The period of peace which elapsed between the end of
the first and the beginning of the second Punic wars,
from 241 to 218 B.
the first and the beginning of the second Punic wars,
from 241 to 218 B.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
Strai.
, 571) related, that the Pelasgi had occu-
pied the whole of Ionia, from Mycale northward, and
the adjacent islands; the Carians, the Lclcges, and
ti* Caucones, the Trojans, and Mysians, were of the
name race, and also allied to the Lydians, as appears
from the genealogy given by Herodotus (1,171). Tho
Greeks themselves attribute the Pelasgic population
of Asia Minor to colonies sent from Greece or from
the islands; but their accounts of colonies before the
Homeric age, being founded on no contemporary au-
thority, must generally be regarded as historical hy-
potheses, chiefly grounded upon similarity of names,
which may often be more rationally explained from
Bther causes. It is, however, by no means probable
that the Lydians were wholly a Pelasgic people. The
phenomena of the history of Asia Minor are most
easily solved by the supposition that a nation of Syr-
ian origin was mingled in its two principal districts,
Lydia and Phrygia, with another nearly allied to the
Greeks. The Mosaic genealogy of nations (Gen. , 10,
22) assigns a Semitic origin to the Lydians; while it
refers most of the tribes of Asia Minor, along with the
Greeks, to the stock of Japheth. The mythology of
Lydia, the basis, as usual, of its dynasties of kings,
betrays its Syrian as well as Grecian affinities. Their
doitics "Arrr/f or "Attc (the same as noTaf, Hes. ),
and Ma, father and mother, have probably given their
name to the Atyadcs and the Maeonians; and their
worship is clearly the same with that of the Syrian
foddess, who was variously denominated Atargatis,
(erceto, Semiramis, Rhea, Juno, and Venus. The
chief seat of her worship at Hierapolis, was the resort
of the people of Asia Minor; and Ascalon, in Phoe-
nicia, appears to have been considered as a colony of
the Lydians (Steph. Byz. , >>. v) for no other reason
than that the traditions of the great goddess were in
a peculiar manner connected with this place. In the
list of the kings of Troy, whose names are generally
of Grecian etymology, the Oriental name of Assara-
? ? cus points to a mixture of Oriental mythology; and
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? HETRCRIA
HETRURIA.
ut. on to ili<< maritime town Tarquinii, and the hero
Tarchon, both probably only variations of the name
Tyrrheni. Here it was that the much-dreaded Pelas-
gians of Lydia landed and settled, bringing with them
the arts they had acquired at home or on their way.
For the first time the barbarous land saw men covered
with brass array themselves for battle to the sound of
the trumpet; here first tl. ey heard the loud sound of
the Lydt -Phrygian flute accompaiying the sacrifice,
and perhaps witnessed for the first time the rapid
course of the fifty-oared ship. As the legend, in its
propagation from mouth to mouth, swells beyond all
bounds, the whole glory of the Tuscan name, even
that which did not properly belong to the colonists,
attached itself to the name of Tarchon, the disciple
of Tages, as the author of a new and better era in the
history of Etruria. The neighbouring Urabrians and
Latins named the nation, which from this time began
to increase and diffuse itself, not from the primitive
inhabitants, but from these new settlers. For since,
in the Eugubine tables, Trusce occurs along with
Tuseom and Tuseer, it is impossible not to conclude,
that from the root TUR have been formed Trusicus,
Truscus, Tuscan; as from the root OP, Opscus and
Onus; so that Tvfifmvoi or Tvponvoi, and Tusci,
are only the Asiatic and Italic forms of one and tbo
same name. " (Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 100. ) The time
of such a colonization can, of course, only be fixed by
approximation. Miiller supposes it to have coincided
with the Ionic migration, and to have been occasioned
by it. The Umbrians were powerful in the land of
which the new colonists took possession, and long
wars must have been carried on with them before
they were dispossessed of the three hundred towns
which Pliny (3, 19) says they once held in the coun-
try afterward called Etruria. To the south the Etru-
rians extended themselves to the banks of the Tiber,
and even beyond it into Lalium, as the name of Tus-
colum proves. According to their own traditions, the
Bine Tarchon who founded the twelve cities of Etru-
ria led a colony across the Apennines and founded
twelve other cities. Of such a tradition, the historian
cat receive no more than the fact, that Etruria, in the
valley of the Po, was colonized from the southern
Etruria. Bologna, anciently Felsina, which stands
where the Apennines descend into the fertile plains
which border the Po, was probably the first of these
colonies, as it is called by Pliny (3, 20), "princeps
quondam Etruria -? " the names of most of the others
are uncertain. A stone, with an Etruscan inscription,
baa been found (Lanzi, vol. 2, p. 649) as far to the
westward as Alessandria. Atria and Spina, near the
mouth of the Po, were certainly Tuscan cities, and
very important from their commerce with the Adriatic;
but the foundation of both was claimed for the Pclas-
gians of Thessaly or the followers of Diomede. The
same story of twelve colonies is repeated in reference
to the settlement of the Etruscans in Campania. Miil-
ler supposes these to be really colonies from Etruria,
in opposition to the opinion of Niebuhr, who thinks
they were founded by Pelasgian Tyrrhenians, con-
founded with the Etruscans from identity of name.
At all events, the amount of Etruscan population in
Campania cannot have been great, sinco the Oscan
language, not the Etruscan, prevailed there; and not
a single Etruscan inscription has been found in this
whole district. This land of luxurious indulgence
? ? appears to have exerted its usual influence on the
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? HETKURIA.
HETRURIA.
nature has not been counteracted by misgovernment
and absurd legislation. But Etruria was not, like
Campania, a land of spontaneous fertility; the industry
snd ingenuity of man were required to adapt cultivation
to the various qualities of the land, and to curb the in-
undations of the Po in the provinces on the Adriatic.
Their primitive manners were simple; the distaff of
Tanaquil was long preserved in the temple of Sancus
at Rome; and a passage of Juvenal (6, 288) seems to
'mpty, that in domestic industry and virtue there was
a close resemblance between the Tuscan and the Ro-
man nations in early times. Their extensive con-
quests, and bold and skilful navigation, arc a sufficient
proof of the energy of their national character. But
when commerce and conquests in Southern Italy had
placed in their reach the means of indulgence, they
seized upon them with the avidity of a half-barbarous
people: and luxury, instead of being the handmaid of
refinement and elegance, ministered -to vain splendour
and sensual voluptuousness. Diodorus (5, 40) de-
scribes, from Posidonius, their tables loaded twice a
day (which, to abstemious Greeks, seemed the excess
of gluttony), their embroidered draperies, their drink-
ing-vessels of gold and silver, and their hosts of slaves.
A tinjio. mis gives much darker shades to his picture of
the corruption of manners produced by wealth expend-
ed wholly in the gratification of the senses. That the
epithets of pinguis and obctut, which the Romans ap-
plied to the Etruscans, were not wholly suggested by
national malice, is evident from the recumbent figures
on the covers of the sarcophagi. From the Etruscans
the Romans borrowed their combats of gladiators. It
/hould seem, however, that the horrible practice of in-
troducing them at banquets belonged chiefly to the
Etrurians of Campania, and especially to Capua; the
focus of all the vices which spring from luxury, neither
softened by humanity nor refined by taste. Of the
Etrurian music we have spoken in mentioning the
proolV of their Lydian origin, it was almost the only
branch of art in which invention is attributed to them
oy the ancients; and even here the invention related
only to the instrument; we read of no mood ascribed
to them. Their celebrity, both in this and the plastic
art was owing, in a great measure, to their being the
neighbours of a people whose genius was so decidedly
averse from both as that of the Romans; who, till they
became acquainted with the Greeks, derived all the
decorative part of their system of public and private
life from the Etrurians. We have no historical means
of determining whether the Etrurians borrowed from
the Greeks their successive improvements in sculpture
and statuary, or proceeded in an independent track:
the fact which we shall have to produce respecting
their alphabet, renders the former supposition more
'probable. If this communication existed, it was only
'to a certain point: the Tuscan style in art always bore
a resemblance to that of Egypt, and their most perfect
works had that rigidity, and want of varied and living
expression, which characterized Grecian sculpture be-
fore Phidias had fired his imagination with Homer's de-
scription of Jupiter and Minerva, or Praxiteles had
imbodied in marble his vision of the Queen of Beauty.
