The Veneti, moreover, were, according to
the most probable account, Illyrians.
the most probable account, Illyrians.
Charles - 1867 - Classical Dictionary
it is true, found Druids in Gaul, but he states, at the
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? f LE
ILI
lhg to some accor. r. ts, A. D. 110, his remains were carried
to Antioch for interment. --If, as some suppose, Ignati-
us was not one of the little children whom Jesus took up
in his arms and blessed, it is certain that he conversed
familiarly with the apostles, and was perfectly acquaint-
ed with their doctrine. Of his works there remain
? even epistles, edited in 1645 by Archbishop Usher,
^published by Cotelerius in 1672, in his collection of
ho writings of the apostolical fathers; and again f rint-
td in 1607 at Amsterdam, with notes, and the com-
inc-ntaries of Usher and Pearson. An English transla-
tion of them, from the pen of Archl ishop Wake, is to
t e found among the works of that prelate. There are
some other letters of minor importance, which, though
the question of their authenticity has met with sup-
porters, are generally considered to have been attribu-
ted to him on insufficient authority. --II. A patriarch
of Constantinople, about the middle of the ninth cen-
tury. He was son to the Emperor Michael Curopala-
ta, and on tho deposition of his father assumed the
ecclesiastical habit. The uncompromising firmness
which he displayed after his elevation to the patriar-
chal chair in 847, in subjecting Bardas, a court-favour-
ite, to the censures of the church, on account of an in-
cestuous connexion, caused him to undergo a tempo-
rary deprivation of office. Under Basil, however, he
was restored to his former dignity, and presided in his
capacity of patriarch at the eighth general council.
His death took place about the year 878. (Gorton't
Biogr. Diet. , vol. 2, p. 162. )
Iouvium, a city of Umbria, on the Via Flamicia, to
? he south of Tifernum, and at the foot of the main
chain of tho Apennines. It is now Eugubbio, or, as
it is more commonly called, Gubbio. Iguvium was a
municipal town; and, as it would seem from the im-
portance attached to its possession by Ca>>sar when he
invaded Italy, a place of some consequence. (Cos ,
Bel! . Civ. , I, 2. --Compare Cic. ad Alt. , 7, 13-- Plin. ,
3, 14. ) This city has acquired great celebrity in mod-
em times, from the discovery of some interesting
monuments in its vicinity, in the year 1440. These
consist of several bronze tablets covered with inscrip-
tions, some of which are in Umbrian, others in Latin
characters. They have been made the subject of
many a learned dissertation by modern literati. The
most recent work on the subject is by Grolefend, en-
titled Rudimenta Lingua Umbricce, 4to, Hannov. ,
1835-39.
Ilba or Ilva, an island of the Tyrrhene Sea, off the
coast of Etruria, and about ten miles from the prom-
ontory of Populonium. It was early celebrated for its
rich iron mines; but by whom they were first discov-
ered and worked is uncertain, as they are said to ex-
hibit the marks of Iabours%arried on for an incalculable
time. (Pini, Ostcrv. Mineral, sulla mimera difcrro
di Rio, &c, 1777, Svo. --Leitre sur Vhistoire naturelle
de Vsle d'Elbe, par Kocsllin, Vienne, 1780, 8vo. ) It
even seems to have been a popular belief among the
ancients, that the metallic substance was constantly
renewed. (Aristot. , de Mir. , p. 1158. --Strab. , 223.
? -Plin. , 34, 14 ) It is probable that the Phoenicians
were the first to make known the mineral riches of
this island, and that it was from them the Tyrrhcni
learned to estimate its value, which may have held
nt to ihcm no small inducement for settling on a coast
ttherwise deficient in natural advantages. It is to
? he latter people that we ought to trace the name of
? ? ^Ethalia, given to this island by the Greeks, and which
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? 1LIAS.
MAS.
am nil the age of the grammarians iliac its primitive in-
tegrity was called in question; nor ia it injustice to
assert, that the minute and analytical spirit of a gram-
marian is not the best qualification, for the profound
feeling, the comprehensive conception of an harmoni-
ous whole. The most exquisite anatomist may be no
? udge of the symmetry of the human frame, and we
would take the opinion of Chantrey or Weatmacott
sn the proportions and general boauty of a form rather
than that of Mr. Brodie or Sir Astlcy Cooper. --There
is some truth, though some malicious exaggeration, in
the lines of Pope:
1 The critic eye, that microscope of wit,
Sees hairs and pores, examines bit by bit:
How parts relate to parts, or they to whole;
The body's harmony, the beaming soul;
Are things which Kuster, Burman, Wassc, shall see,
When man's whole frame is obvious to a flea. '
--We would not comprehend, under this sweeping
denunciation, men of genius as well as critical saga-
city, such as Hcyne and Wolf, still less those of the
highest poetic feeling, who, both in this and other
countries, are converts to their system. Yet there is
a sort of contagion in literary as well as religious scep-
ticism; we like, in scholarship, to be on the stronger
side, and the very names of Bentlcy, Wolf, and Hcyne
would sweep a host of followers into their train. In
the authors of a paradox, criticism, like jealousy, fur-
nishes the food which it grows on; and it is astonish-
ing, when once possessed with a favourite opinion,
how it draws 'from trifles confirmation strong,' and
overlooks thci most glaring objections; while, if the
new doctrine once forces its viay into general notice,
ardent proselytes crowd in from all quarters, until that
which was at first a timid and doubtful heresy, be-
comes a standard article of the scholar's creed, from
which it requires courage to dissent. Such to us ap-
pears to have been the fate of the hypotheses before us.
--For, in the first place, it aeens that many of the ob-
jections to the original unit; n the poem apply with
equal force to the Pisistralid' compilation. It is, for
instance, quite as likely, that i i the heat of composi-
tion the bard should have forgotten something; that,
for example, owing to his obliviousness, the Pyltem-
enes, whom he had slain outright in the fifth book,
should revive, gallantly fightin* in the thirteenth;
and thus, in a different way fr "the warrior of the
Italian poet: '"' '? '
'Andare combattendo, ed iter mono. '
The slow and cautious compiler is even less likely to
have made such an oversight tha>> ""o rapid and inven-
tive poet; and. by-the-way, SP ib Pahza's wife's
name is changed, through Cervantes' forgetfulness of
such trifles, in the second part of Don Quixote; but
no such lapsus can be alleged against the spurious
continuator of the romance, Av<<! lenada. Nor, sec-
ondly, will any critical reader of 'omer pretend that
we possess the Homeric poems c" ire and uninterpo-
lated. Thai they were, at one period of their history,
recited in broken fragments; that the wandering rhap-
aodists would not scruple to insert occasionally verses
of their own; that certain long and irrelevant passages
of coarser texture may have thus been interwoven into
the rich tissue of the work--all these points will read-
ily be conceded: but while these admissions explain
almost every discrepance of composition and anomaly
of language and versification, they leave the main ques-
? ? tion, the unity of the original design, entirely un-
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? ILIAS.
{LIAR
? tviaeri of the Iliad, have zealously sought out every
apparent discrepance and contradiction in the several
parts of the poem, some diligent student, on the other
side, would examine into all the fine and delicate al-
lusions between the most remote parts--the prepara-
tions in one book for events which are developed in
>>nolher--the slight prophetic anticipations of what is
to come, and the equally evanescent references to the
past--those inartificial and undesigned touches which
indisputably indicate that the same mind has been
perpetually at work in a subtler manner than is con-
ceivable in a more recent compiler. This has been
done in a few instances by M. Lange, in his fervent
vindication of the unity of the Iliad, addressed to the
celebrated Goethe; in more by Mr. Knight, who hag
applied himself to obviating the objections of Heyne,
but still not so fully or so perfectly as, we arc per-
suaded, might be done. It is obviously impossible
fat us, in our limited space, to attempt an investiga-
tion at once so minute and so extensive, nor can we
find room for more than a brief and rapid outline of
that unity of interest which appears to us to combine
the several books of the Iliad, if not into one precon-
ceived and predistributcd whole, yet into one con-
tinuous story; in which, however the main object be
at times suspended, and apparently almost lost sight
of, it rises again before us, and asserts its predominant
importance, while all the other parts of the design,
however prominent and in bold relief, recede and ac-
knowledge their due subordination to that which is
the central, the great leading figure of the majestic
group. The general design of the Iliad, then, was to
celebrate the glory of the Grecian chieftains at the
most eventful period of the war before Troy; the es-
pecial object, the pre-eminent glory of the great Thes-
? alian chieftain, during this at the same time the most
important crisis of his life. The first book shows us
at once who is to be what is vulgarly called the hero of
the poem: Achilles stands forth as the assertor of the
power of the gods--the avenger of the injured priest-
hood--taking the lead with the acknowledged superior-
ity due to his valour, bearding the sovereign of men,
the great monarch, who commands the expedition.
