed both by the chief rulers and
the people, on account of his predictions of astronomical phenomena, and
eventually persuaded the king to unite him in the government, as an
organ of the will of the gods. At first he was chosen a priest of the
divinity most revered by the Getæ, but afterwards was esteemed as a god,
and having retired into a district of caverns, inaccessible and
unfrequented by other men, he there passed his life, rarely
communicating with anybody except the king and his ministers. The king
himself assisted him to play his part, seeing that his subjects obeyed
him more readily than formerly, as promulgating his ordinances with the
counsel of the gods. This custom even continues to our time; for there
is always found some one of this character who assists the king in his
counsels, and is styled a god by the Getæ. The mountain likewise [where
Zamolxis retired] is held sacred, and is thus distinguished, being named
Cogæonus,[2620] as well as the river which flows by it; and at the time
when Byrebistus, against whom divus Cæsar prepared an expedition,
reigned over the Getæ, Decæneus held that honour: likewise the
Pythagorean precept to abstain from animal food, which was originally
introduced by Zamolxis, is still observed to a great extent.

6. Any one may well entertain such questions as these touching the
localities mentioned by the poet [Homer], and with regard to the Mysians
and the illustrious Hippemolgi: but what Apollodorus has advanced in his
preface to the Catalogue of Ships in the Second Book [of the Iliad] is
by no means to be adopted. For he praises the opinions of Eratosthenes,
who says that Homer and the rest of the ancients were well versed in
every thing that related to Greece, but were in a state of considerable
ignorance as to places at a distance, in consequence of the
impossibility of their making long journeys by land or voyages by sea.
In support of this he asserts,[2621] that Homer designated Aulis as
‘rocky,’ as indeed it is; Eteonus as ‘mountainous and woody,’ Thisbe as
‘abounding in doves,’ Haliartus as ‘grassy;’ but that neither Homer nor
the others were familiar with localities far off; for although there are
forty rivers which discharge themselves into the Black Sea,[2622] he
makes no mention whatever even of the most considerable, as the
Danube,[2623] the Don,[2624] the Dnieper,[2625] the Bog,[2626] the
Phasz,[2627] the Termeh,[2628] the Kizil-Irmak,[2629] nor does [CAS.
298] he even allude to the Scythians, but makes up fables about certain
illustrious Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii. He had become acquainted
with the Paphlagonians of the interior from the relations of such as had
penetrated into those regions on foot, but he was perfectly unacquainted
with the sea-coasts of the country; which indeed was likely enough, for
that sea was in his time closed to navigation, and known by the name of
Pontus Axenus [or the Inhospitable] on account of the severity of the
storms to which it was subject, as well as of the savage disposition of
the nations who inhabited its shores, but more especially of the
Scythian hordes,[2630] who made a practice of sacrificing strangers,
devouring their flesh, and using their skulls for drinking-cups;
although at a subsequent period, when the Ionians had established cities
along its shores, it was called by the name of Pontus Euxinus [or the
Hospitable]. He was likewise in ignorance as to the natural
peculiarities of Egypt and Libya,[2631] as the risings of the Nile, and
the alluvial deposits, which he no where notices, nor yet the isthmus
[of Suez] which separates the Red Sea from the Egyptian Sea;[2632] nor
yet does he relate any particulars of Arabia, Ethiopia, or the Ocean,
unless we should agree with the philosopher Zeno in altering the Homeric
line as follows,

“I came to the Ethiopians, the Sidonians, and the Arabians. ”[2633]

Indeed we ought not to be surprised at meeting with this in Homer, for
those who have lived at a more recent period than he did, have been
ignorant of many things, and have told strange tales. Hesiod has talked
of _Hemicynes_,[2634] _Megalocephali_, and _Pygmies_; Alcman of
_Steganopodes_; Æschylus of _Cynocephali_, _Sternophthalmi_, and
_Monommati_, (they say it is in his Prometheus,) and ten thousand other
absurdities. From these he proceeds to censure the writers who talk of
the Riphæan Mountains[2635] and Mount Ogyium,[2636] and the dwelling of
the Gorgons[2637] and the Hesperides,[2638] the land of Meropis[2639]
mentioned by Theopompus, Cimmeris,[2640] a city mentioned in Hecatæus,
the land of Panchæa[2641] mentioned by Euhemerus, and the river-stones
formed of sand mentioned by Aristotle,[2642] which were dissolved by
rain-showers. Further, that there exists in Africa a city of Bacchus
which no one can find twice. He likewise reproves those who assert that
the wanderings of Ulysses mentioned in Homer were in the neighbourhood
of Sicily, for again, if we should say that the wanderings did take
place in those parts, we should have to confess that the poet
transferred them to the ocean for the sake of making his account the
more romantic. Some allowance might be made for others, but no manner of
excuse can be put forward for Callimachus, who pretends to the character
of a critic, and yet supposes that Gaudus was the island of Calypso, and
identifies Scheria with Corcyra. [2643] Other writers he blames for
misstatements as to Gerena,[2644] Acacesium,[2645] and [CAS. 299] the
Demus[2646] in Ithaca, Pelethronium[2647] in Pelium, and the Glaucopium
at Athens. [2648] With these and a few similar trifling observations,
most of which he has drawn from Eratosthenes, whose inaccuracy we have
before shown, he breaks off. However, we frankly acknowledge, both with
respect to him [Apollodorus] and Eratosthenes, that the moderns are
better informed on geography than the ancients: but to strain the
subject beyond measure, as they do, especially when they inculpate
Homer, seems to me as if it gave a fair occasion to any one to find
fault, and to say by way of recrimination, that they reproach the poet
for the very things of which they themselves are ignorant. As for the
rest of their observations, particular mention is made of some of them
in the places where they occur, and of others in the General
Introduction.