In all that department of art, or the contrary, in which
mechanism without mind may attain perfection, the
Etrurians were little inferior to the Greeks themselves.
An Athenian poet (ap. Alhen. , 1, 28) celebrated their
works in metal as the best of their kind; alluding
? ? probably to their drinking-vessels and lamps, candelabra
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? HETRL'RIA.
HETRL'RIA.
wrtico v. as the ancient food of the inhabitants of all
ibis part of Italy; and agriculture formed the most
honourable occupation. The iron-mines of Ilva, now
Elba, and others on the mainland of Etruria connected
? with them, furnished a richer supply, and of a purer
quality than any other in the ancient world; the same
island produced the copper for their coinage, and for
their works in brass.
Work* of Art, Antiquities, <fc, of the Etrurians.
Enough remains of Etruscan art to justify what an-
cient authors have aaid of the population, wealth, and
luxury of this people. The walls of their cities rarely
exhibit that gigantic species of dike-building which has
been called the Cyclopean architecture, and which is
found in Asia Miner, in the Peloponnesus, and the re-
mains ol the ancient towns of Latium and Samnium.
Micali considers the walls of Cosa as the only specimen
in Etruria of the Cyclopsan manner; but if the cri-
terion be the use of polygonal masses of stone without
cement, instead of parallclnpipedal, the plate (pi. 12)
which he has given of the. gate and wall of Signium
(Scgni) shows that it partakes of the character of this
tlass. But, in general, they built their walls, as may
Be seen at Volterra, Populoaia, and Ruscllre, of vast
blocks of parallelopipedai form, which their own weight
? etained in their places, without the use of mortar.
The gate of Segni, before mentioned, shows something
cf the earliest attempt at constructing an arch, by
the gradual approximation of the stor. c. i which form
the sides. Etruria does not exhibit any specimens
y( the mode of building practised in the treasuries of
Atreus and Minyas, in which the walls of a circular
building converge so as to meet at the top in the firm
of a beehive. A recent traveller, Delia Marmora, has
discovered several of this kind in the island of Sar-
dinia. We are indebted for by far the most numerous
jf our Etruscan antiquities to the care with which thij
pcoplf provided themselves with durable placis cf
sepulture, and their custom of interring with the body
*sriouo articles of metal and of clay. To the opening
of the hypogea of Volterra, we owe the revival of this
branch of antiquarian lore. Some of these repositories
belonged to ancient towns, whose existence might have
been unknown but for the necropolis which marks
tbeir vicinity. Inghirami has given an interesting ac-
count (Ser. 4) of two of these; one at Castcllaccio,
uot far from Viterbo, the other at Orchia, about four-
teen miles to the southwest of that city. Castcllaccio
was the Castellum Axium mentioned by Cicero in his
oration for Cacina (c. 7), the site of which Cluverius
declared to be unknown. The traces of the walls
themselves are very visible in the large oblong blocks
of peperino joined without cement, and convex out-
ward, in the usual style of the old Etruscan fortifica-
tions. The steep banks of the stream, being composed
of a tnfo easily wrought, have been hewn out for
nearly a mile into grotto-sepulchres, the face of the
rock being cut into the representation of a doorway,
while the real entrance to the hypogeum is below, and
closed with large stones. Examples of this kind of
sepulchre are found in Persia, in Palestine, and in
Asia Minor (Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 231;
vol. J, p. 206, 524); but in these the entrance is by
the sculptured portal, which in the Etrurian sepul-
chres served only as an ornament. The architecture
of these tombs is evidently of an age when the Greek
embellishments had become known in Etruria; but
? ? the shortness of the pillars, the length of the inter-
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? HETEURIA.
nt. Tnat thoy were reilly mirrors we have little
doc'-'t; Inghirami easily finds a mystical meaning for
everything belonging to them. The metal of which
they iro invariably composed, brass, alludes to the fir-
mament, conceived by the Bncients to be a ^a/Uofiarij-
dii, ? ' spread out like a molten mirror" (,/oA,. xxvii. , 18);
thoir circular form to the perlection of which this fig-
ure is an emblem. If they had happened to be oval,
is would still have been at no loss, for he explains the
usually elliptical forms of the fictile vases as alluding
r that deterioration of its nature which the soul un-
dergoes when it enters into union with the body. As
many articles of female ornament have been found in
sepulchres--fibulae, bair-bodkins, collars, bracelets--
it is an obvious conjecture, that the mirrors were a
real part of the toilet of the deceased, consigned to the
same grave with her; on the principle that what was
most used and valued in life should be the companion
in death. Yet to this supposition it is an objection,
that the slight convexity which some of them have is
on the polished side, a circumstance which, as it would
interfere with their use as real mirrors, suggests that
they may have been emblematical of the sacerdotal of-
fice borne by'the female with whom they were interred.
Etrurian Language, and Literature.
The literature of the Etrurians presents the singu-
lar phenomenon of an alphabet perfectly deciphered,
along with a language completely unintelligible. Such
a combination is so strange, that we find more than
one writer alleging that the language is Greek, and ap-
pealing in proof to the alphabet, without suspecting
the want of connexion between premises and conclu-
sions. When the Eugubine tables were discovered in
1441, thoy were supposed to be in the Egyptian char-
acter; Reinesius suspected them to be Punic; and,
though they gradually acquired the name of Etruscan,
the real force of the letters was not discovered till
1732, when Bourguet ascertained it by comparing the
two tables which are in the Latin character with one
In the Etruscan, which he had happily* divined to be
nearly equivalent in sense. Gori, a few years later,
published his alphabet, which, in all important points,
has been confirmed by aubsequent inquiries: the great
improvement made in it by Lanzi was, that he detect-
ed a 2 in the letter M, which till then had been taken
for an m. The principles of Greek paleography have
been lately established, on a more solid basis than be-
fore, by Bockh; and by the help of these and the la-
bours of his predecessors, Miiller has arrived at the
conclusion, that the Etruscan alphabet has not been
derived immediately from the Phoenicians, but from
the Greeks. Very few forms occur in it which are
not found in the early Greek inscriptions: while, on
the other hand, it does not contain some of those which
the Greeks retained a considerable time after they re-
ceived them from the Phoenicians; and, again, the
Etruscans have some letters which the Greeks added
to their Phoenician alphabet. Other Etruscan letters
have never yet been found in any Greek inscription,
so that it is impossible to point out any specific age or
form of the Greek alphabet which the Etruscans may
be supposed to have adopted once for all. The Phry-
gian inscription from the tomb of Midas (Walpole, vol.
i, p. 207) bears no closer resemblance to the Etruscan
than other very old Greek inscriptions: in the Carian
inscription (lb , p. 530) there are many letters which
differ from the Etruscan. The letters B, 1', A do not
appear to have had any corresponding sounds in the
? ? Etruscan language, and the first and last never occur.