Wronged by Agamemnon, so as to enlist the generous
sympathies on his side, yet withojt any disparagement
to the dignity of his character, he recedes into inaction,
but it is an inaction which more forcibly enthrals our
interest. In another respect, nothing shows the good
fortune, or, rather, the excellent judgment of the poet,
so much as this dignified secession through so large a
part of this poem. Had Achilles been brought more
frequently forward, ho must have been successfully re-
sisted, and thus his pre-eminent valour have been dis-
paraged; or the poet must have constantly raised up
antagonists more and more valiant and formidable, in
the same manner as the romancers are obliged, in or-
der to keep up the fame of their Amadis or Esplandian,
to go on creating more tall, and monstrous, and many-
headed giants, till they have exhausted all imaginable
dimensions, and all calculable multiplication of heads
and arms. The endless diversity of his adventures
permits Ulysses, in the Odyssey, to be constantly on
the scene. His character rises with the dangers to
which he is exposed, for he contends with the elements
and the gods. Achilles could scarcely be in danger,
for his antagonists must almost always be men. It is
surprising how much the sameness of war is varicd4n
? ? the Iliad, but this chiefly arises from its fluctuations,
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? ILIA<<.
IL1
t>>mp; the poet, assured of bis hearer's profound sym-
pathy, to prolong the atrain. The last book, unneces-
sary as it seems to the development of the wrath of
Achilles, yet has always appeared to us still more re-
markably conducive to the real though remote design
of tb<? Iliad. We have before observed, that the pre-
mature and preadvanced mind of the poet seems to
Live delighted in relieving the savage conflict with
traits of milder manners; and the generous conduct of
Achilles, and his touching respect for the aged Priam,
might almost seem as a prophetic apology to a gentler
age for the barbarity with which the poet might think
it necessary to satisfy the implacable spirit of vengeance
which prevailed among his own warlike compeers.
Hector dragged at the car of his insulting conqueror
was for the fierce and martial vulgar, for the carousing
chieftain, scarcely less savage than the Northman, de-
lighted only by his dark Sagas; Hector's body, pre-
served by the care of the gods, restored with honour
ti Priam, lamented by the desolate women, for the
heart of the poet himself, and lor the few congenial
spirits which could enter into his own more chastened
tone of feeling. --Still, in all this there is nothing of
the elaborate art of a later age; it is not a skilful com-
piler, arranging his materials so as to produce the most
striking effect: the design and the filling up appear to
us to be evidently of the same hand; there is the most
perfect harmony in the plan, the expression, the versi-
fication; and we cannot, by any effort, bring ourselves
to suppose that the separate passages, which form the
main interest of the poem, the splendid bursts, or more
pathetic episodes, were originally composed without
any view to their general effect; in short, that a whole
race of Homers struck out, as it were by accident, all
these glorious living fragments, wbich lay in a kind of
unformed chaos, till a later and almost mightier Homer
commanded them to take form, and combine themselves
into a connected and harmonious whole. --There is an-
other very curious fact, on which we do i. at think,
though it was perceived by both Wolf and Heyne, that
sufficient stress has been laid--the perfect consistency
of the characters in the separate parts of the poem. It
is quite conceivable that there should havo been a sort
of conventional character assigned to different heroes
by the minstrels of elder Greece. To take Mr. Cole-
ridge's illustration of the ballads on Robin Hood; in
all of these bold Robin is still the same frank, careless,
daring, generous, half-comic adventurer: so Achilles
may have been by prescription,
Jmpigcr, iraeundus, inexorabilis, acer;
Ajax heavy and obstinate, Ulysses light and subtle;
but can we thus account for the finer and more deli-
cate touches of character, the sort of natural consist-
encies which perpetually identify the hero, or even the
female of one book, with the same person in another 1
--Take, for instance, that of Helen, perhaps the most
difficult to draw, certainly drawn with the most ad-
mirable success. She is, observes Mr. Coleridge,
'a genuine lady, graceful in motion and speech, no-
ble in her associations, full of remorse for a fault, for
which higher powers seem responsible, yet graceful
>>nd affectionate towards those with whom that fault
aid connected her. ' Helen first appears in the third
book, in which it is difficult to admire too much the
admiration of her beauty extorted from the old men,
who are sitting Ttrriycooiv lot*6rec
04 viueaic, Tpuac xat Hnvrifu6ac 'Axatovc
? ? To:^o* u/Mfii ywaiicl iro7. bv xpovov u/iyea reaaxciv
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? ILIUM.
ILL
I'roja>--II. Novum, a city of the Troad. the site of
whicn is not to be confounded with that of Troy.
Whatever traces might remain of the ruins of the city
of Priam, after it had been sacked and burned by the
Greeks, these soon disappeared, as Strabo assures us,
by their being employed in the construction of Sigae-
um, and other towns founded by the . i'olians, who
came fiom Lesbos, and occupied nearly the whole of
Troas. The 6rst attempt made to restore the town
ot Troy was by some Astypaleeans, who, having first
settled at Rhoeteum, built, near the Simo'is, a town
which they called Polium, but which subsisted only a
short time; the spot, however, still retained the name
of Polisma when Strabo wrote. Some time after,
a more advantageous site was selected in the neigh-
hourhood, and a town, consisting at first of a few hab-
itations and a temple, was built under the protection
of the kings of Lydia, the then sovereigns of the
country. This became a rising place; and, in order
to ensure the prosperity of the colony, and to enhance
its celebrity, the inhabitants boldly affirmed that their
town actually stood on the site of ancient Troy, that
city having never been actually destroyed by the
Greeks. There were not wanting writers who propa-
gatrd this falsehood, in order to flatter the vanity of
the citizens (Strabo, 601); and when Xerxes passed
through Troas on his way to the Hellespont, the pre-
tensions of New Ih'um were so firmly established, that
the Persian monarch, when he visited their acropolis,
and offered there an immense sacrifice to Minerva, ac-
tually thought that ho had seen and honoured the far-
famed city of Priam. (Herod. , 7, 42. ) In the treaty
made with the successor of Xerxes, Ilium was recog-
nised as a Greek city, and its independence was se-
cured; but the peace of Antalcidas restored it again to
Persia. On the arrival of Alexander in Asia Minor
(Arrian, Exp. Al. , 1, 11, 12). or, as some say, after
the battle of the Granicus (Strab. , 593), that prince
risited Ilium, and, after offering a sacrifice to Minerva
in the citadel, deposited his arms there, and received
ethers, said to have been preserved in the temple from
the time of the siege of Troy. He farther granted
several rights and privileges to the Ilienses, and prom-
ised to erect a more splendid edifice, and to institute
games in honour of Minerva; but his death prevented
the execution of these designs. (Arrian, I. c. --Strab. ,
1. c. ) Lysimachus, however, to whose share Troas
fell on the division of Alexander's empire, undertook
to execute what had been planned by the deceased
monarch. He enclosed the city within a wall, which
was forty stadia in circumference; he also increased
the population by removing thither the inhabitants of
several neighbouring towns. (Strabo, 593. ) At a
subsequent period Ilium farther experienced the favour
and protection of the kings of Pergamus; and the
Romans, on achieving the conquest of Asia Minor,
sought to extend their popularity, by securing the in-
dependence of a city from which they pretended to de-
rive their origin, and added to its territory the towns
of Rhoeteum and Gergitha. (Lhy, 37, 37. --Id. , 38,
29. ) And yet it would appear, that at that time Ilium
was far from being a flourishing city, since Demetrius
of Scepsis, win visited it about the same period, af-
firmed that it was in a ruinous state, many of the
bouses having fallen into decay for want of tiling (an
Strab. , I. c). During the civil wars between aylla
and Cinna, Ilium was besieged and taken by assault
? ? by Fimbria, a partisan of the latter. This general
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? ILLYRICUM
IMA
tc the r. jmcrous tribes which were ancient. ; ,n pos-
session of the countries situated to the west of Mace-
donia, and which extended along the coast of the Adri-
atic from the confines of Italy and Islria to the borders
of Epirus. Still farther north, and more inland, we
rVnl them occupying the great valleys of the Saavc
and Drave, w. vch were only terminated by the junc-
tion of those streams with the Danube. This large
tract of country, under the Roman emperors, constitu-
led the provinces of Illyricum and Pannonia. --Anti-
quity has thrown but little light on the origin of the
Illynans; nor are we acquainted with the language and
customs of the barbarous hordes of which the great body
of the nation was composed. Their warlike habits,
howevcr. and the peculiar practice of puncturing their
bodies, which is mentioned by Strabo as being also in
use among the Thracians, might lead us to connect
them with that widely-extended people. (Strabo, 315 )
It appears evident, that they were a totally different
race from the Celts, as Strabo carefully distinguishes
them from the Gallic tribes which were incorporated
with them. (Strabo, 313. ) Appian, indeed, seems
to ascribe a common origin to the Illyrians and Celts,
for he slates that Illyrius and Cellus were two broth-
ers, sons of Polyphemus and Galatea, who migrated
from Sicily, and became the progenitors of the two na-
tions which bore their names (Hell. Illyr. , 2); but
this account is evidently too fabulous to be relied on.