7. It has been our wish, while discoursing of the Thracians, and

“the bold
Close-fighting Mysian race, and where abide,
On milk sustain’d, and _blest with length of days_,
The Hippemolgi, justest of mankind,”[2649]

to compare what we have advanced with the remarks of Posidonius and the
other critics. Now, in the first place, they have universally proved the
very contrary of the allegations which they had undertaken to maintain;
for where they undertook to show that amongst the ancients there was a
greater amount of ignorance as to places far from Greece than there was
among the moderns, they have proved the very contrary, and that not only
with regard to the countries more remote, but even with respect to
Greece itself; but, as I have said before, let the other matters remain
in abeyance while we consider carefully the subject now before us. Thus
they say that it was through ignorance Homer and the ancients omitted to
speak of the Scythians, and their cruelty to strangers, whom they
sacrificed, devoured their flesh, and afterwards made use of their
skulls as drinking-cups, for which barbarities the sea was termed the
Axine,[2650] or inhospitable; but in place of these they imagined fables
as to illustrious Hippemolgi, Galactophagi, and Abii, the most just of
mankind, who never existed any where in this world. But how came it that
they named the sea the Axenus, if they were so ignorant of the barbarism
of that region, or of those savages who were the most barbarous on
earth? But these undoubtedly are the Scythians! Or in the early times
were not those who dwelt beyond the Mysians, and Thracians, and Getæ,
Hippemolgi, (or milkers of mares,) Galactophagi, and Abii? Nay rather,
they exist at this very day, being called Hamaxœci and Nomades, living
on the herd, milk and cheese, and especially on cheese made of mare’s
milk, and being ignorant how to lay up treasure or deal in merchandise,
except the simple barter of one commodity for another. How then can it
be said that the poet [Homer] knew nothing of the Scythians, since he
doubtless designates some of them by the names of Hippemolgi and
Galactophagi? And that the men of that [CAS. 300] time called these
people Hippemolgi even Hesiod is a witness in the words which
Eratosthenes has quoted:

“He went and saw the Ethiopians, the Ligurians,[2651] and the
Scythians, milkers of mares. ”

And when we consider the amount of fraud connected with trading
speculations even amongst ourselves, what ground have we to wonder that
Homer should have designated as the justest and most noble those who had
but few commercial and monetary transactions, and with the exception of
their swords and drinking-cups, possessed all things in common, and
especially their wives and children, who were cared for by the whole
community according to the system of Plato. Æschylus too seems to plead
the poet’s cause, when he says,

“But the Scythians, governed by good laws, and feeding on cheese
of mares’ milk. ”

And this is still the opinion entertained of them by the Greeks; for we
esteem them the most sincere, the least deceitful of any people, and
much more frugal and self-relying than ourselves. And yet the manner of
life customary among us has spread almost every where, and brought about
a change for the worse, effeminacy, luxury, and over-great refinement,
inducing extortion in ten thousand different ways; and doubtless much of
this corruption has penetrated even into the countries of the nomades,
as well as those of the other barbarians; for having once learnt how to
navigate the sea, they have become depraved, committing piracy and
murdering strangers; and holding intercourse with many different
nations, they have imitated both their extravagance and their dishonest
traffic, which may indeed appear to promote civility of manners, but do
doubtless corrupt the morals and lead to dissimulation, in place of the
genuine sincerity we have before noticed.