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? HIE
HI E
m, tnal aril (" cecum") signifies, not tixit, but cttalis.
Muller's observations on'this subject are particularly
deserving of attention at the present moment, when
extravagant expectations appear to be entertained of
the enlargement of our historical knowledge by the
comparison of languages. "We might give much
ampler information, if, after Lanzi's method, we sought
in the monuments of the Etruscan language for single
rounds resembling the Greek and Latin; and, per-
? uaded that similar sounds must have a similar mean-
ing, endeavoured to explain all that could not be
brought to agree by an arbitrary prosthesis, epcnlhc-
lis, paragogc, and similar cheap expedients. With-
tut blaming the learned Italian, in whose time the
"lost eminent literati had very confused ideas of the
formation of language, we may maintain that his lead-
ing principle, that analogy is the character only of
cultivated languages, and that the ruder any lan-
guage is, the greater liberty might be taken in the
use of it, is entirely false. This may justify us for
having paid so little regard to etymologies, which, as
they are arbitrary in themselves, suppose an arbitrary
character in the language to which they are applied.
if we use only genuine monuments, and require a
certain evidence for every explanation of a root or a
grammatical form, our apparent knowledge of the
Etruscan language shrinks almost to nothing. It is
not probable that the application of the still existing
remains of the languages of the north and northwest
of Europe should have those beneficial results for our
knowledge of the Etruscan which some appear to an-
ticipate. The Germans and Celts arc originally di-
vided from the nations on the Mediterranean by their
locality in a very marked manner; they onlv gradually
approach these and come into collision with them;
and, even though the languages of both nations may
? eloug to that great family which, from time immemo-
-ial, has diffused itself through Europe and Asia, yet
hey havo distinct peculiarities, which wo have no
eaumi to believe are found in those of Italy. The
'aodnmenlal and indelible characteristic of the Celtic
-anguages seems to be, that they mark grammatical
forms by aspirations and other changes of the initial
consonants; a thing not practised in any other Euro-
pean language, but found in all branches of the Celtic,
Welsh, Cornish, Gaelic, Irish, and Bos Breton. This
mutability of the consonants is a circumstance which
must be perceptible, even in a small number of writ-
ten remains, and which could not well have escaped
ns had the Etruscan been the Celtic. The Iberian
family, once widely diffused on the shores of the Med-
iterranean, may have dwelt in close vicinity to the
Etruscans; but the remains of its language in the
Basque are completely different from those of the rest
of Europe, and its grammar shows so little affinity with
what we know of the Etruscan as to afford very slight
support to the opinion of the affinity of the two nations.
W hat may have been the relation of the Tuscan to the
extinct Ligurian, or to the language of those Alpine
tnbes whose names alone are preserved in history, is
a question respecting which we have not even a glim-
mering of knowledge. " (Mailer, Etrusker, vol. 1, p.
84, seqq. --Edinburgh Review, vol. 50, p. 372-396. )
HistsNia Fid. Ierne.
Hiisipoli*, I. a city of Syria near the Euphrates,
south of Zeugma. It derived its Greek name {Holy
Oily) from the circumstance of the Syrian goddess
? ? Atergalis being worshipped there. By the Syrians it
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? HIE
HIE
tot Bonis. ance, claiming a common opsin with them,
is being descended from Mara, called Mamers or Ma-
mciins in the Oscan language; and Rome eagerly
seised this opportunity of obtaining a footing in Sicily.
The consul Appius Claudius marched to Rhegium,
md, having contrived to pass the strait in the night un-
observed by the Carthaginian cruisers, he surprised
Ilicro's camp, routed the aoldiers, and obliged the
monarch himself to seek safety in flight. The consul
next attacked the Carthaginian camp with the same
luccess, and this was the beginning of the first Punic
War, 265 B. C. In the following year the Romans
took T'. uromenium and Catana, and advanced to the
walls of Syracuse, when Hiero sued for peace, which
he ottiined on condition of paying 100 talents of silver,
and supplying the Roman army with provisions. He
punctually fulfilled his engagements, remaining faithful
to Rome during the whole of the war, and by his sup-
plies was of great service to the Roman armies, espe-
cially during the long sieges of Agrigentum and Lilybos-
um. Hiero was included in the peace between Rome
and Carthage, by which his territories were secured to
him, and he remained in friendship with both states.
He even assisted Carthage at a very critical moment,
by sending her supplies of provisions during the war
which she had to sustain against her mercenaries.
The period of peace which elapsed between the end of
the first and the beginning of the second Punic wars,
from 241 to 218 B. O , was most glorious for Hiero,
and most prosperous for Syracuse. Commerce and
agriculture flourished, and wealth and population in-
creased to an extraordinary degree. Hiero paid par-
ticular attention to the administration of the finances,
and made wise regulations for the collection of the
tithe or tax on land, which remained in force through-
out Sicily long after his time, and are mentioned with
pnise ty Cicero as the Lex Hicronica. (Cic. in
V<<t. , 3 ? t 3. ) Hiero introduced tho custom of lotting
the tax to farm every year by auction. He embel-
lished end strengthened Syracuse, and built large
? hips, one of which, if wc are to trust the account
given of it by Afhenaius (5, p. 206), was of most extra-
ordinary dimensions and magnificence. This ship he
sent as a present to Ptolemy Philadelphus. Archim-
edes lived under Hiero's reign. When tho second
Punic war broke out, Hiero continued true to his Ro-
man alliance, and, after the Trasymenian defeat, he
sent a fleet to Ostia with provisions and other gifts,
and a body of light troops to the assistance of Rome.
He lived to see the battle of Cannae, after which his
son Gelon embraced the part of the Carthaginians.
Gelon, however, died, not without suspicion of vio-
lence, and Hiero himself, being past ninety years of
age, ended his days soon after (B. C. 216), leaving the
crown to his grandson Hieronymus. With Hiero the
prosperity and independence of Syracuse may be said
to have expired. (Liv. , lib. 22 et 23. --Polyb. , lib.
l. --Encyel. Vs. Knowl. , vol. 12, p. 195. )
Hierocles, I. a rhetorician of Alabanda, in Caria,
who lived in the beginning of the first century before
the Christian era. He excelled in what Cicero termed
the Asiatic style of eloquence. (Cic, de Oral. , 2,
23. --Id. , Brill. , c. 95. )--II. A lawyer, who wrote a
work on veterinary medicine, addressed to Cassianus
Has ins. of which three chapters are preserved in the
sixteenth book of :he "Geoponica. " (Vid. Geoponi-
ca. )- -III. Surnamed the grammarian, for distinction'
? ? like from the philosopher of the same name, a Greek
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? HIERONYMUS.
HIKRONYMUS.
granddaughters of Hiero were murdered, and royalty
was abolished. But the people were distracted by fac-
tions, and by the mercenaries in their pay, and revo-
lution succeeded revolution, until two adventurers of
Syracusan extraction, but natives of Carthage, who
nad been sent by Hannibal to keep in countenance the
Carthagiuian party in Syracuse, became possessed of
the chief power, and ao provoked the Roman com-
mander Marcetlus that be laid siege to and took Syr-
acuse. (Vid. Syracuse. --DM. Sic. ,fragm. , lib. 26,
vol. 9, p. 369, ed. Bip. -- Liv. , 24, 4-- Id. , 24, 7,
nqq. )--II. A native of Cardia, in the Thracian Cher-
sonese. He was one of the companions of Alexander
the Great, and after his death attached himself to Eu-
menes. Made prisoner in the battle in which that
chieftain was betrayed by his own followers, he was
kindly treated by Antigonus, and entered into bis ser-
vice. This prince intrusted him with the government
of Ccelesyria and Phoenicia, and charged him with an
expedition, the object of which was to seize upon the
country around the Lake Asphaltites. The expedition
did not succeed, owing to the opposition of the neigh-
hocring Arabs, who supported themselves by vending
the bitumen obtained from the lake. After the defeat
of Antigonus at the battle of Ipsus, and his death,
Hieronymus remained faithful to his son Demetrius.