It is not unlikely that the Illyrians contributed to the
early population of Italy. The Liburni, who were un-
doubtedly a part of this nation, had formed settlements
on the Italian shore of the Adriatic at a very remote
period.
The Veneti, moreover, were, according to
the most probable account, Illyrians. But, though so
widely dispersed, this great nation is but little noticed
in history until the Romans made war upon it, in con-
sequence of some acts of piracy committed on their tra-
ders. Previous to that time, we hear occasionally of the
Illyrians as connected with the affairs of Macedonia;
for instance, in the expedition undertaken by Perdiccas,
in conjunction with Brasidas, against the I. yncestse,
which failed principally from the support afforded to
the latter by a powerful body of Illyrian troops. (Thu-
cyrf, 4, 125. ) They were frequently engaged in hos-
tilities with the princes of Macedonia, to whom their
warlike spirit rendered them formidable neighbours.
This was the case more especially while under the
government of Bardylis, who is known to have been a
powerful and renowned chief, though we are not pos-
itively acquainted with the extent of his dominions,
nor over what tribes he presided. Philip at length
gained a decisive victory over this king, who lost his
life in the action, and thus a check was given to the
rising power of the Illyrians. Alexander was likewise
successful in a war he waged against Clytus, the son
of Bardylis, and Glaucias, king of the Taulantii. The
Illyrians, however, still asserted their independence
against the kings of Macedon, and were not subdued
till they were involved in the common fate of nations
by the victorious arms of the Romans. The conquest
of Illyria led the way to the first interference of Rome
in the affairs of Greece; and Polybius, from that cir-
cumstance, has entered at some length into the ac-
count of the events which then took place. He in-
forms us, that about this period, 520 A. U. C. , the Il-
lyrians on the coast had become formidable from their
maritime power and the extent of their depredations.
? ? They were governed by Agron, son of Pleurastus,
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? IN A
INACHUS.
tne Himalaya Mountains on the north of India has
been appreciated. In 1802, Col. Crawford made some
measurements, which gave a much greater altitude to
these mountains than had ever before been suspected;
and Col. Colebrook, from the plains of Rhohilcund,
made a series of observations which gave a height of
22,000 feet. Lieut. Webb, in his journey to the source
of the Ganges, executed measurements on the peak
of Iamunavatari, which gave upward of 25,000 feet.
The same officer, in a subsequent journey, confirmed
his former observations. This conclusion was object-
ed to, on account of a difference of opinion respecting
the allowance . which ought to be made, for the deviation
of the light from a straight direction, on which all con-
clusions drawn from the meaaurement of angles must
depend. In a subsequent journey, however, this same
officer confirmed his conclusions by additional measure-
ments, and by observing the fall of the mercury in the
barometer at those heights which he himself visited. It
was found by these last observations that the line of
oerpetual snow does not begin till at least 17,000 feet
above the level of the sea, and that the banks of the
Sctledge, at an elevation of nearly 15,000 feet, afford-
ed pasturage for cattle, and yielded excellent crops of
mountain-wheat This mild temperature, however, at
so great a height, is confined to the northern side of
the chain. This probably depends on the greater
height of the whole territory on the northern side, in
consequence of which, the heat which the earth re-
ceives from the solar rays, and which warms the air
immediately superincumbent, is not so much expand-
ed by the time the ascendi'. ig air reaches these greater
elevations, as in that which has ascended from a much
lower country. Mr. Frazer, in a later journey, inferred
that the loftiest peaks of the Himalaya range varied
from 18,000 to 23,000 feet; hut he had no instruments
for measuring altitudes, and no barometer, and he
probably did not make the due allowance for the ex-
traordinary height of the snow-line. The point, how-
ertr, is now at last settled. The Himalaya Mount-
ains far exceed the Andes in elevation; Chimborazo,
the highest of the latter, being only 21,470 feet above
the level of the sea, while Ghosa Cole, in the Dhaw-
alaghiri rangs attains to an elevation of 28,000 feet,
and is the highest known land on the surface of the
ImbracT'-iLs, a patronymic given to Asius, as son
of Imbratv*. (Virg. ,jEn. , 10, 123. )
Imbraiiris, a patronymic given to Glii'. c. is and
I,ades, as sons of Imbrasus. (Virg. , . En. , 12, 343. )
Imbros, an island of the ^Egean, 22 miles east of
Lemnos, according to Pliny (4, 12), and now called
Imbro. Like. Lcmnos, it was at an early period the
seat of the Pelasgi, who worshipped the Cabiri and
Mercury by the name of Imbramus. (Slcph. Byz. ,
s. v. 'l/iipoc. ) Imbros is generally mentioned by Ho-
mer in conjunction with Lcmnos. (Hymn, in Apoll. ,
36. --lb. , 13,32. ) It was first conquered by the Per-
sians (Herod. , 5, 27), and afterward by the Athenians,
who derived from thence excellent darters and targct-
eers. (Thucyd. , 4,28. ) There was a town probably
of the same name with the island, the ruins of which
are to bo seen at a place called Castro. (Cramer's
Anc. Greece, vol. I, p. 342. )
Inachid/K, the name of the first eight successors of
Inachus on the throne of Argos.
Inaohidks, a patronymic of Epaphus, as grandson
<<f Inachus. (Ovid, Met. , 1, 704. )
? ? IkIchis, a patronymic of lo, as daughter of Inachus.
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? INl)
INDIA.
mtdt hy Ephorus (ay. Slrab. , 3S6), and it has led some'
modern geographers and critics, in order to reconcile
these two contradictory accounts, to suppose that there
was a stream which, branching off from the Achelous,
fell into the Ambracian Gulf near Argos. This is
more particularly the hypothesis of D'Anville; but
modern travellers assure us that there is no such river
near the ruins of Argos (Holland's Travels, vol. 2, p.
225); and, in fact, it is impossible that any stream
should there separate from the Achelous, on account
of the Amphilochian Mountains, which divide the val-
ley of that river from the Gulf of Arta. Manncrt con-
siders the small river Kriktli to be the representative
of the Inachus (G<<ogr. , vol. 8, p. 65), but this is a mere
orient, which descends from the mountains above the
gulf, and can have no connexion with Mount Lacmus
or the Achelous. All ancient anthorities agree in de-
riving the Inachus from the chain of Pindus. (Cra-
mer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 40, seqq. )
InarImf, an island off the coast of Campania, oth-
erwise called /Enaria and Pithecusa. Under an ex-
tinguished volcano, in the middle of this island, Jupiter
was fabled to have confined the giant Typhosus. (Con-
sult remarks under the articles . Enaria and Arima. )
Heyne thinks that some one of the early Latin poets,
j\ translating the Iliad into tin Roman tongue, mis-
understood Homer's civ 'Apifioic, and rendered it by
Inarime or Inarima; and that the fable of Typhosus,
travelling westward, was assigned to . 'Enaria or Pith-
ecusa as a volcanic situation. (Heyne, Exeurs. ad
Virg. , Mn. , 9, 715. )
Inarus, a son of Psammeticus (Thucyd. , 1, 104),
king of that part of Libya which borders upon Egypt.