8. Those however who lived before our time, and more especially those
who lived near to the times of Homer, were such as he describes them,
and so they were esteemed to be by the Greeks. Take for instance what
Herodotus relates concerning the king[2652] of the Scythians, against
whom Darius waged war, and especially the answer he sent [to the
messenger of Darius]. Take again what Chrysippus relates of the kings
of the Bosphorus, [Satyrus[2653] and] Leuco. The letters of the Persians
are full of the sincerity I have described; so likewise are the
memorials of the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Indians. It was on this
account that both Anacharsis and Abaris, and certain others of the same
class, gained so great a reputation among the Greeks; for we may well
believe they displayed their national characteristics of affability of
manner, simplicity, and love of justice. But what occasion is there for
me to speak of such as belonged to the times of old? for Alexander [the
Great], the son of Philip, in his campaign against the Thracians beyond
Mount Hæmus,[2654] is said to have penetrated as far as this in an
incursion into the country of the Triballi, and observed that they
occupied the territory as far as the Danube and the island Peuce,[2655]
which is in it, and that the Getæ possessed the country beyond that
river; however, he was unable to pass into the island for want of a
sufficient number of ships, and because Syrmus, the king of the
Triballi, who had taken refuge in that place, resisted the undertaking:
but Alexander crossed over into the country of the Getæ and took their
city, after which he returned home in haste, carrying with him presents
from those nations, and also from Syrmus. Ptolemy, the son of Lagus,
relates that in this campaign the Kelts who dwell on the Adriatic[2656]
came to Alexander for the purpose of making a treaty of friendship and
mutual hospitality, and that the king received them in a friendly way,
and asked them, while drinking, what might be the chief object of their
dread, supposing that they would say it was he; but that they replied,
it was no man, only they felt some alarm lest the heavens should on some
occasion or other [CAS. 302] fall on them, but that they valued the
friendship of such a man as him above every thing. These examples
sufficiently manifest the open sincerity of the barbarians, both of the
one who would not suffer Alexander to land on the island, but
nevertheless sent presents and concluded a treaty of friendship with
him, and also of those who asserted that they feared no man, but that
they valued the friendship of great men above every price.

In like manner Dromichætes, who was king of the Getæ in the times of the
successors of Alexander, having taken captive Lysimachus, who had come
to wage war against him, showed him his poverty and that of his people,
and likewise their great frugality, bade him not to make war on such,
but rather seek them as friends; after which he received him as a guest,
made a treaty of friendship, and suffered him to depart. [2657] [*And
Plato, in his Republic,[2658] considers that the neighbourhood of the
sea ought to be shunned as being productive of vice, and that those who
would enjoy a well-governed city, should plant it very far from the sea,
and not near it. *][2659]

9. Ephorus, in the fourth book of his History, which is entitled “Of
Europe,” having gone over Europe as far as the Scythians, concludes by
saying that there is great difference in the manner of life both of the
Sauromatæ and the other Scythians, for while some of them are
exceedingly morose, and are indeed cannibals, others abstain even from
the flesh of animals. Other historians, he observes, descant upon their
ferocity, knowing that the terrible and the wonderful always excite
attention; but they ought also to relate the better features of these
people, and point to them as a pattern; for his part, he declares he
will speak of those who excel in the justness of their actions, as there
are some of the nomade Scythians who subsist on mares’ milk, and excel
all men in their justice, these are mentioned by the poets: as Homer,
where he says that Jupiter beheld the land

“Of the Galactophagi and Abii, justest of mankind;”[2660]

and Hesiod, in his poem entitled “Travels round the World,” who says
that Phineus was taken by the Harpies

“To the land of the Galactophagi, who have their dwellings
in waggons. ”

Ephorus then proceeds to state the causes of their justice, because they
are frugal in their mode of life, not hoarders of wealth, and just
towards each other; they possess everything in common, both their women,
their children, and the whole of their kin; thus when they come into
collision with other nations, they are irresistible and unconquered,
having no cause for which they need endure slavery. He then cites
Chœrilus, who in his “Passage of the Bridge of Boats,” which
Darius[2661] had made, says,

“And the sheep-feeding Sacæ, a people of Scythian race, but they
inhabited
Wheat-producing Asia: truly they were a colony of the nomades,
A righteous race. ”

And again Ephorus declares of Anacharsis, whom he designates as “The
Wise,” that he was sprung from that race; and that he was reckoned as
one of the Seven Sages, on account of his pre-eminent moderation and
knowledge. He asserts too that he was the inventor of the bellows, the
double-fluked anchor, and the potter’s wheel. [2662] I merely state this,
although I know very well that Ephorus is not at all times to be relied
on, especially when speaking of Anacharsis; (for how can the wheel be
his invention, with which Homer, who is anterior to him, was acquainted;
[who says],

“as when, before his wheel
Seated, the potter twirls it with both hands,” &c.