At a later period he entered into the service of Pyr-
rhus, king of Epirus, and accompanied him in his Ital-
ian campaign. He survived this prince, and attained
the age of 104 years. The principal work of Hieron-
rmus, and that on which his reputation was founded,
was entitled 'laropma "Xnouvrifiara (" Historic Me-
moirs"). In this production he developed the move-
ments which followed the death of Alexander, the ca-
bals and jealousies of the principal officers, the bloody
wars to which their ambitious views gave rise, the de-
? truc. ion of the royal house of Macedonia, and the
birth of the new monarchies which dismembered the
empire of Alexander. The anotcnts, however, ac-
cused him of having been influenced too much by the
hatred jo bore to Seleucus, Cassander, Ptolemy, but
above all to Lysimachua, by whose orders Cardia, his
native city, had been destroyed. They charge him
il>> with partiality towards Eumenes, Antigonus, and
Pyrrbus. A particular worthy of remark, and one
whjch makes us regret more earnestly the loss of Hie-
ronyrnus's work, is, that he is the first Greek writer
who entered into any details on the origin and antiqui-
ties of Rome; the war of Pyrrhus with the republic
afforded him probably an occasion for this. Diodorus
Siculus derived considerable aid from the commenta-
ries of Hieronymus, as did Plutarch also in his life of
Eumenes. (Consult Recherches rur la vie el tur les
outrages de Jerome de Cardie, par VAbbi Sevin. --
Mem. de VAcad. des Inscr. , etc. , vol. 18, p. 20. --
ScAdll, Hist. Lit. Gr. , vol. 3. p. 204, teqq. )--III. A
peripatetic philosopher, born in the island of Rhodes,
towards the close of the third century B. C. Cicero
praises his ability, but doubts the propriety of his
t>eing ranked under the peripatetic sect, since he
placed the summvm bonum in freedom from painful
emotion, a doctrine belonging to the Epicurean school.
(Cir. , de Fin. , 5, 5. )--IV. A celebrated father of the
church, better known by the English form of his name,
St. Jarome, and accounted the most learned of all the
Laths fathers. He was born of Christian parents,
A. D. 331, on the confines of Pannonia and Dalmatia,
? ? at the town of Stridon or Stridonium. His father,
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? HIE
1IIEROS0LYMA.
rcaclif! u? Appeared at Basle, frtfm" the press of Fro-
! ien, undei the care of Erasmus, 1516, 9 vols. fol.
Many subsequent editions have been published at Ly-
ons, Rome, Pans, and Antwerp, but the best is that
of Vallarsi, Verona, 1734-1742, 11 toIs. fol, and Ve-
net, 1766, teqq. , ann. , 11 vols. 4to. (B'dhr, Gcsck.
Rim. Lit. --Die Christlich-Romiscke Theologie, p.
165, <<yy. }
Himcso'. yha (neut. plur. ) (Jerusalem), a celebrated
city of Palestine, the capital of Judsea. The history of
Abraham mentions, that Melchizedek, king of Salem,
came forth to meet him when he returned from the
slaughter of the kings (Gen. , 14, 18), and it has been
generally supposed, that this Salem was the original of
the city which we are now considering. It is more
certain, however, that, when the Israelites entered Ca-
naan, they found the place in the occupation of the
Jebusites, a tube descended from Jebus, a son of Ca-
naan, and the city then bore the name of Jebus or Jebu-
si. (Jot! i. ! 5,63. --Id. , 18,28--Consult Reland, Pal-
tut. , p. 834 ) The lower city was taken and burned
by the children of Judah (J*d. 1, 8) after the death
of Joshua; but the Jebusites had so strongly fortified
themselves in the upper city, on Mount Zion, that they
maintained themselves in possession of it till the time
of David. That monarch, after his seven years' rule
over Judah in Hebron, became king of all Israel,
on which he expelled the Jebusites from Mount Zion,
and established here the metropolis of his kingdom.
The city now took the name of Jerusalem, a term
which denotes the abode, or (according to another de-
rivation), the people, of peace. (Consult Reland, p.
633. --Gcscmus, Hcbr. Lei. , s. v. ) The Septuagint
version gives tipovaa? . r/u as the form of the name,
while by the Greek and Roman writers the place is
called Hierosolyma. At present this city is known
throughout Western Asia by the Arabic name of El-
Kads, which signifies *' holiness. " ( Vid. Cadytis. )--
Jerusalem was built on several hills, the largest of
wh'-h was Mount Sion, which formed the southern
part of the city. A valley towards the north separ-
ated thia from Acra, the second or lower city, on the
east of which was Mount Moriah, the site of the tem-
ple of Solomon. Northeast of Mount Moriah was the
Mount of Olives, on the south was the valley of Hin-
nom, and at the north Mount Calvary, the scene of
our Lord's crucifixion. Passing over Ae history of
this celebrated city, so fully detailed in the sacred vol-
ume, we come to the memorable period of its capture
and destruction by Titus. The date of this event was
the 8th of September, A. D. 70. During this sicgo
and capture 1,100,000 persons are said to have per-
ished, and 97,000 to have been made prisoners, and
afterwfrd either sold for slaves, or wantonly exposed
for the sport of their insolent victors to the fury of
wild beasts. In fact, the population, not of Jerusa-
lem alone, but that of the adjacent districts, many who
had taken refuge in the city, more who had assembled
for the feast of unleavened bread, had been shut up by
the sudden formation of the siege. The ardent zeal
of the Jewish nation for their holy city and temple soon
caused both to be again rebuilt; but fresh commotions
compelled the Emperor 'Hadrian to interfere, and or-
dain that no Jew should remain in, or even approach
near Jerusalem, on pain of death. On the ruins of
their temple the same emperor caused a temple in hon-
our of Jupiter Capitolmus to be erected, and the im-
? ? age of a hog *o be cut in stone over the gate leading
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? HIEROSOLYMA.
HIEKOSOLYMA.
tot, then the council house, and abutted on the tow-
? r llippicus, whence the northern wall sprang. The
old wall then ran southward through Betbso to the
gate of the Essenes, all along the ridge of the Valley
of Hinnom, above the pool of Siloam, then eastward
again to the Pool of Solomon, so on through Opha,
probably a deep glen: it then joined the eastern por-
tico of the temple. Thus there were, it might seem,
four distinct towns, each requiring a separate siege.
The capture of the first wall only opened Bezctha;
the fortifications of the northern part of the temple,
the Antonia, and the second wall, still defended the
other quarters. The second wall forced, only a part
of the lower city was won; the strong rock-built cita-
del of Antonia and the temple on one hand, and Sion
on the other, were not the least weakened. The whole
circuit of these walls was guarded with towers, built
of the same solid masonry with the rest of the walls.
They were thirty-five feet broad and thirty-five high;
but above this height were lofty chambers, and above
those again upper rooms, and large tanks to receive
the rain-water. Broad flights of steps led up to them.