Sallying forth from Marea, he drew over the greater
part of Egypt to revolt from Artaxerxes, the Persian
emperor, and, becoming himself their ruler, called in
the Athenians to his assistance, who happened to be
engaged in an expedition against Cyprus, with two
hundred ships of their own and their allies. The en-
terprise at first was eminently successful, and the
whole of Egypt fell under the power of the invaders
and their ally. Eventually, however, the Persian
arms triumphed, and Inarus, being taken by treachery,
was crucified. (Thucyd. , 1, 109; 1, 110. ) Herod-
otus and Ctesias say he was crucified, ? m rpial orav-
ooie, which might more properly be termed impale-
ment. Bloomfield (ad Thucyd. , I. c. ) thinks that he
was of the ancient royal family of Egypt, and descend-
ed from the Psammeticus who died B. C. 617. It >>?
not improbable, he adds, that, on Apries being put lo
death by his chief minister Amasis, his son, or some
near relation, established himself among the Libyans
bordering on Egypt, from whom descended this Psam-
meticus.
India, an extensive country of Asia, divided by
Ptolemy and the ancient geographers into India intra
Gangem and India extra Gangem, or India on this
side, and India beyond, the Ganges. The first divis-
ion answers to the modem Hindustan; the latter to
the Birman Empire, and the dominions of Pegu, Siam,
Laos, Cambodia, Cochin China, Tonquin, and Ma-
lacca. --Commerce between India and the western na-
tions of Asia appears to have been carried on from
the earliest historical times. The spicery, which the
company of Ishmaelites mentioned in Genesis (37,25)
were carrying into Egypt, must in all probability have
oeen the produce of India; and in the 30th chapter
? ? of Exodus, where an enumeration is made of various
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? INDIA.
INDIA.
iis rentes respecting the invasion of India by Sesostris ' called Sar. lracoptus by Athenajus (Epit. , I, 33), k
>>nd Semiramis, cannot be estimated as historical facts.
fl\e same remark may perhaps apply to the alliance
which, according to Xenophon, in his Cyroptcdia (6, 2,
1), Cyrus made with a king of Iadia. But, in the
reign of Darius Hystaspis, Herodotus informs us (4,
44), that Scylax of Caryanda wi sent by the Persians
to explore the course of the Indus; that he set out for
the city Caspatyrus, and the Pactyican country [Pa-
ktU? ) in the northern pact of India; that be sailed
down the Indus until be arrived at its mouth, and
thence across the Indian Sea ta the Arabian Gulf, and
that this voyage occupied 30 months. Darius also, it
is said, subdued the Indians and formed them into a
satrapy, the tribute of which amounted to 360 talents
of gold. [Herod. , 3, 94. ) The extent of the Persian
empire in India cannot be ascertained with any degree
of certainty. The Persians appear to have included
under the name of Indians many tribes dwelling to
the west of the Indus; it seems doubtful whether they
ever had any dominion east of the Indus; and it is
nearly certain that their authority did nnt extend be-
yond the Penjab. --The knowledge which the Greeks
possessed respecting India, previous to the time of Al-
exander, was derived from the Persians. We do not
find the name of Indian or Hindu in ancient Sanscrit
works; but the country east of the Indus has been
known under this name by the western nations of
Asia from the earliest times. In the Zend and Pehlvi
languages it is called Hcando, and in the Hebrew
Hoddu (Esther, 1, 1), which is evidently the same as
the Hend of the Persian and Arabic geographers.
The first mention of the Indiana in a Greek author is
in the "Supplices" of . lEschylus (v. 287); but no
Greek writer gives us any information concerning them
till the time of Herodotus. We may collect from the
account of this historian * description of three distinct
tribes of Indians: one dwelling in the north, near the
city Caspotyrus, and the Pactyican country, resem-
bling the bactrians in their customs and mode of life.
The second tribe or tribes evidently did not live uu-
Jer Brahminical laws; some of them dwelt in the
marshes formed by the Indus, and subsisted by fish-
ing; others, called Padsei, with whom we may proba-
bly class the Calantisa or Calatia? , were wild and bar-
barous tribes, such as exist at prisent in the mountains
of the Deeean. The third class, who are described as
subsisting on the spontaneous produce of the earth,
and never killing any living thing, are more likely to
have been genuine Hindus. (Herod. , 3, 98, scqq. )
Herodotus had heard of some of the natural produc-
tions of Hindustan, such as the cotton-plant and the
bamboo; but his knowledge was very limited. --Cte-
sias, who lived at the court of Artaxerxes Mnemon for
many years, has given us a fuller account than Herod-
otus of the manners and customs of the Indians, and
of the natural productions of the country. He had
heard of 'the war-elephants, and describes the parrot,
the monkey, cochineal, <fcc. --The expedition of Alex-
ander into India, B. C. 326. first gave the Greeks a
correct idea of the western parts of this country. Al-
exander did not advance farther east than the Hypha-
sis; but he followed the course of the Indus to the
ocean, and afterward sent Noarchus to explore the
coast of the Indian Ocean as far as the Persian Gulf.
The Penjab was inhabited, at the time of Alexander's
invasion, by many independent nations, tvho were as
? ? distinguished for their courage as their lescendanls
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? INDIA.
INDIA.
imports. According to this account, the two princi-
pal ports in India were Barygaza on the northwestern,
ind Barace or Nelcynda on the southwestern coast.
To Barygaza (the modern Baroach, on the river Ncr-
ludda) goods were brought from Ozene (Oujein),
Plithana (Pultaneh), and Tsgara (Deoghur). But Ba-
race or Nelcyada seems, from the account of Pliny
and A man, '. } iavo oeen the principal emporium of
the Indian trade. The Roman ships appear to have
seldom sailed beyond this point; and the produce of
countries farther east was brought to Barace by the
native merchants. The knowledge which the Romans
possessed of India beyond Cape Comorin was exceed-
ingly vague and defective. Strabo describes the Gau-
ges as flowing into the sea by one mouth; and though
Pliny gives a long list of Indian nations, which had not
been previously mentioned by any Greek or Roman
writers, we have no satisfactory account of any part
of India, except the description of the western coast
by Arrian. Ptolemy, who lived about 100 years later
than Pliny, appears to have derived his information
from the Alexandrean merchants, who only sailed to
the Malabar coast, and could not, therefore, have any
accurate knowledge of the eastern parts of India, and
still less of the countries beyond the Ganges; still,
however, he is the earliest writer who attempts to de-
scribe the countries to the east of this stream. There
is great difficulty in determining the position of any
of the places enumerated by him, in consequence of
the great error he made in the form of the peninsula,
which he has made to stretch in its length from west
to east instead of from north to south; a mistake
the more extraordinary, since all preceding writers
on India with whom we are acquainted had given
the general shape of the peninsula with tolerable accu-
racy. --The Romans never extended their conquests
is far as India, nor visited the country except for
(be purposes of commerce. But the increase of the
trade between Alexandres and India seems to have
produced in tho Indian princes a desire to obtain
? ome farther information concerning the western na-
tions. We read of embassies to Augustus Caesar, sent
6y Pandion and Forus, and also of an embassy from
the isle of Ceylon to the Emperor Claudius. Bohlen,
in his work on the Indians (vol. 1, p. 70), doubts
whether these embassies were sent; but as they arc
both mentioned by contemporary writers, the former
by Strabo and the latter by Pliny, we can hardly
question the truth of their statements. Wc may form
some idea of the magnitude of the Indian trade under
the emperors by the account of Pliny (6, 23), who in-
forms us, that the Roman world was drained every
year of at least 50 millions of sesterces (upward of
1,900,000 dollars) for the purchase of Indian commodi-
ties.