Ninety of these towers stood in the first wall, fourteen
in the second, and sixty in the third.
pied the whole of Ionia, from Mycale northward, and
the adjacent islands; the Carians, the Lclcges, and
ti* Caucones, the Trojans, and Mysians, were of the
name race, and also allied to the Lydians, as appears
from the genealogy given by Herodotus (1,171). Tho
Greeks themselves attribute the Pelasgic population
of Asia Minor to colonies sent from Greece or from
the islands; but their accounts of colonies before the
Homeric age, being founded on no contemporary au-
thority, must generally be regarded as historical hy-
potheses, chiefly grounded upon similarity of names,
which may often be more rationally explained from
Bther causes. It is, however, by no means probable
that the Lydians were wholly a Pelasgic people. The
phenomena of the history of Asia Minor are most
easily solved by the supposition that a nation of Syr-
ian origin was mingled in its two principal districts,
Lydia and Phrygia, with another nearly allied to the
Greeks. The Mosaic genealogy of nations (Gen. , 10,
22) assigns a Semitic origin to the Lydians; while it
refers most of the tribes of Asia Minor, along with the
Greeks, to the stock of Japheth. The mythology of
Lydia, the basis, as usual, of its dynasties of kings,
betrays its Syrian as well as Grecian affinities. Their
doitics "Arrr/f or "Attc (the same as noTaf, Hes. ),
and Ma, father and mother, have probably given their
name to the Atyadcs and the Maeonians; and their
worship is clearly the same with that of the Syrian
foddess, who was variously denominated Atargatis,
(erceto, Semiramis, Rhea, Juno, and Venus. The
chief seat of her worship at Hierapolis, was the resort
of the people of Asia Minor; and Ascalon, in Phoe-
nicia, appears to have been considered as a colony of
the Lydians (Steph. Byz. , >>. v) for no other reason
than that the traditions of the great goddess were in
a peculiar manner connected with this place. In the
list of the kings of Troy, whose names are generally
of Grecian etymology, the Oriental name of Assara-
? ? cus points to a mixture of Oriental mythology; and
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? HETRCRIA
HETRURIA.
ut. on to ili<< maritime town Tarquinii, and the hero
Tarchon, both probably only variations of the name
Tyrrheni. Here it was that the much-dreaded Pelas-
gians of Lydia landed and settled, bringing with them
the arts they had acquired at home or on their way.
For the first time the barbarous land saw men covered
with brass array themselves for battle to the sound of
the trumpet; here first tl. ey heard the loud sound of
the Lydt -Phrygian flute accompaiying the sacrifice,
and perhaps witnessed for the first time the rapid
course of the fifty-oared ship. As the legend, in its
propagation from mouth to mouth, swells beyond all
bounds, the whole glory of the Tuscan name, even
that which did not properly belong to the colonists,
attached itself to the name of Tarchon, the disciple
of Tages, as the author of a new and better era in the
history of Etruria. The neighbouring Urabrians and
Latins named the nation, which from this time began
to increase and diffuse itself, not from the primitive
inhabitants, but from these new settlers. For since,
in the Eugubine tables, Trusce occurs along with
Tuseom and Tuseer, it is impossible not to conclude,
that from the root TUR have been formed Trusicus,
Truscus, Tuscan; as from the root OP, Opscus and
Onus; so that Tvfifmvoi or Tvponvoi, and Tusci,
are only the Asiatic and Italic forms of one and tbo
same name. " (Etrusker, vol. 1, p. 100. ) The time
of such a colonization can, of course, only be fixed by
approximation. Miiller supposes it to have coincided
with the Ionic migration, and to have been occasioned
by it. The Umbrians were powerful in the land of
which the new colonists took possession, and long
wars must have been carried on with them before
they were dispossessed of the three hundred towns
which Pliny (3, 19) says they once held in the coun-
try afterward called Etruria. To the south the Etru-
rians extended themselves to the banks of the Tiber,
and even beyond it into Lalium, as the name of Tus-
colum proves. According to their own traditions, the
Bine Tarchon who founded the twelve cities of Etru-
ria led a colony across the Apennines and founded
twelve other cities. Of such a tradition, the historian
cat receive no more than the fact, that Etruria, in the
valley of the Po, was colonized from the southern
Etruria. Bologna, anciently Felsina, which stands
where the Apennines descend into the fertile plains
which border the Po, was probably the first of these
colonies, as it is called by Pliny (3, 20), "princeps
quondam Etruria -? " the names of most of the others
are uncertain. A stone, with an Etruscan inscription,
baa been found (Lanzi, vol. 2, p. 649) as far to the
westward as Alessandria. Atria and Spina, near the
mouth of the Po, were certainly Tuscan cities, and
very important from their commerce with the Adriatic;
but the foundation of both was claimed for the Pclas-
gians of Thessaly or the followers of Diomede. The
same story of twelve colonies is repeated in reference
to the settlement of the Etruscans in Campania. Miil-
ler supposes these to be really colonies from Etruria,
in opposition to the opinion of Niebuhr, who thinks
they were founded by Pelasgian Tyrrhenians, con-
founded with the Etruscans from identity of name.
At all events, the amount of Etruscan population in
Campania cannot have been great, sinco the Oscan
language, not the Etruscan, prevailed there; and not
a single Etruscan inscription has been found in this
whole district. This land of luxurious indulgence
? ? appears to have exerted its usual influence on the
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? HETKURIA.
HETRURIA.
nature has not been counteracted by misgovernment
and absurd legislation. But Etruria was not, like
Campania, a land of spontaneous fertility; the industry
snd ingenuity of man were required to adapt cultivation
to the various qualities of the land, and to curb the in-
undations of the Po in the provinces on the Adriatic.
Their primitive manners were simple; the distaff of
Tanaquil was long preserved in the temple of Sancus
at Rome; and a passage of Juvenal (6, 288) seems to
'mpty, that in domestic industry and virtue there was
a close resemblance between the Tuscan and the Ro-
man nations in early times. Their extensive con-
quests, and bold and skilful navigation, arc a sufficient
proof of the energy of their national character. But
when commerce and conquests in Southern Italy had
placed in their reach the means of indulgence, they
seized upon them with the avidity of a half-barbarous
people: and luxury, instead of being the handmaid of
refinement and elegance, ministered -to vain splendour
and sensual voluptuousness. Diodorus (5, 40) de-
scribes, from Posidonius, their tables loaded twice a
day (which, to abstemious Greeks, seemed the excess
of gluttony), their embroidered draperies, their drink-
ing-vessels of gold and silver, and their hosts of slaves.
A tinjio. mis gives much darker shades to his picture of
the corruption of manners produced by wealth expend-
ed wholly in the gratification of the senses. That the
epithets of pinguis and obctut, which the Romans ap-
plied to the Etruscans, were not wholly suggested by
national malice, is evident from the recumbent figures
on the covers of the sarcophagi. From the Etruscans
the Romans borrowed their combats of gladiators. It
/hould seem, however, that the horrible practice of in-
troducing them at banquets belonged chiefly to the
Etrurians of Campania, and especially to Capua; the
focus of all the vices which spring from luxury, neither
softened by humanity nor refined by taste. Of the
Etrurian music we have spoken in mentioning the
proolV of their Lydian origin, it was almost the only
branch of art in which invention is attributed to them
oy the ancients; and even here the invention related
only to the instrument; we read of no mood ascribed
to them. Their celebrity, both in this and the plastic
art was owing, in a great measure, to their being the
neighbours of a people whose genius was so decidedly
averse from both as that of the Romans; who, till they
became acquainted with the Greeks, derived all the
decorative part of their system of public and private
life from the Etrurians. We have no historical means
of determining whether the Etrurians borrowed from
the Greeks their successive improvements in sculpture
and statuary, or proceeded in an independent track:
the fact which we shall have to produce respecting
their alphabet, renders the former supposition more
'probable. If this communication existed, it was only
'to a certain point: the Tuscan style in art always bore
a resemblance to that of Egypt, and their most perfect
works had that rigidity, and want of varied and living
expression, which characterized Grecian sculpture be-
fore Phidias had fired his imagination with Homer's de-
scription of Jupiter and Minerva, or Praxiteles had
imbodied in marble his vision of the Queen of Beauty.
In all that department of art, or the contrary, in which
mechanism without mind may attain perfection, the
Etrurians were little inferior to the Greeks themselves.
An Athenian poet (ap. Alhen. , 1, 28) celebrated their
works in metal as the best of their kind; alluding
? ? probably to their drinking-vessels and lamps, candelabra
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? HETRL'RIA.
HETRL'RIA.
wrtico v. as the ancient food of the inhabitants of all
ibis part of Italy; and agriculture formed the most
honourable occupation. The iron-mines of Ilva, now
Elba, and others on the mainland of Etruria connected
? with them, furnished a richer supply, and of a purer
quality than any other in the ancient world; the same
island produced the copper for their coinage, and for
their works in brass.
Work* of Art, Antiquities, <fc, of the Etrurians.
Enough remains of Etruscan art to justify what an-
cient authors have aaid of the population, wealth, and
luxury of this people. The walls of their cities rarely
exhibit that gigantic species of dike-building which has
been called the Cyclopean architecture, and which is
found in Asia Miner, in the Peloponnesus, and the re-
mains ol the ancient towns of Latium and Samnium.
Micali considers the walls of Cosa as the only specimen
in Etruria of the Cyclopsan manner; but if the cri-
terion be the use of polygonal masses of stone without
cement, instead of parallclnpipedal, the plate (pi. 12)
which he has given of the. gate and wall of Signium
(Scgni) shows that it partakes of the character of this
tlass. But, in general, they built their walls, as may
Be seen at Volterra, Populoaia, and Ruscllre, of vast
blocks of parallelopipedai form, which their own weight
? etained in their places, without the use of mortar.
The gate of Segni, before mentioned, shows something
cf the earliest attempt at constructing an arch, by
the gradual approximation of the stor. c. i which form
the sides. Etruria does not exhibit any specimens
y( the mode of building practised in the treasuries of
Atreus and Minyas, in which the walls of a circular
building converge so as to meet at the top in the firm
of a beehive. A recent traveller, Delia Marmora, has
discovered several of this kind in the island of Sar-
dinia. We are indebted for by far the most numerous
jf our Etruscan antiquities to the care with which thij
pcoplf provided themselves with durable placis cf
sepulture, and their custom of interring with the body
*sriouo articles of metal and of clay. To the opening
of the hypogea of Volterra, we owe the revival of this
branch of antiquarian lore. Some of these repositories
belonged to ancient towns, whose existence might have
been unknown but for the necropolis which marks
tbeir vicinity. Inghirami has given an interesting ac-
count (Ser. 4) of two of these; one at Castcllaccio,
uot far from Viterbo, the other at Orchia, about four-
teen miles to the southwest of that city. Castcllaccio
was the Castellum Axium mentioned by Cicero in his
oration for Cacina (c. 7), the site of which Cluverius
declared to be unknown. The traces of the walls
themselves are very visible in the large oblong blocks
of peperino joined without cement, and convex out-
ward, in the usual style of the old Etruscan fortifica-
tions. The steep banks of the stream, being composed
of a tnfo easily wrought, have been hewn out for
nearly a mile into grotto-sepulchres, the face of the
rock being cut into the representation of a doorway,
while the real entrance to the hypogeum is below, and
closed with large stones. Examples of this kind of
sepulchre are found in Persia, in Palestine, and in
Asia Minor (Walpole's Memoirs, vol. 1, p. 231;
vol. J, p. 206, 524); but in these the entrance is by
the sculptured portal, which in the Etrurian sepul-
chres served only as an ornament. The architecture
of these tombs is evidently of an age when the Greek
embellishments had become known in Etruria; but
? ? the shortness of the pillars, the length of the inter-
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? HETEURIA.
nt. Tnat thoy were reilly mirrors we have little
doc'-'t; Inghirami easily finds a mystical meaning for
everything belonging to them. The metal of which
they iro invariably composed, brass, alludes to the fir-
mament, conceived by the Bncients to be a ^a/Uofiarij-
dii, ? ' spread out like a molten mirror" (,/oA,. xxvii. , 18);
thoir circular form to the perlection of which this fig-
ure is an emblem. If they had happened to be oval,
is would still have been at no loss, for he explains the
usually elliptical forms of the fictile vases as alluding
r that deterioration of its nature which the soul un-
dergoes when it enters into union with the body. As
many articles of female ornament have been found in
sepulchres--fibulae, bair-bodkins, collars, bracelets--
it is an obvious conjecture, that the mirrors were a
real part of the toilet of the deceased, consigned to the
same grave with her; on the principle that what was
most used and valued in life should be the companion
in death. Yet to this supposition it is an objection,
that the slight convexity which some of them have is
on the polished side, a circumstance which, as it would
interfere with their use as real mirrors, suggests that
they may have been emblematical of the sacerdotal of-
fice borne by'the female with whom they were interred.
Etrurian Language, and Literature.
The literature of the Etrurians presents the singu-
lar phenomenon of an alphabet perfectly deciphered,
along with a language completely unintelligible. Such
a combination is so strange, that we find more than
one writer alleging that the language is Greek, and ap-
pealing in proof to the alphabet, without suspecting
the want of connexion between premises and conclu-
sions. When the Eugubine tables were discovered in
1441, thoy were supposed to be in the Egyptian char-
acter; Reinesius suspected them to be Punic; and,
though they gradually acquired the name of Etruscan,
the real force of the letters was not discovered till
1732, when Bourguet ascertained it by comparing the
two tables which are in the Latin character with one
In the Etruscan, which he had happily* divined to be
nearly equivalent in sense. Gori, a few years later,
published his alphabet, which, in all important points,
has been confirmed by aubsequent inquiries: the great
improvement made in it by Lanzi was, that he detect-
ed a 2 in the letter M, which till then had been taken
for an m. The principles of Greek paleography have
been lately established, on a more solid basis than be-
fore, by Bockh; and by the help of these and the la-
bours of his predecessors, Miiller has arrived at the
conclusion, that the Etruscan alphabet has not been
derived immediately from the Phoenicians, but from
the Greeks. Very few forms occur in it which are
not found in the early Greek inscriptions: while, on
the other hand, it does not contain some of those which
the Greeks retained a considerable time after they re-
ceived them from the Phoenicians; and, again, the
Etruscans have some letters which the Greeks added
to their Phoenician alphabet. Other Etruscan letters
have never yet been found in any Greek inscription,
so that it is impossible to point out any specific age or
form of the Greek alphabet which the Etruscans may
be supposed to have adopted once for all. The Phry-
gian inscription from the tomb of Midas (Walpole, vol.
i, p. 207) bears no closer resemblance to the Etruscan
than other very old Greek inscriptions: in the Carian
inscription (lb , p. 530) there are many letters which
differ from the Etruscan. The letters B, 1', A do not
appear to have had any corresponding sounds in the
? ? Etruscan language, and the first and last never occur.