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? f LE
ILI
lhg to some accor. r. ts, A. D. 110, his remains were carried
to Antioch for interment. --If, as some suppose, Ignati-
us was not one of the little children whom Jesus took up
in his arms and blessed, it is certain that he conversed
familiarly with the apostles, and was perfectly acquaint-
ed with their doctrine. Of his works there remain
? even epistles, edited in 1645 by Archbishop Usher,
^published by Cotelerius in 1672, in his collection of
ho writings of the apostolical fathers; and again f rint-
td in 1607 at Amsterdam, with notes, and the com-
inc-ntaries of Usher and Pearson. An English transla-
tion of them, from the pen of Archl ishop Wake, is to
t e found among the works of that prelate. There are
some other letters of minor importance, which, though
the question of their authenticity has met with sup-
porters, are generally considered to have been attribu-
ted to him on insufficient authority. --II. A patriarch
of Constantinople, about the middle of the ninth cen-
tury. He was son to the Emperor Michael Curopala-
ta, and on tho deposition of his father assumed the
ecclesiastical habit. The uncompromising firmness
which he displayed after his elevation to the patriar-
chal chair in 847, in subjecting Bardas, a court-favour-
ite, to the censures of the church, on account of an in-
cestuous connexion, caused him to undergo a tempo-
rary deprivation of office. Under Basil, however, he
was restored to his former dignity, and presided in his
capacity of patriarch at the eighth general council.
His death took place about the year 878. (Gorton't
Biogr. Diet. , vol. 2, p. 162. )
Iouvium, a city of Umbria, on the Via Flamicia, to
? he south of Tifernum, and at the foot of the main
chain of tho Apennines. It is now Eugubbio, or, as
it is more commonly called, Gubbio. Iguvium was a
municipal town; and, as it would seem from the im-
portance attached to its possession by Ca>>sar when he
invaded Italy, a place of some consequence. (Cos ,
Bel! . Civ. , I, 2. --Compare Cic. ad Alt. , 7, 13-- Plin. ,
3, 14. ) This city has acquired great celebrity in mod-
em times, from the discovery of some interesting
monuments in its vicinity, in the year 1440. These
consist of several bronze tablets covered with inscrip-
tions, some of which are in Umbrian, others in Latin
characters. They have been made the subject of
many a learned dissertation by modern literati. The
most recent work on the subject is by Grolefend, en-
titled Rudimenta Lingua Umbricce, 4to, Hannov. ,
1835-39.
Ilba or Ilva, an island of the Tyrrhene Sea, off the
coast of Etruria, and about ten miles from the prom-
ontory of Populonium. It was early celebrated for its
rich iron mines; but by whom they were first discov-
ered and worked is uncertain, as they are said to ex-
hibit the marks of Iabours%arried on for an incalculable
time. (Pini, Ostcrv. Mineral, sulla mimera difcrro
di Rio, &c, 1777, Svo. --Leitre sur Vhistoire naturelle
de Vsle d'Elbe, par Kocsllin, Vienne, 1780, 8vo. ) It
even seems to have been a popular belief among the
ancients, that the metallic substance was constantly
renewed. (Aristot. , de Mir. , p. 1158. --Strab. , 223.
? -Plin. , 34, 14 ) It is probable that the Phoenicians
were the first to make known the mineral riches of
this island, and that it was from them the Tyrrhcni
learned to estimate its value, which may have held
nt to ihcm no small inducement for settling on a coast
ttherwise deficient in natural advantages. It is to
? he latter people that we ought to trace the name of
? ? ^Ethalia, given to this island by the Greeks, and which
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? 1LIAS.
MAS.
am nil the age of the grammarians iliac its primitive in-
tegrity was called in question; nor ia it injustice to
assert, that the minute and analytical spirit of a gram-
marian is not the best qualification, for the profound
feeling, the comprehensive conception of an harmoni-
ous whole. The most exquisite anatomist may be no
? udge of the symmetry of the human frame, and we
would take the opinion of Chantrey or Weatmacott
sn the proportions and general boauty of a form rather
than that of Mr. Brodie or Sir Astlcy Cooper. --There
is some truth, though some malicious exaggeration, in
the lines of Pope:
1 The critic eye, that microscope of wit,
Sees hairs and pores, examines bit by bit:
How parts relate to parts, or they to whole;
The body's harmony, the beaming soul;
Are things which Kuster, Burman, Wassc, shall see,
When man's whole frame is obvious to a flea. '
--We would not comprehend, under this sweeping
denunciation, men of genius as well as critical saga-
city, such as Hcyne and Wolf, still less those of the
highest poetic feeling, who, both in this and other
countries, are converts to their system. Yet there is
a sort of contagion in literary as well as religious scep-
ticism; we like, in scholarship, to be on the stronger
side, and the very names of Bentlcy, Wolf, and Hcyne
would sweep a host of followers into their train. In
the authors of a paradox, criticism, like jealousy, fur-
nishes the food which it grows on; and it is astonish-
ing, when once possessed with a favourite opinion,
how it draws 'from trifles confirmation strong,' and
overlooks thci most glaring objections; while, if the
new doctrine once forces its viay into general notice,
ardent proselytes crowd in from all quarters, until that
which was at first a timid and doubtful heresy, be-
comes a standard article of the scholar's creed, from
which it requires courage to dissent. Such to us ap-
pears to have been the fate of the hypotheses before us.
--For, in the first place, it aeens that many of the ob-
jections to the original unit; n the poem apply with
equal force to the Pisistralid' compilation. It is, for
instance, quite as likely, that i i the heat of composi-
tion the bard should have forgotten something; that,
for example, owing to his obliviousness, the Pyltem-
enes, whom he had slain outright in the fifth book,
should revive, gallantly fightin* in the thirteenth;
and thus, in a different way fr "the warrior of the
Italian poet: '"' '? '
'Andare combattendo, ed iter mono. '
The slow and cautious compiler is even less likely to
have made such an oversight tha>> ""o rapid and inven-
tive poet; and. by-the-way, SP ib Pahza's wife's
name is changed, through Cervantes' forgetfulness of
such trifles, in the second part of Don Quixote; but
no such lapsus can be alleged against the spurious
continuator of the romance, Av<<! lenada. Nor, sec-
ondly, will any critical reader of 'omer pretend that
we possess the Homeric poems c" ire and uninterpo-
lated. Thai they were, at one period of their history,
recited in broken fragments; that the wandering rhap-
aodists would not scruple to insert occasionally verses
of their own; that certain long and irrelevant passages
of coarser texture may have thus been interwoven into
the rich tissue of the work--all these points will read-
ily be conceded: but while these admissions explain
almost every discrepance of composition and anomaly
of language and versification, they leave the main ques-
? ? tion, the unity of the original design, entirely un-
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? ILIAS.
{LIAR
? tviaeri of the Iliad, have zealously sought out every
apparent discrepance and contradiction in the several
parts of the poem, some diligent student, on the other
side, would examine into all the fine and delicate al-
lusions between the most remote parts--the prepara-
tions in one book for events which are developed in
>>nolher--the slight prophetic anticipations of what is
to come, and the equally evanescent references to the
past--those inartificial and undesigned touches which
indisputably indicate that the same mind has been
perpetually at work in a subtler manner than is con-
ceivable in a more recent compiler. This has been
done in a few instances by M. Lange, in his fervent
vindication of the unity of the Iliad, addressed to the
celebrated Goethe; in more by Mr. Knight, who hag
applied himself to obviating the objections of Heyne,
but still not so fully or so perfectly as, we arc per-
suaded, might be done. It is obviously impossible
fat us, in our limited space, to attempt an investiga-
tion at once so minute and so extensive, nor can we
find room for more than a brief and rapid outline of
that unity of interest which appears to us to combine
the several books of the Iliad, if not into one precon-
ceived and predistributcd whole, yet into one con-
tinuous story; in which, however the main object be
at times suspended, and apparently almost lost sight
of, it rises again before us, and asserts its predominant
importance, while all the other parts of the design,
however prominent and in bold relief, recede and ac-
knowledge their due subordination to that which is
the central, the great leading figure of the majestic
group. The general design of the Iliad, then, was to
celebrate the glory of the Grecian chieftains at the
most eventful period of the war before Troy; the es-
pecial object, the pre-eminent glory of the great Thes-
? alian chieftain, during this at the same time the most
important crisis of his life. The first book shows us
at once who is to be what is vulgarly called the hero of
the poem: Achilles stands forth as the assertor of the
power of the gods--the avenger of the injured priest-
hood--taking the lead with the acknowledged superior-
ity due to his valour, bearding the sovereign of men,
the great monarch, who commands the expedition.