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? HIE
HI E
m, tnal aril (" cecum") signifies, not tixit, but cttalis.
Muller's observations on'this subject are particularly
deserving of attention at the present moment, when
extravagant expectations appear to be entertained of
the enlargement of our historical knowledge by the
comparison of languages. "We might give much
ampler information, if, after Lanzi's method, we sought
in the monuments of the Etruscan language for single
rounds resembling the Greek and Latin; and, per-
? uaded that similar sounds must have a similar mean-
ing, endeavoured to explain all that could not be
brought to agree by an arbitrary prosthesis, epcnlhc-
lis, paragogc, and similar cheap expedients. With-
tut blaming the learned Italian, in whose time the
"lost eminent literati had very confused ideas of the
formation of language, we may maintain that his lead-
ing principle, that analogy is the character only of
cultivated languages, and that the ruder any lan-
guage is, the greater liberty might be taken in the
use of it, is entirely false. This may justify us for
having paid so little regard to etymologies, which, as
they are arbitrary in themselves, suppose an arbitrary
character in the language to which they are applied.
if we use only genuine monuments, and require a
certain evidence for every explanation of a root or a
grammatical form, our apparent knowledge of the
Etruscan language shrinks almost to nothing. It is
not probable that the application of the still existing
remains of the languages of the north and northwest
of Europe should have those beneficial results for our
knowledge of the Etruscan which some appear to an-
ticipate. The Germans and Celts arc originally di-
vided from the nations on the Mediterranean by their
locality in a very marked manner; they onlv gradually
approach these and come into collision with them;
and, even though the languages of both nations may
? eloug to that great family which, from time immemo-
-ial, has diffused itself through Europe and Asia, yet
hey havo distinct peculiarities, which wo have no
eaumi to believe are found in those of Italy. The
'aodnmenlal and indelible characteristic of the Celtic
-anguages seems to be, that they mark grammatical
forms by aspirations and other changes of the initial
consonants; a thing not practised in any other Euro-
pean language, but found in all branches of the Celtic,
Welsh, Cornish, Gaelic, Irish, and Bos Breton. This
mutability of the consonants is a circumstance which
must be perceptible, even in a small number of writ-
ten remains, and which could not well have escaped
ns had the Etruscan been the Celtic. The Iberian
family, once widely diffused on the shores of the Med-
iterranean, may have dwelt in close vicinity to the
Etruscans; but the remains of its language in the
Basque are completely different from those of the rest
of Europe, and its grammar shows so little affinity with
what we know of the Etruscan as to afford very slight
support to the opinion of the affinity of the two nations.
W hat may have been the relation of the Tuscan to the
extinct Ligurian, or to the language of those Alpine
tnbes whose names alone are preserved in history, is
a question respecting which we have not even a glim-
mering of knowledge. " (Mailer, Etrusker, vol. 1, p.
84, seqq. --Edinburgh Review, vol. 50, p. 372-396. )
HistsNia Fid. Ierne.
Hiisipoli*, I. a city of Syria near the Euphrates,
south of Zeugma. It derived its Greek name {Holy
Oily) from the circumstance of the Syrian goddess
? ? Atergalis being worshipped there. By the Syrians it
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? HIE
HIE
tot Bonis. ance, claiming a common opsin with them,
is being descended from Mara, called Mamers or Ma-
mciins in the Oscan language; and Rome eagerly
seised this opportunity of obtaining a footing in Sicily.
The consul Appius Claudius marched to Rhegium,
md, having contrived to pass the strait in the night un-
observed by the Carthaginian cruisers, he surprised
Ilicro's camp, routed the aoldiers, and obliged the
monarch himself to seek safety in flight. The consul
next attacked the Carthaginian camp with the same
luccess, and this was the beginning of the first Punic
War, 265 B. C. In the following year the Romans
took T'. uromenium and Catana, and advanced to the
walls of Syracuse, when Hiero sued for peace, which
he ottiined on condition of paying 100 talents of silver,
and supplying the Roman army with provisions. He
punctually fulfilled his engagements, remaining faithful
to Rome during the whole of the war, and by his sup-
plies was of great service to the Roman armies, espe-
cially during the long sieges of Agrigentum and Lilybos-
um. Hiero was included in the peace between Rome
and Carthage, by which his territories were secured to
him, and he remained in friendship with both states.
He even assisted Carthage at a very critical moment,
by sending her supplies of provisions during the war
which she had to sustain against her mercenaries.
The period of peace which elapsed between the end of
the first and the beginning of the second Punic wars,
from 241 to 218 B. O , was most glorious for Hiero,
and most prosperous for Syracuse. Commerce and
agriculture flourished, and wealth and population in-
creased to an extraordinary degree. Hiero paid par-
ticular attention to the administration of the finances,
and made wise regulations for the collection of the
tithe or tax on land, which remained in force through-
out Sicily long after his time, and are mentioned with
pnise ty Cicero as the Lex Hicronica. (Cic. in
V<<t. , 3 ? t 3. ) Hiero introduced tho custom of lotting
the tax to farm every year by auction. He embel-
lished end strengthened Syracuse, and built large
? hips, one of which, if wc are to trust the account
given of it by Afhenaius (5, p. 206), was of most extra-
ordinary dimensions and magnificence. This ship he
sent as a present to Ptolemy Philadelphus. Archim-
edes lived under Hiero's reign. When tho second
Punic war broke out, Hiero continued true to his Ro-
man alliance, and, after the Trasymenian defeat, he
sent a fleet to Ostia with provisions and other gifts,
and a body of light troops to the assistance of Rome.
He lived to see the battle of Cannae, after which his
son Gelon embraced the part of the Carthaginians.
Gelon, however, died, not without suspicion of vio-
lence, and Hiero himself, being past ninety years of
age, ended his days soon after (B. C. 216), leaving the
crown to his grandson Hieronymus. With Hiero the
prosperity and independence of Syracuse may be said
to have expired. (Liv. , lib. 22 et 23. --Polyb. , lib.
l. --Encyel. Vs. Knowl. , vol. 12, p. 195. )
Hierocles, I. a rhetorician of Alabanda, in Caria,
who lived in the beginning of the first century before
the Christian era. He excelled in what Cicero termed
the Asiatic style of eloquence. (Cic, de Oral. , 2,
23. --Id. , Brill. , c. 95. )--II. A lawyer, who wrote a
work on veterinary medicine, addressed to Cassianus
Has ins. of which three chapters are preserved in the
sixteenth book of :he "Geoponica. " (Vid. Geoponi-
ca. )- -III. Surnamed the grammarian, for distinction'
? ? like from the philosopher of the same name, a Greek
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? HIERONYMUS.
HIKRONYMUS.
granddaughters of Hiero were murdered, and royalty
was abolished. But the people were distracted by fac-
tions, and by the mercenaries in their pay, and revo-
lution succeeded revolution, until two adventurers of
Syracusan extraction, but natives of Carthage, who
nad been sent by Hannibal to keep in countenance the
Carthagiuian party in Syracuse, became possessed of
the chief power, and ao provoked the Roman com-
mander Marcetlus that be laid siege to and took Syr-
acuse. (Vid. Syracuse. --DM. Sic. ,fragm. , lib. 26,
vol. 9, p. 369, ed. Bip. -- Liv. , 24, 4-- Id. , 24, 7,
nqq. )--II. A native of Cardia, in the Thracian Cher-
sonese. He was one of the companions of Alexander
the Great, and after his death attached himself to Eu-
menes. Made prisoner in the battle in which that
chieftain was betrayed by his own followers, he was
kindly treated by Antigonus, and entered into bis ser-
vice. This prince intrusted him with the government
of Ccelesyria and Phoenicia, and charged him with an
expedition, the object of which was to seize upon the
country around the Lake Asphaltites. The expedition
did not succeed, owing to the opposition of the neigh-
hocring Arabs, who supported themselves by vending
the bitumen obtained from the lake. After the defeat
of Antigonus at the battle of Ipsus, and his death,
Hieronymus remained faithful to his son Demetrius.
At a later period he entered into the service of Pyr-
rhus, king of Epirus, and accompanied him in his Ital-
ian campaign. He survived this prince, and attained
the age of 104 years. The principal work of Hieron-
rmus, and that on which his reputation was founded,
was entitled 'laropma "Xnouvrifiara (" Historic Me-
moirs"). In this production he developed the move-
ments which followed the death of Alexander, the ca-
bals and jealousies of the principal officers, the bloody
wars to which their ambitious views gave rise, the de-
? truc. ion of the royal house of Macedonia, and the
birth of the new monarchies which dismembered the
empire of Alexander. The anotcnts, however, ac-
cused him of having been influenced too much by the
hatred jo bore to Seleucus, Cassander, Ptolemy, but
above all to Lysimachua, by whose orders Cardia, his
native city, had been destroyed. They charge him
il>> with partiality towards Eumenes, Antigonus, and
Pyrrbus. A particular worthy of remark, and one
whjch makes us regret more earnestly the loss of Hie-
ronyrnus's work, is, that he is the first Greek writer
who entered into any details on the origin and antiqui-
ties of Rome; the war of Pyrrhus with the republic
afforded him probably an occasion for this. Diodorus
Siculus derived considerable aid from the commenta-
ries of Hieronymus, as did Plutarch also in his life of
Eumenes. (Consult Recherches rur la vie el tur les
outrages de Jerome de Cardie, par VAbbi Sevin. --
Mem. de VAcad. des Inscr. , etc. , vol. 18, p. 20. --
ScAdll, Hist. Lit. Gr. , vol. 3. p. 204, teqq. )--III. A
peripatetic philosopher, born in the island of Rhodes,
towards the close of the third century B. C. Cicero
praises his ability, but doubts the propriety of his
t>eing ranked under the peripatetic sect, since he
placed the summvm bonum in freedom from painful
emotion, a doctrine belonging to the Epicurean school.
(Cir. , de Fin. , 5, 5. )--IV. A celebrated father of the
church, better known by the English form of his name,
St. Jarome, and accounted the most learned of all the
Laths fathers. He was born of Christian parents,
A. D. 331, on the confines of Pannonia and Dalmatia,
? ? at the town of Stridon or Stridonium. His father,
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? HIE
1IIEROS0LYMA.
rcaclif! u? Appeared at Basle, frtfm" the press of Fro-
! ien, undei the care of Erasmus, 1516, 9 vols. fol.
Many subsequent editions have been published at Ly-
ons, Rome, Pans, and Antwerp, but the best is that
of Vallarsi, Verona, 1734-1742, 11 toIs. fol, and Ve-
net, 1766, teqq. , ann. , 11 vols. 4to. (B'dhr, Gcsck.
Rim. Lit. --Die Christlich-Romiscke Theologie, p.
165, <<yy. }
Himcso'. yha (neut. plur. ) (Jerusalem), a celebrated
city of Palestine, the capital of Judsea. The history of
Abraham mentions, that Melchizedek, king of Salem,
came forth to meet him when he returned from the
slaughter of the kings (Gen. , 14, 18), and it has been
generally supposed, that this Salem was the original of
the city which we are now considering. It is more
certain, however, that, when the Israelites entered Ca-
naan, they found the place in the occupation of the
Jebusites, a tube descended from Jebus, a son of Ca-
naan, and the city then bore the name of Jebus or Jebu-
si. (Jot! i. ! 5,63. --Id. , 18,28--Consult Reland, Pal-
tut. , p. 834 ) The lower city was taken and burned
by the children of Judah (J*d. 1, 8) after the death
of Joshua; but the Jebusites had so strongly fortified
themselves in the upper city, on Mount Zion, that they
maintained themselves in possession of it till the time
of David. That monarch, after his seven years' rule
over Judah in Hebron, became king of all Israel,
on which he expelled the Jebusites from Mount Zion,
and established here the metropolis of his kingdom.
The city now took the name of Jerusalem, a term
which denotes the abode, or (according to another de-
rivation), the people, of peace. (Consult Reland, p.
633. --Gcscmus, Hcbr. Lei. , s. v. ) The Septuagint
version gives tipovaa? . r/u as the form of the name,
while by the Greek and Roman writers the place is
called Hierosolyma. At present this city is known
throughout Western Asia by the Arabic name of El-
Kads, which signifies *' holiness. " ( Vid. Cadytis. )--
Jerusalem was built on several hills, the largest of
wh'-h was Mount Sion, which formed the southern
part of the city. A valley towards the north separ-
ated thia from Acra, the second or lower city, on the
east of which was Mount Moriah, the site of the tem-
ple of Solomon. Northeast of Mount Moriah was the
Mount of Olives, on the south was the valley of Hin-
nom, and at the north Mount Calvary, the scene of
our Lord's crucifixion. Passing over Ae history of
this celebrated city, so fully detailed in the sacred vol-
ume, we come to the memorable period of its capture
and destruction by Titus. The date of this event was
the 8th of September, A. D. 70. During this sicgo
and capture 1,100,000 persons are said to have per-
ished, and 97,000 to have been made prisoners, and
afterwfrd either sold for slaves, or wantonly exposed
for the sport of their insolent victors to the fury of
wild beasts. In fact, the population, not of Jerusa-
lem alone, but that of the adjacent districts, many who
had taken refuge in the city, more who had assembled
for the feast of unleavened bread, had been shut up by
the sudden formation of the siege. The ardent zeal
of the Jewish nation for their holy city and temple soon
caused both to be again rebuilt; but fresh commotions
compelled the Emperor 'Hadrian to interfere, and or-
dain that no Jew should remain in, or even approach
near Jerusalem, on pain of death. On the ruins of
their temple the same emperor caused a temple in hon-
our of Jupiter Capitolmus to be erected, and the im-
? ? age of a hog *o be cut in stone over the gate leading
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? HIEROSOLYMA.
HIEKOSOLYMA.
tot, then the council house, and abutted on the tow-
? r llippicus, whence the northern wall sprang. The
old wall then ran southward through Betbso to the
gate of the Essenes, all along the ridge of the Valley
of Hinnom, above the pool of Siloam, then eastward
again to the Pool of Solomon, so on through Opha,
probably a deep glen: it then joined the eastern por-
tico of the temple. Thus there were, it might seem,
four distinct towns, each requiring a separate siege.
The capture of the first wall only opened Bezctha;
the fortifications of the northern part of the temple,
the Antonia, and the second wall, still defended the
other quarters. The second wall forced, only a part
of the lower city was won; the strong rock-built cita-
del of Antonia and the temple on one hand, and Sion
on the other, were not the least weakened. The whole
circuit of these walls was guarded with towers, built
of the same solid masonry with the rest of the walls.
They were thirty-five feet broad and thirty-five high;
but above this height were lofty chambers, and above
those again upper rooms, and large tanks to receive
the rain-water. Broad flights of steps led up to them.
Ninety of these towers stood in the first wall, fourteen
in the second, and sixty in the third.