Wronged by Agamemnon, so as to enlist the generous
sympathies on his side, yet withojt any disparagement
to the dignity of his character, he recedes into inaction,
but it is an inaction which more forcibly enthrals our
interest. In another respect, nothing shows the good
fortune, or, rather, the excellent judgment of the poet,
so much as this dignified secession through so large a
part of this poem. Had Achilles been brought more
frequently forward, ho must have been successfully re-
sisted, and thus his pre-eminent valour have been dis-
paraged; or the poet must have constantly raised up
antagonists more and more valiant and formidable, in
the same manner as the romancers are obliged, in or-
der to keep up the fame of their Amadis or Esplandian,
to go on creating more tall, and monstrous, and many-
headed giants, till they have exhausted all imaginable
dimensions, and all calculable multiplication of heads
and arms. The endless diversity of his adventures
permits Ulysses, in the Odyssey, to be constantly on
the scene. His character rises with the dangers to
which he is exposed, for he contends with the elements
and the gods. Achilles could scarcely be in danger,
for his antagonists must almost always be men. It is
surprising how much the sameness of war is varicd4n
? ? the Iliad, but this chiefly arises from its fluctuations,
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? ILIA<<.
IL1
t>>mp; the poet, assured of bis hearer's profound sym-
pathy, to prolong the atrain. The last book, unneces-
sary as it seems to the development of the wrath of
Achilles, yet has always appeared to us still more re-
markably conducive to the real though remote design
of tb<? Iliad. We have before observed, that the pre-
mature and preadvanced mind of the poet seems to
Live delighted in relieving the savage conflict with
traits of milder manners; and the generous conduct of
Achilles, and his touching respect for the aged Priam,
might almost seem as a prophetic apology to a gentler
age for the barbarity with which the poet might think
it necessary to satisfy the implacable spirit of vengeance
which prevailed among his own warlike compeers.
Hector dragged at the car of his insulting conqueror
was for the fierce and martial vulgar, for the carousing
chieftain, scarcely less savage than the Northman, de-
lighted only by his dark Sagas; Hector's body, pre-
served by the care of the gods, restored with honour
ti Priam, lamented by the desolate women, for the
heart of the poet himself, and lor the few congenial
spirits which could enter into his own more chastened
tone of feeling. --Still, in all this there is nothing of
the elaborate art of a later age; it is not a skilful com-
piler, arranging his materials so as to produce the most
striking effect: the design and the filling up appear to
us to be evidently of the same hand; there is the most
perfect harmony in the plan, the expression, the versi-
fication; and we cannot, by any effort, bring ourselves
to suppose that the separate passages, which form the
main interest of the poem, the splendid bursts, or more
pathetic episodes, were originally composed without
any view to their general effect; in short, that a whole
race of Homers struck out, as it were by accident, all
these glorious living fragments, wbich lay in a kind of
unformed chaos, till a later and almost mightier Homer
commanded them to take form, and combine themselves
into a connected and harmonious whole. --There is an-
other very curious fact, on which we do i. at think,
though it was perceived by both Wolf and Heyne, that
sufficient stress has been laid--the perfect consistency
of the characters in the separate parts of the poem. It
is quite conceivable that there should havo been a sort
of conventional character assigned to different heroes
by the minstrels of elder Greece. To take Mr. Cole-
ridge's illustration of the ballads on Robin Hood; in
all of these bold Robin is still the same frank, careless,
daring, generous, half-comic adventurer: so Achilles
may have been by prescription,
Jmpigcr, iraeundus, inexorabilis, acer;
Ajax heavy and obstinate, Ulysses light and subtle;
but can we thus account for the finer and more deli-
cate touches of character, the sort of natural consist-
encies which perpetually identify the hero, or even the
female of one book, with the same person in another 1
--Take, for instance, that of Helen, perhaps the most
difficult to draw, certainly drawn with the most ad-
mirable success. She is, observes Mr. Coleridge,
'a genuine lady, graceful in motion and speech, no-
ble in her associations, full of remorse for a fault, for
which higher powers seem responsible, yet graceful
>>nd affectionate towards those with whom that fault
aid connected her. ' Helen first appears in the third
book, in which it is difficult to admire too much the
admiration of her beauty extorted from the old men,
who are sitting Ttrriycooiv lot*6rec
04 viueaic, Tpuac xat Hnvrifu6ac 'Axatovc
? ? To:^o* u/Mfii ywaiicl iro7. bv xpovov u/iyea reaaxciv
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? ILIUM.
ILL
I'roja>--II. Novum, a city of the Troad. the site of
whicn is not to be confounded with that of Troy.
Whatever traces might remain of the ruins of the city
of Priam, after it had been sacked and burned by the
Greeks, these soon disappeared, as Strabo assures us,
by their being employed in the construction of Sigae-
um, and other towns founded by the . i'olians, who
came fiom Lesbos, and occupied nearly the whole of
Troas. The 6rst attempt made to restore the town
ot Troy was by some Astypaleeans, who, having first
settled at Rhoeteum, built, near the Simo'is, a town
which they called Polium, but which subsisted only a
short time; the spot, however, still retained the name
of Polisma when Strabo wrote. Some time after,
a more advantageous site was selected in the neigh-
hourhood, and a town, consisting at first of a few hab-
itations and a temple, was built under the protection
of the kings of Lydia, the then sovereigns of the
country. This became a rising place; and, in order
to ensure the prosperity of the colony, and to enhance
its celebrity, the inhabitants boldly affirmed that their
town actually stood on the site of ancient Troy, that
city having never been actually destroyed by the
Greeks. There were not wanting writers who propa-
gatrd this falsehood, in order to flatter the vanity of
the citizens (Strabo, 601); and when Xerxes passed
through Troas on his way to the Hellespont, the pre-
tensions of New Ih'um were so firmly established, that
the Persian monarch, when he visited their acropolis,
and offered there an immense sacrifice to Minerva, ac-
tually thought that ho had seen and honoured the far-
famed city of Priam. (Herod. , 7, 42. ) In the treaty
made with the successor of Xerxes, Ilium was recog-
nised as a Greek city, and its independence was se-
cured; but the peace of Antalcidas restored it again to
Persia. On the arrival of Alexander in Asia Minor
(Arrian, Exp. Al. , 1, 11, 12). or, as some say, after
the battle of the Granicus (Strab. , 593), that prince
risited Ilium, and, after offering a sacrifice to Minerva
in the citadel, deposited his arms there, and received
ethers, said to have been preserved in the temple from
the time of the siege of Troy. He farther granted
several rights and privileges to the Ilienses, and prom-
ised to erect a more splendid edifice, and to institute
games in honour of Minerva; but his death prevented
the execution of these designs. (Arrian, I. c. --Strab. ,
1. c. ) Lysimachus, however, to whose share Troas
fell on the division of Alexander's empire, undertook
to execute what had been planned by the deceased
monarch. He enclosed the city within a wall, which
was forty stadia in circumference; he also increased
the population by removing thither the inhabitants of
several neighbouring towns. (Strabo, 593. ) At a
subsequent period Ilium farther experienced the favour
and protection of the kings of Pergamus; and the
Romans, on achieving the conquest of Asia Minor,
sought to extend their popularity, by securing the in-
dependence of a city from which they pretended to de-
rive their origin, and added to its territory the towns
of Rhoeteum and Gergitha. (Lhy, 37, 37. --Id. , 38,
29. ) And yet it would appear, that at that time Ilium
was far from being a flourishing city, since Demetrius
of Scepsis, win visited it about the same period, af-
firmed that it was in a ruinous state, many of the
bouses having fallen into decay for want of tiling (an
Strab. , I. c). During the civil wars between aylla
and Cinna, Ilium was besieged and taken by assault
? ? by Fimbria, a partisan of the latter. This general
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? ILLYRICUM
IMA
tc the r. jmcrous tribes which were ancient. ; ,n pos-
session of the countries situated to the west of Mace-
donia, and which extended along the coast of the Adri-
atic from the confines of Italy and Islria to the borders
of Epirus. Still farther north, and more inland, we
rVnl them occupying the great valleys of the Saavc
and Drave, w. vch were only terminated by the junc-
tion of those streams with the Danube. This large
tract of country, under the Roman emperors, constitu-
led the provinces of Illyricum and Pannonia. --Anti-
quity has thrown but little light on the origin of the
Illynans; nor are we acquainted with the language and
customs of the barbarous hordes of which the great body
of the nation was composed. Their warlike habits,
howevcr. and the peculiar practice of puncturing their
bodies, which is mentioned by Strabo as being also in
use among the Thracians, might lead us to connect
them with that widely-extended people. (Strabo, 315 )
It appears evident, that they were a totally different
race from the Celts, as Strabo carefully distinguishes
them from the Gallic tribes which were incorporated
with them. (Strabo, 313. ) Appian, indeed, seems
to ascribe a common origin to the Illyrians and Celts,
for he slates that Illyrius and Cellus were two broth-
ers, sons of Polyphemus and Galatea, who migrated
from Sicily, and became the progenitors of the two na-
tions which bore their names (Hell. Illyr. , 2); but
this account is evidently too fabulous to be relied on.
It is not unlikely that the Illyrians contributed to the
early population of Italy. The Liburni, who were un-
doubtedly a part of this nation, had formed settlements
on the Italian shore of the Adriatic at a very remote
period.
The Veneti, moreover, were, according to
the most probable account, Illyrians. But, though so
widely dispersed, this great nation is but little noticed
in history until the Romans made war upon it, in con-
sequence of some acts of piracy committed on their tra-
ders. Previous to that time, we hear occasionally of the
Illyrians as connected with the affairs of Macedonia;
for instance, in the expedition undertaken by Perdiccas,
in conjunction with Brasidas, against the I. yncestse,
which failed principally from the support afforded to
the latter by a powerful body of Illyrian troops. (Thu-
cyrf, 4, 125. ) They were frequently engaged in hos-
tilities with the princes of Macedonia, to whom their
warlike spirit rendered them formidable neighbours.
This was the case more especially while under the
government of Bardylis, who is known to have been a
powerful and renowned chief, though we are not pos-
itively acquainted with the extent of his dominions,
nor over what tribes he presided. Philip at length
gained a decisive victory over this king, who lost his
life in the action, and thus a check was given to the
rising power of the Illyrians. Alexander was likewise
successful in a war he waged against Clytus, the son
of Bardylis, and Glaucias, king of the Taulantii. The
Illyrians, however, still asserted their independence
against the kings of Macedon, and were not subdued
till they were involved in the common fate of nations
by the victorious arms of the Romans. The conquest
of Illyria led the way to the first interference of Rome
in the affairs of Greece; and Polybius, from that cir-
cumstance, has entered at some length into the ac-
count of the events which then took place. He in-
forms us, that about this period, 520 A. U. C. , the Il-
lyrians on the coast had become formidable from their
maritime power and the extent of their depredations.
? ? They were governed by Agron, son of Pleurastus,
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? IN A
INACHUS.
tne Himalaya Mountains on the north of India has
been appreciated. In 1802, Col. Crawford made some
measurements, which gave a much greater altitude to
these mountains than had ever before been suspected;
and Col. Colebrook, from the plains of Rhohilcund,
made a series of observations which gave a height of
22,000 feet. Lieut. Webb, in his journey to the source
of the Ganges, executed measurements on the peak
of Iamunavatari, which gave upward of 25,000 feet.
The same officer, in a subsequent journey, confirmed
his former observations. This conclusion was object-
ed to, on account of a difference of opinion respecting
the allowance . which ought to be made, for the deviation
of the light from a straight direction, on which all con-
clusions drawn from the meaaurement of angles must
depend. In a subsequent journey, however, this same
officer confirmed his conclusions by additional measure-
ments, and by observing the fall of the mercury in the
barometer at those heights which he himself visited. It
was found by these last observations that the line of
oerpetual snow does not begin till at least 17,000 feet
above the level of the sea, and that the banks of the
Sctledge, at an elevation of nearly 15,000 feet, afford-
ed pasturage for cattle, and yielded excellent crops of
mountain-wheat This mild temperature, however, at
so great a height, is confined to the northern side of
the chain. This probably depends on the greater
height of the whole territory on the northern side, in
consequence of which, the heat which the earth re-
ceives from the solar rays, and which warms the air
immediately superincumbent, is not so much expand-
ed by the time the ascendi'. ig air reaches these greater
elevations, as in that which has ascended from a much
lower country. Mr. Frazer, in a later journey, inferred
that the loftiest peaks of the Himalaya range varied
from 18,000 to 23,000 feet; hut he had no instruments
for measuring altitudes, and no barometer, and he
probably did not make the due allowance for the ex-
traordinary height of the snow-line. The point, how-
ertr, is now at last settled. The Himalaya Mount-
ains far exceed the Andes in elevation; Chimborazo,
the highest of the latter, being only 21,470 feet above
the level of the sea, while Ghosa Cole, in the Dhaw-
alaghiri rangs attains to an elevation of 28,000 feet,
and is the highest known land on the surface of the
ImbracT'-iLs, a patronymic given to Asius, as son
of Imbratv*. (Virg. ,jEn. , 10, 123. )
Imbraiiris, a patronymic given to Glii'. c. is and
I,ades, as sons of Imbrasus. (Virg. , . En. , 12, 343. )
Imbros, an island of the ^Egean, 22 miles east of
Lemnos, according to Pliny (4, 12), and now called
Imbro. Like. Lcmnos, it was at an early period the
seat of the Pelasgi, who worshipped the Cabiri and
Mercury by the name of Imbramus. (Slcph. Byz. ,
s. v. 'l/iipoc. ) Imbros is generally mentioned by Ho-
mer in conjunction with Lcmnos. (Hymn, in Apoll. ,
36. --lb. , 13,32. ) It was first conquered by the Per-
sians (Herod. , 5, 27), and afterward by the Athenians,
who derived from thence excellent darters and targct-
eers. (Thucyd. , 4,28. ) There was a town probably
of the same name with the island, the ruins of which
are to bo seen at a place called Castro. (Cramer's
Anc. Greece, vol. I, p. 342. )
Inachid/K, the name of the first eight successors of
Inachus on the throne of Argos.
Inaohidks, a patronymic of Epaphus, as grandson
<<f Inachus. (Ovid, Met. , 1, 704. )
? ? IkIchis, a patronymic of lo, as daughter of Inachus.
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? INl)
INDIA.
mtdt hy Ephorus (ay. Slrab. , 3S6), and it has led some'
modern geographers and critics, in order to reconcile
these two contradictory accounts, to suppose that there
was a stream which, branching off from the Achelous,
fell into the Ambracian Gulf near Argos. This is
more particularly the hypothesis of D'Anville; but
modern travellers assure us that there is no such river
near the ruins of Argos (Holland's Travels, vol. 2, p.
225); and, in fact, it is impossible that any stream
should there separate from the Achelous, on account
of the Amphilochian Mountains, which divide the val-
ley of that river from the Gulf of Arta. Manncrt con-
siders the small river Kriktli to be the representative
of the Inachus (G<<ogr. , vol. 8, p. 65), but this is a mere
orient, which descends from the mountains above the
gulf, and can have no connexion with Mount Lacmus
or the Achelous. All ancient anthorities agree in de-
riving the Inachus from the chain of Pindus. (Cra-
mer's Anc. Greece, vol. 2, p. 40, seqq. )
InarImf, an island off the coast of Campania, oth-
erwise called /Enaria and Pithecusa. Under an ex-
tinguished volcano, in the middle of this island, Jupiter
was fabled to have confined the giant Typhosus. (Con-
sult remarks under the articles . Enaria and Arima. )
Heyne thinks that some one of the early Latin poets,
j\ translating the Iliad into tin Roman tongue, mis-
understood Homer's civ 'Apifioic, and rendered it by
Inarime or Inarima; and that the fable of Typhosus,
travelling westward, was assigned to . 'Enaria or Pith-
ecusa as a volcanic situation. (Heyne, Exeurs. ad
Virg. , Mn. , 9, 715. )
Inarus, a son of Psammeticus (Thucyd. , 1, 104),
king of that part of Libya which borders upon Egypt.
Sallying forth from Marea, he drew over the greater
part of Egypt to revolt from Artaxerxes, the Persian
emperor, and, becoming himself their ruler, called in
the Athenians to his assistance, who happened to be
engaged in an expedition against Cyprus, with two
hundred ships of their own and their allies. The en-
terprise at first was eminently successful, and the
whole of Egypt fell under the power of the invaders
and their ally. Eventually, however, the Persian
arms triumphed, and Inarus, being taken by treachery,
was crucified. (Thucyd. , 1, 109; 1, 110. ) Herod-
otus and Ctesias say he was crucified, ? m rpial orav-
ooie, which might more properly be termed impale-
ment. Bloomfield (ad Thucyd. , I. c. ) thinks that he
was of the ancient royal family of Egypt, and descend-
ed from the Psammeticus who died B. C. 617. It >>?
not improbable, he adds, that, on Apries being put lo
death by his chief minister Amasis, his son, or some
near relation, established himself among the Libyans
bordering on Egypt, from whom descended this Psam-
meticus.
India, an extensive country of Asia, divided by
Ptolemy and the ancient geographers into India intra
Gangem and India extra Gangem, or India on this
side, and India beyond, the Ganges. The first divis-
ion answers to the modem Hindustan; the latter to
the Birman Empire, and the dominions of Pegu, Siam,
Laos, Cambodia, Cochin China, Tonquin, and Ma-
lacca. --Commerce between India and the western na-
tions of Asia appears to have been carried on from
the earliest historical times. The spicery, which the
company of Ishmaelites mentioned in Genesis (37,25)
were carrying into Egypt, must in all probability have
oeen the produce of India; and in the 30th chapter
? ? of Exodus, where an enumeration is made of various
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? INDIA.
INDIA.
iis rentes respecting the invasion of India by Sesostris ' called Sar. lracoptus by Athenajus (Epit. , I, 33), k
>>nd Semiramis, cannot be estimated as historical facts.
fl\e same remark may perhaps apply to the alliance
which, according to Xenophon, in his Cyroptcdia (6, 2,
1), Cyrus made with a king of Iadia. But, in the
reign of Darius Hystaspis, Herodotus informs us (4,
44), that Scylax of Caryanda wi sent by the Persians
to explore the course of the Indus; that he set out for
the city Caspatyrus, and the Pactyican country [Pa-
ktU? ) in the northern pact of India; that be sailed
down the Indus until be arrived at its mouth, and
thence across the Indian Sea ta the Arabian Gulf, and
that this voyage occupied 30 months. Darius also, it
is said, subdued the Indians and formed them into a
satrapy, the tribute of which amounted to 360 talents
of gold. [Herod. , 3, 94. ) The extent of the Persian
empire in India cannot be ascertained with any degree
of certainty. The Persians appear to have included
under the name of Indians many tribes dwelling to
the west of the Indus; it seems doubtful whether they
ever had any dominion east of the Indus; and it is
nearly certain that their authority did nnt extend be-
yond the Penjab. --The knowledge which the Greeks
possessed respecting India, previous to the time of Al-
exander, was derived from the Persians. We do not
find the name of Indian or Hindu in ancient Sanscrit
works; but the country east of the Indus has been
known under this name by the western nations of
Asia from the earliest times. In the Zend and Pehlvi
languages it is called Hcando, and in the Hebrew
Hoddu (Esther, 1, 1), which is evidently the same as
the Hend of the Persian and Arabic geographers.
The first mention of the Indiana in a Greek author is
in the "Supplices" of . lEschylus (v. 287); but no
Greek writer gives us any information concerning them
till the time of Herodotus. We may collect from the
account of this historian * description of three distinct
tribes of Indians: one dwelling in the north, near the
city Caspotyrus, and the Pactyican country, resem-
bling the bactrians in their customs and mode of life.
The second tribe or tribes evidently did not live uu-
Jer Brahminical laws; some of them dwelt in the
marshes formed by the Indus, and subsisted by fish-
ing; others, called Padsei, with whom we may proba-
bly class the Calantisa or Calatia? , were wild and bar-
barous tribes, such as exist at prisent in the mountains
of the Deeean. The third class, who are described as
subsisting on the spontaneous produce of the earth,
and never killing any living thing, are more likely to
have been genuine Hindus. (Herod. , 3, 98, scqq. )
Herodotus had heard of some of the natural produc-
tions of Hindustan, such as the cotton-plant and the
bamboo; but his knowledge was very limited. --Cte-
sias, who lived at the court of Artaxerxes Mnemon for
many years, has given us a fuller account than Herod-
otus of the manners and customs of the Indians, and
of the natural productions of the country. He had
heard of 'the war-elephants, and describes the parrot,
the monkey, cochineal, <fcc. --The expedition of Alex-
ander into India, B. C. 326. first gave the Greeks a
correct idea of the western parts of this country. Al-
exander did not advance farther east than the Hypha-
sis; but he followed the course of the Indus to the
ocean, and afterward sent Noarchus to explore the
coast of the Indian Ocean as far as the Persian Gulf.
The Penjab was inhabited, at the time of Alexander's
invasion, by many independent nations, tvho were as
? ? distinguished for their courage as their lescendanls
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? INDIA.
INDIA.
imports. According to this account, the two princi-
pal ports in India were Barygaza on the northwestern,
ind Barace or Nelcynda on the southwestern coast.
To Barygaza (the modern Baroach, on the river Ncr-
ludda) goods were brought from Ozene (Oujein),
Plithana (Pultaneh), and Tsgara (Deoghur). But Ba-
race or Nelcyada seems, from the account of Pliny
and A man, '. } iavo oeen the principal emporium of
the Indian trade. The Roman ships appear to have
seldom sailed beyond this point; and the produce of
countries farther east was brought to Barace by the
native merchants. The knowledge which the Romans
possessed of India beyond Cape Comorin was exceed-
ingly vague and defective. Strabo describes the Gau-
ges as flowing into the sea by one mouth; and though
Pliny gives a long list of Indian nations, which had not
been previously mentioned by any Greek or Roman
writers, we have no satisfactory account of any part
of India, except the description of the western coast
by Arrian. Ptolemy, who lived about 100 years later
than Pliny, appears to have derived his information
from the Alexandrean merchants, who only sailed to
the Malabar coast, and could not, therefore, have any
accurate knowledge of the eastern parts of India, and
still less of the countries beyond the Ganges; still,
however, he is the earliest writer who attempts to de-
scribe the countries to the east of this stream. There
is great difficulty in determining the position of any
of the places enumerated by him, in consequence of
the great error he made in the form of the peninsula,
which he has made to stretch in its length from west
to east instead of from north to south; a mistake
the more extraordinary, since all preceding writers
on India with whom we are acquainted had given
the general shape of the peninsula with tolerable accu-
racy. --The Romans never extended their conquests
is far as India, nor visited the country except for
(be purposes of commerce. But the increase of the
trade between Alexandres and India seems to have
produced in tho Indian princes a desire to obtain
? ome farther information concerning the western na-
tions. We read of embassies to Augustus Caesar, sent
6y Pandion and Forus, and also of an embassy from
the isle of Ceylon to the Emperor Claudius. Bohlen,
in his work on the Indians (vol. 1, p. 70), doubts
whether these embassies were sent; but as they arc
both mentioned by contemporary writers, the former
by Strabo and the latter by Pliny, we can hardly
question the truth of their statements. Wc may form
some idea of the magnitude of the Indian trade under
the emperors by the account of Pliny (6, 23), who in-
forms us, that the Roman world was drained every
year of at least 50 millions of sesterces (upward of
1,900,000 dollars) for the purchase of Indian commodi-
ties.
